Class IVs L3J 
Book, /Hi — 
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COPYRIGHT DEPOSm 



THE 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX: 



CONTAINING 



ILLUSTRATIONS OP THE HISTOET . • 



REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. 

WITH 

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF THE PRINCIPAL REFORMERS, AND 
SKETCHES OF THE PROGRESS OF LITERATURE IN SCOTLAND. 



~y THOMAS D.D. 



NTTMEROrS ADDITION>i^ND A MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE, 



ANDREW CRICHTON, LL.D. 



LONDON: 

HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 
MDCCCLIT. 



Uthb library* 
Ret coworimI 

IWAtH] 



WASHIHOTO* 



By Ttaaife,,- 



el 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



The acknowledged importance of the following Work, 
and the benefit it has conferred on the public, by set- 
ting in a more correct light than we had hitherto pos- 
sessed, the life and actions of our Great Reformer, may 
be deemed a sufficient apology, if such were necessary, 
for undertaking a new Edition* 

To the learned and industrious Dr. M-Crie, belongs 
the merit of having cleared away from the history of the 
Scottish Reformation, and from the memory of its il- 
lustrious instruments — especially John Knox — the 
errors and misrepresentations which had almost uni- 
versally prevailed for nearly two centuries, and which 
rendered the ordinary accounts of these men and their 
times a distorted caricature rather than a genuine nar- 
rative. It was then proved satisfactorily to the world, 
bow very incorrect the general opinion was of some 
of the most distinguished agents of the Reformation in 



hr 



editor's preface. 



Scotland, and how unfounded were the charges under 
which they had laboured, merely for want of critical 
attention to the real facts of their biography. When 
the scattered fragments of their history were brought 
together, and examined by the light of truth — when the 
film of calumny and prejudice which had so long en- 
veloped their character, was stripped off, the public 
beheld with a feeling of surprise, as if awakened by a 
new discovery, that the Fathers and Founders of our 
Presbyterian Church, were not those fierce bigots and 
rude barbarians, whom the ignorance or malice of party- 
writers had asserted them to be ; but men of profound 
and elegant learning, of enlightened views, and well 
acquainted with the principles of civil government and 
religious liberty. Among those who suffered by this 
injustice to their memory, there was none, perhaps, 
more wronged than John Knox ; and it was not until 
his true merits were exhibited, and his character vin- 
dicated by Dr. M'Crie, that the cloud of obloquy and 
vulgar error which obscured his name, was fairly and 
finally dispelled. 

But, independently of the intrinsic value of the 
Work, as a defence of our great Reformer, and an inte- 
resting narrative of the Reformation in Scotland, it 
derives a kind of incidental importance from the pecu- 
liar circumstances of our own times. The controversies 
which have lately arisen, and which now agitate this 
kingdom with almost unprecedented violence, respect- 



editor's preface. 



V 



ing the union between Church and State, and the power 
of the Civil Magistrate in matters of religion, have na- 
turally directed attention, and attached a more than 
usual importance to the writings and sentiments of the 
founders of our ecclesiastical polity. It is there that 
the elements of the present question — the solution of 
the knotty problem for fixing the limits of the respect- 
ive jurisdictions, must be sought for, because then were 
first developed the germs of mental emancipation from 
the iron yoke of Papal tyranny ; then was clearly drawn, 
if not permanently adjusted, the boundary line between 
the encroachments of secular and spiritual despotism, 
ana the freedom of thought and conscience which dis- 
tinguishes the professors of true Christianity from the 
slaves of Romish superstition. The opinions of the 
early Reformers on this subject, both in England and 
Scotland, are fully and candidly stated by Dr. M ; Crie 
in his Life of Knox. 

In addition to these motives for a republication of 
the Work, there remains another inducement, — the 
propriety of giving it in a cheaper and more accessible 
form, so as to bring it within the reach of the ordinary 
class of readers. This is a matter of paramount con- 
sequence, in an age when cheap literature forms so es- 
sential an element in our intellectual economy. 

In order to render the present Edition as complete as 
possible, a very considerable number of Corrections, Im- 
provements, and Additions have been introduced, both 



vi 



editor's preface. 



in the Text and in the Notks. Some points in the life 
and history of Knox, which his biographer left doubt- 
ful, from not having the means to ascertain them, have 
here been established on evidence brought to light by 
subsequent researches. Hitherto it has been unknown 
by what means our Reformer effected his liberation 
from the French galleys in 1549. Dr. M'Crie has 
stated a variety of conjectures, but confesses himself 
unable to determine how Knox obtained his freedom. 
That mystery is now solved, and it has been discovered 
that he was indebted for his release to the personal in- 
terposition of Edward VI. of England with the King 
of France. 

Another obscure passage in his Life, related to his 
offer of promotion in the English Church. Knox him» 
self states that he had refused a Bishopric ; and Dr. 
M'Crie thinks it probable that Newcastle, which was 
then proposed to be erected by dividing the extensive 
diocese of Durham into two, was the See destined for 
our Reformer : this is now found to be an error, and it 
is ascertained that the Bishopric of Rochester was that 
intended for Knox, could he have been prevailed upon 
to accept it. For these important facts in the Life of 
our Reformer, we are indebted to the recent investiga- 
tions of a distinguished living historian, Mr. Patrick 
Fraser Tytler, in the State Paper Office. 

Among the numerous Additions embodied in the 
text, a few of the more important may be noticed. The 



editor's preface, vii 

first is an extended account of the Parliament of 1560 
at Edinburgh, which abolished Popery, and established 
the Protestant religion ; the next relates more fully 
the debate between Secretary Maitland and Knox, on 
the manner of his praying for the Queen, and on his 
doctrine concerning resistance to civil rulers ; a third is 
the picturesque sketch of Knox's personal appearance 
towards the close of his life, which is given in James 
Melvill's Diary, These curious and important par- 
ticulars, Dr. M'Crie had very much abridged : it is 
hoped however, that their introduction will not be con- 
sidered among the least valuable improvements of the 
present edition. It would be unnecessary here to 
enumerate farther all the corrections and additions 
that have been made : it may suffice to state, that 
nothing which fell under the Editor's review has been 
omitted, that could serve to illustrate or give increased 
interest to any event connected with the history of our 
National Reformer. 

The Notes and Appendix contain a vast treasury 
of useful and recondite information. These have not 
only been kept entire, but are augmented by the acces- 
sion of various supplementary facts. 

The Editor has prefixed a Biographical Memoir of 
Dr. M'Crie, which will be found to comprise the more 
prominent and interesting events of his life. The 
Volume is also embellished with a Portrait of the Re- 
former, and a View of the House in which he resided 



Vlll 



EDITOR S PREFACE. 



in Edinburgh. The Index has been carefully revised 
and corrected, so as to include reference to the supple- 
mentary matter in the text. 

In Conclusion, it ought to be stated, that the pre- 
sent is not a mere reprint of the First Edition, which 
contained many inaccuracies ; but that care has been 
taken to supply all those illustrations which subse- 
quent researches have brought to light, including a 
variety of facts not contained in any previous Edition ; 
and that, with all these additions and improvements, 
the Work will be obtained at a much lower price than 
the cheapest complete edition that has yet been pub- 
lished. 

EciNsuaoM, March, IH4,0, 



MEMOIR OF DE. M'CKIE. 



The Reverend Dr. Thomas M'Crie, so well known by hfc 
Life of John Knox, and other historical productions, was a 
native of Berwickshire. He was born in November 1772, 
in the town of Dunse, where his father and grandfather 
had resided. If compared with the celebrity which hh 
name has acquired in the literature of Europe, his origin 
may be regarded as humble ; his parents having belonged 
to that class which may be called respectable rather than 
affluent. What he says in reference to the pedigree of our 
great Reformer, applies with equal justice to himself: 
<e Obscurity of birth can reflect no dishonour on the man 
who has raised himself to distinction by his virtues and ta- 
lents ; and though his parents were neither great nor opu- 
lent, they were able to give their son a liberal education." 

His father, Thomas M'Crie, was a linen weaver, and ra- 
ther eminent for his superior skill in the manufacture of 
napery. He likewise dealt in flax, garden and agricultu- 
ral seeds, &c. and was proprietor of one or two houses in 
the town, and of a piece of land in the neighbourhood, which 
he sold to Hay of Dunse Castle, as it lay contiguous to 
that gentleman's estate. He afterwards purchased a pro- 
perty or farm, in the parish of Coldingham, which he let 
on lease ; so that in respect to worldly matters, he appears 
to have been in good circumstances. This latter property 
he retained till his death, when it was sold. His wife's 
name (mother of the Biographer of Knox) was Mary Hood, 



X 



MEMOIR OF DS,. M f CRIE. 



daughter of a respectable farmer in the vicinity of Dunse. 
The family consisted of four sons and two daughters. The 
eldest was Thomas, the subject of this Memoir ; of the re- 
maining brothers, John died in Dunbar, James in Dunse, 
and George in the West Indies. By a second marriage, 
there was one daughter, who married and resided in her 
native place. The character borne by the father, was that 
of a man of strict moral principles, of unblemished integri- 
ty in business transactions, and firmly attached to the com- 
munion of Original Seceders from the Church of Scotland, 
then known by the name of Anti-Burghers. He was a mem- 
ber (we believe an elder) of the congregation at that time 
under the pastoral charge of Mr. Thomson in Dunse. 

Trained under the paternal roof, and deeply imbued, 
both by precept and example, with the peculiar tenets of 
the denomination to which he belonged, the foundation was 
thus early laid in the mind of Dr. M* Crie, of that unflinch- 
ing adherence to his original principles, which he maintain- 
ed with Roman heroism throughout the whole course of his 
public life. When many of his brethren in the same faith 
separated from him, — when a portion of his own flock 
deserted him, — when he was persecuted, excommunicat- 
ed from the religious body with whom he was in com- 
munion, and had to bear the scorn and obloquy of suffering 
for opinions deemed trifling in themselves, and marring the 
general harmony of the Secession by keeping up factious 
and narrow-minded differences : he continued, neverthe- 
less, firm in his attachment to his own creed, and the con- 
victions of his own judgment ; braving the trials and difficul- 
ties he had to encounter, with a moral courage that might 
have done honour to the first Christian martyrs. This fea- 
ture in our author's religious character, is to be ascribed to 
the force of early impressions acting on a mind naturally 
strong, and conscious of the single-hearted honesty of its 
own views. The lessons he imbibed in his father's house, 
of reverence for the belief in which he was nurtured from 
infancy, he practised before the world, and carried with 
him unsullied to the grave. 

The simple unsophisticated piety of the parents, which 
seems to have been largely communicated to the son, may 



MEMOIR OF DR, M'CRIE. 



XI 



be illustrated by a homely anecdote. It is well known, 
that among Dissenters, as was the case among our Coven- 
anting forefathers, all such recreations as dancing, music, 
and card-playing, are held in abhorrence, and laid under 
the ban of the Church, as tending to corrupt morals, and 
exceedingly sinful to be tolerated in any community of pro- 
fessing Christians. Some youths, acquaintances of the 
family, happening to be rather suddenly interrupted while 
engaged in this sort of contraband amusement, in their 
hurry to conceal the offence, slipped the pack of cards into 
the pocket of a coat which was hanging in the room, and 
which offered the only receptacle at hand for preventing 
immediate discovery. The horror and amazement of the 
stern Seceder may be conceived, when, on a visit a few days 
thereafter to the house of his pastor, in drawing out his 
pocket-handkerchief, the floor was strewn with the imple- 
ments of iniquity, the artful devices of Satan for entrap- 
ping and ruining the souls of men. The mystery was easily 
cleared up, but the very possibility of such an accident might 
have endangered the reputation of any other member of the 
congregation whose character for probity and piety was 
less firmly established than that of Thomas M'Crie. 

Another anecdote has been told on the authority of our 
biographer himself. When first leaving home, and setting 
out in the world, probably to attend his studies at college, 
he was accompanied part of the way by his mother, whose 
heart doubtless was swelling with those emotions of mater- 
nal pride and anxiety which such an interesting occasion 
was apt to call forth ; — pride that she had a son dedicated to 
the holy ministry, and anxiety that he might prove himself 
worthy of the high vocation. Before parting, she took 
him aside into a field off the road, and kneeling down to- 
gether in prayer, she solemnly devoted him to God, as Han- 
nah did Samuel ; and it may be said of her as of the " He- 
brew woman/' that the gift was accepted, for he " minis- 
tered at the altar almost from his youth," and was "raised 
from the dust to sit among princes." The affectionate 
parent could not then foresee the destiny of her wayfaring 
child, or anticipate even in her utmost hopes the rank he 
was to hold, not in his own profession only, which was com- 



xii 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



paratively obscure, but in the great temple of letters ; where 
his name will stand recorded, illumined by the torch of the 
Protestant Reformation, as long as the English language is 
read or understood. It is, however, upon the whole a wise 
dispensation of Providence that conceals from mortals the 
events of the future ; for as evil greatly preponderates in the 
world, such knowledge would cause a larger amount of 
pain than of pleasure, and even destroy happiness by tak- 
ing from it what constitutes its principal charm — our igno- 
rance what is to be. 

The rudiments of his education our author received at 
the excellent grammar school of his native town, first un- 
der Mr. Dick, and afterwards under his successor, Mr. 
White. The acknowledged efficiency of our parochial 
system of education, and the general celebrity which our 
burgh schools have long enjoyed as first-rate classical aca- 
demies, may be taken as a guarantee that no boy can pass 
through the common ordeal of these seminaries, without 
bringing with him a competent share of scholarship, and 
the means of attaining, if pursued, the highest literary 
eminence. 

On leaving the school at Dunse, which must have been 
about the year 1787, he prosecuted his academical stu- 
dies in the University of Edinburgh. It may be proper 
to observe, that with regard to the admission of Dissen- 
ters, the constitution of the Scottish Universities differs 
entirely from those in the sister kingdom. In Scotland, 
no religious tests are exacted, no subscription of articles of 
faith is required. The literary, philosophical, and medical 
classes, are open to all comers ; and it is not until the stu- 
dent enters the Divinity Hall, that any inquiry is made into 
his creed, or any evidence demanded for ascertaining bis 
adherence to the standards and government of the Presby- 
terian Church. The reason of this is obvious. Enrolment 
in our college albums, is nothing more than a simple matri- 
culation ; it confers on the student none of those rights and 
privileges over the management, patronage, or property of 
the University, as is the case at Oxford and Cambridge, 
where all are obliged to subscribe the Thirty-nine Articles, 
because conformity to the Church of England is made the 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



xiii 



title and condition upon which certain important civil and 
academical rights are acquired and exercised. With us, the 
Civis Academicus is entitled to no such privileges, and hence 
religious tests are dispensed with until his studies in theo- 
logy commence. 

At the time when Mr. M'Crie attended the University, 
the Humanity Class was taught by Dr. John Hill, the 
Greek by Mr. Andrew Dalzell, Logic by Dr. James Fin- 
layson, Mathematics by Mr. John Playfair, Moral Philoso- 
phy by Dugald Stewart, and Natural Philosophy by Mr. 
John Robison. His name stands on the matriculation 
books, as having attended the advanced classes of Dr. Hill 
and Mr. Dalzell in the session 1788-89; and in 1790-91 he 
completed his curriculum under Professors Stewart and Ro- 
bison. We are not aware that any evidences or specimens 
exist of the proficiency which the future historian of the 
Reformation made in philosophy or the classics ; for we 
believe the method now adopted of calling forth the talents 
and energies of the student by means of essays and prizes, 
was not then in use. But judging from his habitual indus- 
try, as well as from the powers and capacities of his genius, 
there can be no doubt that his attainments were in all re- 
spects highly creditable both to himself and his teachers. 

It was about this period of his life, that he was employed a 
short time as usher in a school at Linton, in East-Lothian ; 
and afterwards in the Grammar School at Musselburgh. 
In the autumn of 1791, he went to Brechin as assistant 
to Mr. Gray, a Dissenting clergyman who kept a private 
academy or boarding-house ; he likewise opened a school 
in that town in connexion with the congregation of the As- 
sociate A nti- Burghers. In these avocations he was em- 
ployed about three years ; excepting the short time required 
annually for attending his theological studies at Whitburn. 
The practice was then, as now, quite common among stu- 
dents intending for the ministry, both in the Church and the 
Secession, to engage in the duties of tuition, publicly as well 
as privately — a practice which has the double advantage of 
improving their scholarship, and adding to their finances. 
When assistant at East- Linton, our author must have been 
very young, as it is recorded of him, that during the in- 



xiv 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



tervals of school hours, he used to join in the games and 
amusements of his pupils. 

Having finished his academical education at the Univer- 
sity of Edinburgh, he commenced the study of Divinity 
in the year 1791, under Mr. Archibald Bruce, who was 
then Secession minister at Whitburn in West- Lothian, 
and Theological Professor in connexion with the General 
Associate or Antiburgher Synod. This reverend functio- 
nary appears to have been as decided in his adherence to 
the original views of his sect, as was his illustrious pupil ; 
for we find that when a schism afterwards took place with 
the general body of that communion, he was among the 
few who preferred separation to what they conscientiously 
believed to be a dereliction of principle. It belongs not to 
the province of this Memoir to enter deeply into a discus- 
sion of the questions as to the power of the civil magistrate, 
which then had begun afresh to agitate the Secession Church, 
and which led to heats and divisions that threw both the 
the courts and the congregations of that body into a fer- 
ment of bitter and protracted controversy. It will be 
enough to state the main points at issue, and explain briefly 
the general views of the contending parties. 

To those who have even but a cursory acquaintance with 
the ecclesiastical history of Scotland during the last cen- 
tury, it must be well known, that at the first outbreaking 
of the Secession in 1 732, those ministers who had withdrawn 
from the establishment, in consequence of the sentence of 
ejection pronounced against them by the Commission of the 
General Assembly, protested that they did not dissent from 
the principles and constitution of the Church of Scotland, to 
which they declared themselves firmly attached, but from 
the arbitrary power claimed and exercised by the Church 
Courts, which had thrown them out from ministerial com- 
munion. They deplored the necessity which had driven 
them to this step ; and expressed their willingness, on cer- 
tain terms, to return again to the bosom of the Church, to 
whose doctrines and standards, as contained in the West- 
minster Catechism and Confession of Faith, they adhered. 
Their terms not being promptly complied with, the ejected 
ministers, eight in number, formed themselves into an Ec- 



MEMOIR OF DR. M<CRIE. 



XV 



clesiastieal Court, which the)' named the Associated Pres- 
bytery ; and still continued to preach, as if no sentence had 
passed against them. They also published what they called 
an Act, Declaration, and Testimony to the doctrine, wor- 
ship, government, and discipline of the Church of Scot- 
land, and against several instances of alleged defection from 
these standards, both in former and in their own times. 

Their numbers increased considerably : and in 1 745, they 
erected themselves into three different presbyteries under 
one synod, when a very unprofitable dispute split them into 
two parties. The cause of this schism was the Burgess oath 
in some of the royal burghs, which contained a clause, bind- 
ing the swearer to profess the religion established by law, 
and to abide in and defend the same. This oath, one part 
of the Dissenters thought they might lawfully take, as it 
seemed to them no way contrary to the principles upon 
which the Secession was formed. Some, on the other hand, 
contended that the swearing the above clause was a virtual 
renunciation of their testimony ; and the consequence was, 
that after a keen controversy , the body divided ; those who 
asserted the lawfulness of the oath, took the name of Burg- 
hers ; while the section who condemned it were called Anti- 
Burghers. As each party claimed to itself the constitution 
of the Associate Synod, the Anti-Burghers excommunicat- 
ed the Burghers, on the ground of their sinful laxity of 
principle, and contumacy in refusing to be converted. This 
rupture took place in 1747, and continued till the year 1820, 
when a re-union was effected. During the whole of that 
long period, the parties remained under the jurisdiction of 
their respective synods, and held separate communion ; al- 
though much of their early asperity had been laid aside. 

The Anti- Burghers, as may readily be supposed, consi- 
dered their opponents as too regardless of principle, and not 
sufficiently stedfast to their testimony ; while the Burghers 
maintained that their nonjuring brethren were too rigid, 
and had introduced new terms of communion into the so- 
ciety. Down to the time when the subject of our Memoir 
appeared in the ecclesiastical arena, the question concern- 
ing the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion, 
had continued to agitate the Secession ; and when the alarm 



xvi 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



caused by the French Revolution called upon every loyal 
man to defend and maintain the British constitution against 
all, at home or abroad, who might attempt its subversion, a 
new impulse was given to the controversy. One portion 
of the Seceders professed scruples of conscience to subscribe 
any declaration of unqualified attachment to the British con- 
stitution, as composed of King, Lords, and Commons; 
on the ground, that such an act might ensnare them into an 
implied approval of the English hierarchy, with all its pre- 
latic usurpations ; and an acquiescence in the spiritual su- 
premacy claimed and exercised by the sovereign, as head 
of the Church, and an essential branch of the constitution. 

Besides these political objections, another " rock of of- 
fence " was contained in the language of the Confession of 
Faith upon this subject ; which was objected to by many, 
as ascribing to the civil magistrate a power in matters spi- 
ritual that did not belong to him, especially in giving him 
authority " to suppress blasphemies and heresies ; to pre- 
vent or reform all corruptions and abuses in worship and 
discipline ; to call to account persons publishing erroneous 
opinions ; and to exercise control over the deliberations of 
Synods ;" for the Confession (chap, xxiii. sect. 3.) express- 
ly says, the magistrate 6 ' hath power to call Synods, to be 
present at them, and to provide that whatsoever is trans- 
acted in them, be according to the mind of God." The 
precise extent of the secular jurisdiction implied in this 
clause, gave rise to much disputation ; and conscientious 
scruples were entertained about giving an unlimited assent 
to those passages where similar language is employed. So 
early as 1743, (in their controversy with Mr. Nairn,) the 
Associate Presbytery, in their declaration and defence of 
their principles concerning civil government, had explain- 
ed that te the great and sole end of the magisterial office is 
the glory of God •" that its cognizance extends civilly " on- 
ly over men's good and evil works ;" which power it ought 
to exercise for the public good, " without assuming any 
lordship immediately over men's consciences, or making 
any encroachment upon the special privileges or business 
of the Church." 

This explanation was intended to satisfy those who de- 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



xvii 



murred to the giving an unqualified answer to one of the 
questions (the second) put to probationers before receiving 
license, and to ministers and elders before being ordained ; 
namely, " Do you sincerely own and believe the whole 
doctrine contained in the Confession of Faith ?" &c. An 
affirmative answer to this question, without any limitations, 
was considered as implying that entrants into these offices 
gave a full assent to the doctrine as to the power of the 
magistrate in suppressing heresies, and controlling the pro- 
ceedings of Synods. In cases of more tender consciences, 
the qualifying exposition referred to, was understood to pro- 
vide a remedy ; and when candidates for the ministry ex- 
pressed a wish to any of the judicatories, to know in what 
sense they were to understand the two doubtful declara- 
tions, they were uniformly told, " that they were to under- 
stand them only in such a sense as corresponded with the 
explanation given in the Presbytery's answer to Mr. Nairn." 

There were some, however, who viewed this distinction 
as too casuistical, and thought that in a matter so import- 
ant, a mere verbal interpretation was not quite satisfactory. 
They disliked the idea of having even the appearance of 
assenting to one thing and believing another ; of taking 
qualifying exceptions to the Confession, in their private 
transactions with the Presbytery, and yet asserting their 
belief " in the whole doctrine," at their ordination, and in 
presence of the people. The General Synod saw the pro- 
priety of removing this ambiguity, and at their meeting in 
1791, an overture on the subject was transmitted from the 
Glasgow Presbytery ; but excepting the appointing of ar 
committee, nothing was done in the matter for a consider^ 
ble time afterwards. 

It was at this stage of the controversy, that " a reference 
from the Presbytery of Edinburgh brought before the Sy^ 
nod the case of two licentiates who were about to be or- 
dained, and who declared that their doubts concerning 
the doctrine taught in the Confession of Faith, regarding 
the power of the magistrate in matters of religion, were 
so strong that they had not freedom to give an unlimited 
answer to the second question in the formula, and would 
not submit to ordination unless the moderator of the pres. 

b 



XV1LL 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



bytery was allowed, when proposing the question, to inti- 
mate that they were not to be understood as giving their 
sentiments on that point." The two young men, whose 
scruples were so unbending as to render necessary this par- 
ticular application to the General Synod, were Mr. Thomas 
M'Crie, and Mr. William M'Ewen ; the former being about 

to be ordained at Edinburgh, and the other at Howgate 

The case had been considered in the Presbytery of Edin- 
burgh, but being a subordinate court, they did not think 
themselves at liberty to grant the dispensation claimed, or 
to make any alteration in the public profession of the reli- 
gious society to which they belonged. It was on this ground 
that the matter was referred to the Synod, in May ] 798, 
when a committee was appointed to deliberate what ought 
to be done for removing the difficulties of the two candi- 
dates for ordination. A declaratory act was immediately 
adopted, (May 3d,) which, after recapitulating the inter- 
pretation as to the power of the civil magistrate, already 
laid down in their declaration and defence, and avowing 
their adherence to the doctrine on that point, concluded 
by insisting that the second question of the formula should 
be answered, " as the said Confession was revised and ap- 
proved by an act of Assembly 1647, and according to the 
declaration of the General Associate Synod of 1796." 

This resolution so far overcame the scruples of Mr. M ( Crie 
and his friend, that they consented (May 26th) to receive 
ordination. Our author then became pastor to the Seces- 
sion congregation which met in the Potterrow ; and there 
he continued for ten years to perform the duties of his office, 
until the controversy, which raged with increasing keen- 
ness, rendered a breach of connexion with the Synod una- 
voidable. The Rev. Mr. Chalmers at Haddington delivered 
the sermon and address at his ordination. 

From the period when Mr, M'Crie entered on his minis- 
try, till the time of his separation from the majority of his 
brethren, the Associate Church Courts became the arena 
of fierce and furious disputation ; of harangues offensive 
and defensive ; and multitudes of dissents and protests en- 
tered upon the records by both the Burgher and Anti- 
Burgher sections, each professing to occupy more scriptu- 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



XIX 



ral ground than the other, and to lift a purer testimony 
for the truth. The great bone of contention was still the 
civil magistrate, and those passages in the Confession touch- 
ing his interference in matters ecclesiastical. 

One main branch of this " weighty work," was the re- 
modelling and extending the Testimony, so as to adapt it to 
present circumstances ; to make a more explicit avowal on 
certain debateable points which they alleged conveyed a 
meaning different from that held by the great majority of 
the Synod ; and also to include a denunciation of those 
errors and corruptions which had sprung up, both within 
and without the Church, since the original declaration of 
their sentiments. With regard to the Westminster Con- 
fession, they acknowledged it as a rule of faith distinct from 
the Scripture, but declared that their adherence to it was 
not to preclude them " from embracing, upon due delibe- 
ration, any further lights which might afterwards arise from 
the Word of God, about any article of divine faith." On 
the cardinal point of magisterial jurisdiction, the new 
Testimony took very decided ground. It explicitly con- 
demned the connexion between Church and State, employ- 
ing language similar to that which the Voluntary contro- 
versy has now rendered familiar to the public. 

On various other matters, regulations were laid down : 
amongst which was an enactment allowing presbyteries to 
admit on trial for license, in the interim, those students of 
Divinity who had passed the Hall, u even though they did 
not join in the bond for renewing the Covenant/' The 

Acknowledgment of Sins,' : and the " Engagement to 
Duties/' likewise occupied much discussion, so that it may 
easily be imagined the Synod had enough of business on 
hand. The new Narrative and Testimony which they 

ere drawing up, included all the controversial points on 
divinity and church government, that had been debated 
in this country for successive generations. The Acknow- 
ledgment of Sins contained a summary account of all the 
defections and errors that had prevailed in the different sec- 
tions of the Church since the period of the Reformation, so 
that it was not without good reason that they termed it *' a 
weighty work." It employed them eight years, having 



XX MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 

begun in October 1796, and ended in may 1804, when the 
revised Testimony was adopted. 

At different stages of the process, dissents and protests 
were given in by Messrs. Bruce, M'Crie, and one or two 
others. The Declaration of 1796, concerning the power of 
the civil magistrate, the enactment allowing students to be 
taken on trials, who had not joined in the bond for renew- 
ing the Covenant, and sundry other changes " introduced 
in a rash and scandalous manner," were strongly opposed 
by the dissenting minority. During 1800, and the two fol- 
lowing years, they continued to remonstrate and protest ; 
and committees were appointed to answer them, but all 
their efforts were unable to remove the scruples of the 
dissentient brethren. 

At length, in the month of May, 1806, they presented 
the following paper, virtually declaring a separation from 
the Synod ; in which, indeed, they never again took their 
seats : 

" We, the subscribers, do protest, in our own name, and in 
name of all who may see meet to adhere, against these deeds, 
as now made final ; and that every one of us shall be free from 
the operation of these acts, and from all obligation of being re- 
sponsible to this, or inferior judicatories, from acting in oppo- 
sition to them, so far as they are inconsistent with our former 
profession and engagements, holding any power that may be 
claimed or exercised by this Synod, for compelling us to con- 
formity to these new principles and constitution, as unwarrant- 
able ; and that we shall account any censure that may be inflicted 
on us, or on an\ adhering to us, of such a tendency ; or for re- 
straining or hindering us in the discharge of any duty or office 
we may have a call to perform, individually or conjunctly, in 
maintaining our common profession, or fulfilling our solemn en- 
gagements. We protest we must hold our right to the exercise 
of ministerial and judicial powers, full and entire, whether we 
shall see it expedient to avail ourselves of the right protested for 
or not, in our state of separation and exclusion from present com- 
munion with the prevailing party in this Synod, in their present 
course, into which, to our grief, we are reluctantly driven ; which 
suspension of wonted fellowship in the Lord, and in the truth, we 
hope and pray, may be but temporary and short. We renew 
the declaration made last year against any intention or course 
that may increase lamentable divisions, or promote any schis- 
matical separation from the Reformed and Covenanted Church 
of Scotland, the Original Secession Testimony, or the Associate 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



xxi 



Synod, in adherence to it. The multiplication of sects and 
schisms we consider as among the prevailing evils of the age, 
against which we have solemnly avowed, as well as against other 
evils ; and it is one great reason for our not concurring with our 
brethren in this new scheme, that it is of a schismatical ten- 
dency, and inconsistent with the promoting of a covenanted con- 
junction and uniformity. We shall endeavour to have the great 
end of an union among evangelical ministers and Christians in 
view, and will be ready to encourage correspondence with any 
belonging to this Synod, or other denominatio; s, who still pro- 
fess regard to the Westminster standards of uniformity, and 
Presbyterian principles, with a view to have subsisting differ- 
ences removed in a Scriptural manner. 

u In the mean time, we think we have reason to complain, 
that our brethren, with whom we have been joined in close and 
comfortable communion, have, on their part, broken the bro- 
therly covenant, and laid a great bar in the way of promoting 
such a desirable union and uniformity ; and we would remind 
them of the clause of the oath they had sworn, never to give 
themselves to indifference or lukewarmness, in the public cause, 
but encourage one another in prosecuting the end of their so- 
lemn covenant. 

" And we leave the consequences of these our contendings 
and desires to Him who has the disposal of all events, who sits 
above the floods, and who often hath stretched out his glorious 
arm in these isles of the sea, in behalf of the cause of Reforma- 
tion, for which we have all been professing to appear, and who 
hath said, 4 Now will I arise, now will I be exalted, now will I 
lift up myself, when he seeth their strength is gone, and there 
is none shut up or left.' May he speedily arise, and have mer- 
cy upon Zion. " Archd. Bruce, minister at Whitburn. 

" James Aitkex, minister at Kirriemuir. 

u James Hog. minister at Kelso. 

" Thos. M'Crie, minister at Edinburgh." 
The consideration of this paper, and of certain other mat- 
ters, was postponed until next Synod, which met at Glas- 
gow on the 26th of August. Without waiting, however, 
for the result of any deliberation on their protest, the four 
dissentient brethren met at Whitburn on the same day that 
the Court assembled at Glasgow ; and after solemn confer- 
ence and prayer, they constituted themselves into a pres- 
bytery, under the name of the Constitutional Associate 
Presbytery ; indicating by that designation, their strict 
adherence to the original principles of the Secession. Pro- 
fessor Bruce acted as moderator on the occasion, and Mr 



xxii 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRlE, 



M'Crie was appointed to officiate as clerk. The reasons 
they assigned for this proceeding were similar to those al- 
ready stated in their remonstrances and protests. 

A Deed of Constitution was afterwards drawn up and 
published, wherein they charge the Synod with defection 
in adopting a new Testimony and Declaration of principles, 
in altering the creed for public covenanting, and in autho- 
rizing a new formula of questions for entrants into office, 
(S by which (they complain) some important doctrines in 
the Confession of Faith, and different articles in their Testi- 
mony and principles, formerly subscribed, are renounced and 
dropped, and opposite sectarian errors introduced." The 
chief and most objectionable of these innovations were 
specified in the following passage : — " Particularly the duty 
and warrantableness of civil rulers employing their autho- 
rity in an active support of the interests of religion and the 
kingdom of Christ, and in promoting Reformation (which 
was an eminent part of the Testimony and contendings of 
the Church of Scotland in behalf of the Reformation of 
our native land, civil and ecclesiastical, explicitly approved 
by the Secession,) are, by the new deeds, denied and set 
aside ; as also, that all covenants of a religious nature* 
entered into by nations in their public capacity, or in con- 
junction with churches, and in so far the national Covenant 
of Scotland, and the Solemn League and Covenant of the 
three kingdoms, in their proper import, matter, and form, 
as well as in the manner of ratifying and enjoining them, 
are either directly or by native consequences condemned." 

In this charter of their institution, the protesting brethren 
find and declare that the General Associate Synod, and 
such inferior judicatories as concur with it, can no longer 
be acknowledged as faithful or rightly constituted Courts of 
Christ ; that they can take no share with them in the ex- 
ercise of government and discipline ; that it is therefore 
" warrantable and needful for them to associate together, 
not only for the administration of the Word and Sacra- 
ments, and for occasional consultations, but also for the 
regular exercise of government and discipline, as Providence 
may give them opportunity." Their acting in this capa- 
city, they farther declared to be necessary for supporting 



MEMOIR OF DR. M<CRIE. 



xxiii 



the public cause for which they were contending ; as other- 
wise various articles of the Reformation Testimony would 
be in great danger of being dropped, and lost for the pre- 
sent in the Associate body." 

With regard to other Presbyterian bodies, who profess 
adherence to the whole doctrine of the Westminster Con- 
fession and other subordinate standards, they affirmed "that 
there are none with whom they have freedom to form a 
junction at present, so that they reckon themselves shut 
up to the necessity of meeting apart ; waiting for the time 
of healing, if haply some bars and offences subsisting among 
the remaining friends of evangelical truth, maybe removed. " 
Finally, in vindication of their separation, they pleaded 
their ordination vows, in which they declare, " they acknow- 
ledged Presbyterian Church government and discipline to 
be of divine institution ; and promised never to endeavour, 
directly or indirectly, the prejudice or subversion thereof; 
but that they would, to the utmost of their power in their sta- 
tion, during all the days of their life, maintain, support, and 
defend the same against every other form of government." 
From these reasons, which the protesting brethren assigned 
for erecting themselves into a separate Presbytery, a suf- 
ficiently distinct idea maybe formed of the various grounds 
upon which they renounced their connexion with the ge- 
neral body. 

When the Synod met at Glasgow, the case of Messrs. 
Bruce and M'Crie was brought before them by a reference 
from the Presbytery of Edinburgh, complaining, that 
though duly summoned to attend their meetings, they had 
not obeyed, but had sent in letters containing answers to 
the charges preferred against them, of holding sentiments 
in opposition to the principles of the General Synod, and 
tending to produce schism in the Association. Along with 
that reference, there was produced a document from Mr. 
M'Crie's congregation, craving that the Synod would con- 
sider in what way they (the congregation) " might, con- 
sistent with truth, still enjoy the labours of their minister 
in connexion with the Synod ;" and representing " the ne- 
cessity of a speedy deliverance from their present distracted 
-condition." Another portion of the congregation also 



XXIV 



MEMOIR OF DR. M<CR1E. 



presented a paper, remonstrating against the statement of 
the Synod's principles, as set forth in the Narrative and 
Testimony. These documents gave rise to a considerable 
discussion, and at first the Court came to a decision to de- 
lay passing censure on Mr. M'Crie; but on the second 
week of their meeting, they reversed the previous sentence ; 
and the question being put, " Depose," or (i Suspend," the 
former was carried by a majority of votes ; and accord- 
ingly Mr. M'Crie was deposed from the office of the mini- 
stry, (Sept. 2d.) " and suspended from all communion in 
the sealing ordinances of the church." Soon afterwards 
Messrs. Bruce and Chalmers at Haddington, were also 
deposed ; and the like sentence would have been pronoun- 
ced on Mr. Hog at Kelso, had not the proceedings against 
him been terminated by his death. The office of theological 
teacher which Mr. Bruce had held, was bestowed on Mr. 
Paxton, minister at Kilmaurs, who commenced his labours 
as professor of divinity in September 1807. 

Such is a brief account of the proceedings that led to an 
important schism in the Secession. In respect of numbers, 
the division occasioned by this dispute may be considered 
insignificant, as not more than five ministers left the Sy- 
nod, exclusive of Mr. Whytock at Dalkeith, who died 
during the progress of the controversy. Their adherents, 
however, gradually increased ; and at present the Associ- 
ate Synod of Original Seceders, as they now designate 
themselves, comprehends four presbyteries, and between 
thirty and forty ministers. 

Mr. Bruce, it may not be improper here to add, died on 
the 18th of February 1816. The affecting terms in which 
Dr. M £ Crie alluded to that event, in writing to a friend, show- 
ed how deeply he felt the loss, and revered the character 
of his early instructor. " I cannot," says he, in address- 
ing the late Rev. Mr. Aitken of Kirriemuir, who was one 
of the five deposed ministers, " describe to you the situa- 
tion in which I am. My heart felt for some time as a 
stone, and even yet, when I have recovered somewhat from 
the shock, there remaineth no strength in me. The early 
reverence which I felt for him as a teacher, mellowed by 
the familiarity and intimacy to which I have since been 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



admitted with him — the increasing knowledge I had of his 
worth and talents — the interest which he condescended to 
take in my affairs, and which he allowed me to take in his 
— and the benefit which I derived from his conversation 
and his correspondence, have all contributed to make the 
stroke in some respects more heavy to me than perhaps it 
is to any of his brethren ; and gave him a place in my af- 
fections, of which I was not fully aware, until I was told 
that I could no longer call him by the name of friend or 
father. My heart breaks when I think of the poor little 
flock of students, from whose head the Lord hath taken 
away their master." 

The proceedings in the Secession, as narrated above, and 
which ended in the separation of the remonstrating bre- 
thren, occupied a considerable share of public attention at 
the time, under the familiar name of the " Old and New 
Light" controversy. The main points of difference be- 
tween the parties, have been stated at sufficient length to 
enable the reader to comprehend the nature of the ques- 
tions so long and so keenly contested. The deposed mi- 
nisters regarded themselves in the honourable light of wit- 
nesses for the truth, — as martyrs suffering in a righteous 
cause. They complained of the conduct of the Synod at 
Glasgow, as rash and violent. They denounced the treat- 
ment they had received, as in the highest degree tyrannical 
and unjust. A narrative was drawn up by Mr. M< Crie of the 
whole proceedings adopted against them ; and in that docu- 
ment, speaking of the causes of their rupture with the Synod, 
they declare that i( additional grounds had been given for 
their separation, by the violent measures which have been 
pursued during the course of this year, in attempting to 
suppress due ministerial freedom, and violating justice, 
constitutional principles, and Presbyterian order ; and in 
the processes managed by the associate judicatories, and 
the censures which they have pretended to inflict upon the 
protesting ministers, merely for adherence to their profes- 
sion, and taking measures to support it, after it was relin- 
quished by the Synod, against which censures they had pre- 
viously protested, and continue to protest, as null and void ; 
and such as, with respect to grounds, manner, and certain 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



circumstances accompanying* them, will be found unequalled 
in the Presbyterian Church, &c. By their conduct in this 
matter, the guilt of the judicatories has been highly aggra- 
vated ; they have crowned their defection by persecuting , 
those who opposed it, and have aimed a deadly stroke not 
only against the character and usefulness of a few minis- 
ters, but against the public cause, for which they were con- 
tending.* 

In his Statement, setting forth the grounds of separation* 
Mr. M ( Crie charged the Synod with departing from the 
standards of the Church of Scotland, and introducing new 
terms of communion, inasmuch as their recent Narrative 
and Testimony was very different from the original Seces- 
sion Testimony. " The latter," says he, " was formally 
and specifically a Testimony for the religious profession of 
the Reformed Church of Scotland, or for the true religion 
as attained by and fixed in that Church •" whereas the 
New Testimony "is drawn up upon the principle that the 
Church's Testimony ought to be taken immediately from 
the Scriptures, without reference to the attainments of for- 
mer times, &c. Besides, it contains doctrines that are con- 
tradictory to those of the Confession of Faith, and which 
were never received into the confession, or form of commu- 
nion of this or any other Presbyterian Church. In all these 
respects, it is different from the original Testimony of Se~ 
ceders, and cannot be looked upon as a Testimony for the 
doctrine, &c. of the Church of Scotland, in any other sense 
than as it may contain materially the same truths, in most 
instances, with her Confession and Catechism ; which is 
true as to the Confessions, or declared principles of differ- 
ent religious bodies, and even of those of independent per- 
suasions." 

On the great point of controversy — the power of the civil 
magistrate — Mr. M'Crie and his adherents maintained opi- 
nions very different from those avowed by the Synod in 
their Testimony, which held the connection between Church 
and State to be unlawful. While asserting the spiritual 

* Declaration appended to Mr. M'Crie's Statement of Difference, &c. p. 
216. See also Review of the Proceedings of the General Associate Synod, by 
Professor Bruce. 



MEMOIR OF DR. M r CRIE, 



xxvii 



Headship of Christ to its full extent, and the right of his 
ministers to exercise their functions in the proper line of 
their office, independently of any earthly prince or le- 
gislature, our author, speaking in his own name and in 
that of his brethren, goes on to say : u But in full consis- 
tency with these principles, they think they can maintain 
that civil authority may be lawfully and beneficially em- 
ployed in the advancement of religion and the kingdom of 
Christ. The care of religion, in the general view of it, 
belongs to the magistrate's office ; and it is his duty to 
watch over its external interests, and to exert himself in 
his station, to preserve upon the minds of his subjects an 
impression of its obligations and sacredness, and to suppress 
irreligion, impiety, profanity, and blasphemy. It is also 
the duty of civil rulers, and must be their interest, to exert 
themselves to introduce the Gospel into their dominions, 
where it may be but partially enjoyed, and by salutary 
laws and encouragements, to provide them with the means 
of instruction, and a settled dispensation of ordinances ; 
especially in poor and desolate, or in ignorant and irreli- 
gious parts of the country ; all which they may do, with- 
out propagating Christianity by the sword, or forcing a 
profession of religion upon their subjects by penal laws. 
When religion has become corrupt, after it has been re- 
ceived and established in a nation, and has degenerated into 
a system of falsehood, superstition, idolatry, and tyranny, 
carried on by churchmen, aided by the civil powers ; and 
where various abuses of this kind are interwoven with the 
civil constitution and administration, an eminent exercise 
of civil authority is requisite for the reformation of these ; 
not by the abolition of all laws respecting religion, as a 
matter which civil government has no concern with, and 
by leaving every thing to individual exertion or voluntary 
associations, which only breed anarchy and endless disor- 
der, but by magistrates taking an active part in prosecut- 
ing a public reformation, removing external hindrances, 
correcting public and established abuses, allowing, and in 
some cases calling together and supporting ecclesiastical 
assemblies, for settling the internal affairs of the Church 
and of religion, 6 that unity and peace may be preserved/ 



xxviii 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



as was done by the rulers of different countries, at the pe- 
riod of the Reformation from Popery, and in Britain at the 
time of the Westminster Assembly. In an ordinary state 
of matters, they also judge that it is the duty of civil ru- 
lers to maintain and support the interests of religion, by 
publicly recognizing and countenancing its institutions, 
giving the legal sanction to a public profession or confes- 
sion of its faith, a particular form of worship, and eccle- 
siastical discipline, which are ratified as national ; and by 
making public and permanent provision for the religious 
instruction of their subjects, and the maintenance of divine 
ordinances among them."* 

A broad and clear line of demarcation is here laid down 
between the principles avowed by Mr. M'Crie and his bre- 
thren on this head, and the doctrine of the remodelled Se- 
cession Testimony, which disallowed the union betwixt 
Church and State. This difference appeared to them to 
be a " practical point of deep and serious consideration," 
which amply justified them in breaking off all connec- 
tion with the Synod. They had no idea of going the length 
of contending for the entire emancipation of the Church of 
Christ from the authority of the State ; or of substituting 
the voluntary contributions of the congregation, for a pub- 
lic and permanent provision to maintain the stated ordi- 
nances of religion. 

However widely opinions may differ as to the sufficien- 
cy of the reasons advanced by the minority for seceding 
from the communion of their brethren, there can be no 
doubt as to the sincere, conscientious, and honest motives 
of those who felt themselves compelled to withdraw. That 
the Synod cou'd not pass, without judicial notice, the con- 
duct of those members who had called in question its or* 
thodoxy and declined its jurisdiction, will be readily admit- 
ted ; but whether the extreme sentence of deposition, in the 
circumstances of the case, was a prudent or a necessary 
step, is a matter upon which the judgment of the public 
will not be so unanimous. That in the case of Mr. M' Crie, 
f the sentence was too hastily pronounced," is confessed 



* M'Crie's Statement of the Difference, &c.,pp. 79-80. 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. XJQX 

even by his opponents. A recent historian of the Secession 
Church says, in commenting upon this schism, " whether 
he (Mr. M'Crie,) chose to avail himself of it or not, an op- 
portunity ought at least to have been given, of making 
such explanation or vindication of his conduct, as might 
appear to himself proper. A summons had indeed been 
given him by the Presbytery to appear before the Synod, 
and he refused to obey it : but he had a right to expect 
that the Synod, before pronouncing upon him the sen- 
tence of deposition, should have summoned him before 
them to answer for that part of his conduct, on account of 
which such sentence was pronounced/'* 

The stern, unflinching character of Mr. M* Crie, in this act 
of separation, cannot be fully appreciated, without taking 
into account the important sacrifices that he made. Not 
only had he to brave the obloquy of being denounced as 
factious and schismatical, but he had to encounter the me- 
lancholy prospect of being left without the means of sub- 
sistence, and compelled perhaps to earn a livelihood by 
resorting to some less honourable avocation. The despon- 
dency of his mind must have pressed upon him the more 
acutely that he was now settled in life, and become the 
father of a family. Soon after his ordination, he had mar- 
ried Miss Dickson, the daughter of a respectable farmer in 
the vicinity of his native town, and by her he had five chil- 
dren, four sons and one daughter. The writer of a short 
biographical notice at the time of his death, in alluding to 
this trying incident in his life, says, " perhaps no man with 
so unblemished a character, ever fell so low in general con- 
tempt as our townsman did, when excommunicated from 
the religious body to which he belonged, and set adrift on 
the wide world with a wife and family, because his judg- 
ment was too acute not to see the whole mischief involved 
in the New Light doctrines of the body that expelled him, 
and his honesty too downright for a moment to conceal the 
convictions of that judgment. He was actually the only 
evangelical minister in Edinburgh who was not asked to 
join the committee of the Bible Society when first institut- 

* M'Kerrow's History of the Secession Church, vol. ii. p. 148. 



XXX 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE» 



ed here ; so blind were we all to his true character, and the 
sterling value of his opinions. But more than Roman 
courage was required for the result. Christian faith led 
him boldly to take his own course, heedless alike of the 
smiles and frowns of the world around him. Upheld and 
led by that unerring principle, his fame has, in the course 
of less than thirty years* so grown with his usefulness, that 
in both respects he has left all his former despisers infinitely 
behind."* 

Independently of these considerations, another source of 
perplexity arose from his connexion with the flock among 
whom he ministered. One part of them, including several 
of the elders, were disposed still to adhere to the Synod ; 
the rest preferred to cleave, through good and through bad 
report, to their beloved pastor. In consequence of this di- 
vision, a dispute arose as to the right of property in the 
chapel where they met for worship. f Those who followed 
Mr. M'Crie, claimed it on the ground, that they constituted 
the majority of the male members, to whom, by the trust- 
deed, the property was alleged to belong : the opposite party 
also claimed it, on the ground of their remaining in com- 
munion with the General Associate Synod. Mutual bills 
of suspension were presented to the Court of Session, and 
shortly afterwards two actions of declarator were raised, in 
which each party concluded that the property ought to be- 
long to them. The litigation was continued for nearly 
three years, when at length the Court found (24th Feb- 
ruary 1809) the party adhering to the Synod entitled to 
the property of the chapel; but the defenders obtained 
pecuniary compensation. 

Meantime, Mr. M'Crie had been interdicted from offici- 
ating, except one-half of the day, to those members of the 
congregation who remained attached to him ; and when the 
law-suit was decided, he obtained a temporary accommo- 
dation for his flock in the Cameronian Meeting-house, Lady 
L iwson's Wynd ; and afterwards in Carrubber's Close, un- 
jtL the new chapel was erected in Davie Street, which was 

* Edinburgh Christian Instructor for September 1835. 
t The congregation was formed in 1791, and the chapel in Potterrow built 
in I7&2, but Mr. M'Crie was their first settled minister. 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



opened in May 1813, and continued to be the scene of has 
ministerial labours till the time of his death. 

Hitherto the name of Mr. M'Crie was scarcely known be- 
yond the precincts of his own communion, or in connexion 
with the disputes that had led to bis separation from them. 
He was soon, however, to burst from this obscurity, and 
take that place in the literature of the age which has ex- 
tended his fame to every region of the globe. It was while 
tried in the furnace of so many worldly perplexities, that 
he collected the materials, and achieved the completion of 
his immortal work the Life of John Knox. Adversities so 
complicated and so discouraging, must have overwhelmed a 
mind endowed with less fortitude and perseverance than 
his ; but so far from crushing or distracting his spirit, they 
served only as a school for training him to those habits of 
patient industry, deep research, and acute discrimination, for 
which all his writings are distinguished. The controversies 
in which he had been engaged with the Synod, and the ne- 
cessity that obliged him to examine and defend the grounds 
of his own principles, naturally directed his studies back to 
the times and opinions of the Fathers of the Protestant Re- 
formation. There lay the elements out of which the fabric 
of Presbyterian doctrine and discipline had been construct- 
ed ; and there were to be found the models to guide future 
inquirers respecting the constitution and government of the 
Church of Scotland. These models, our author's subse- 
quent writings show that he had carefully and deeply in- 
vestigated ; and such are the apparently capricious turns 
in human fate, that the same controversy which threatened 
to reduce him to want and misery, became the source of his 
future greatness — the basis on which were reared so many 
splendid monuments to his literary fame. 

From the time of his disunion with the Synod, until the 
appearance of his first great work, he had been in the ha- 
bit of contributing to the periodicals of the day, biographi- 
cal notices of some of the Fathers and early leaders of our 
Church ; and it was while prosecuting these investigations, 
that he seems to have formed the design of drawing up me- 
morials of our national Reformer, "in which his perso- 
nal history (to quote the words of the Preface) might be 



xxxii 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



combined with illustrations of the progress of that great un- 
dertaking, in the advancement of which he acted so con- 
spicuous a part." His original intention seems to have 
been to write a Life of Alexander Henderson, who was 
Moderator of the famous General Assembly held at Glas- 
gow in 1638 ; and a sketch of this eminent divine, from 
his pen, appeared in a monthly publication, in connexion 
with the Secession, called " The Christian Magazine," of 
which Mr. M'Crie was editor for some time about 1805 or 
1806. This work was enriched with a very considerable 
number of his articles ; and so early as 1802, it contained 
a translation of part of Smeton's Life and Death of John 
Knox, from the Latin published in 1579, most probably 
furnished by Mr. M'Crie. His contributions to this peri- 
odical, which shall be afterwards noticed, were chiefly his- 
torical and biographical sketches. He also published occa- 
sionally during this period, able pamphlets on some of the 
gravest and most difficult subjects of theological and eccle- 
siastical inquiry. 

The Life of Knox, in which he must have spent several 
years, was published in November 1811. It placed him at 
once in the first rank of authorship. There are certainly 
few examples of any modern writer emerging at once from 
obscurity, to the possession of such high and lasting cele- 
brity. So little was he known at that time, even in Edin- 
burgh, except to those who took an immediate interest in 
the controversies of the Secession, that the great Coryphaeus 
of criticism, the Edinburgh Review, which professed to ex- 
tend its quarterly inspection over the world of letters, was 
then unconscious of the name of M'Crie. " It affords us 
very great pleasure," says the reviewer of Knox, " to bear 
this public testimony to the merits of a writer who has been 
hitherto unknown, we believe, to the literary public either 
of this or the neighbouring country ; of whom, or of whose 
existence, at least, though residing in the same city with 
ourselves, it never was our fortune to have heard, till his 
volume was put into our hands ; and who, in his first emer- 
gence from the humble obscurity in which he has pur- 
sued the studies, and performed the duties of his profes- 
sion, has presented the world with a work which may put 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRlE. 



xxxiii 



so many of his contemporaries to the blush, for the big 
promises they have broken, and the vast opportunities they 1 
have neglected."* 

It would exceed the limits within which a biographical 
sketch of this kind is necessarily circumscribed, to enter 
into any critical dissertation on the merits or defects of the 
Life of Knox. Though it did not altogether escape cen- 
sure, it had the rare fortune of meeting a more than usual 
share of public applause. The Edinburgh Review, though 
its opinions may perhaps have been favourably biassed by 
its advocacy of similar sentiments as to political and reli- 
gious freedom, spoke of the work in a strain of high pane- 
gyric ; as " a book which has afforded us more amusement 
and more instruction, than any thing we ever read upon 
the subject ; and which, independently of its theological 
merits, we do not hesitate to pronounce by far the best 
piece of history that has appeared since the commencement 
of our critical career. It is extremely accurate, learned, 
and concise, and at the same time, very full of spirit and 
animation ; exhibiting, as it appears to us, a rare union of 
the patient research and solid judgment which characterize 
the more laborious class of historians, with the boldness ot 
thinking and force of imagination which is sometimes sub- 
stituted in their place." The reviewer finds fault with the 
style and diction of the author, as abounding in Scotticisms* 
and frequently deficient in verbal elegance and purity. This 
censure is not perhaps altogether unfounded ; but they are 
trivial blemishes, and far more than redeemed by the vi- 
gour, vivacity, and accuracy for which the work is parti- 
cularly distinguished. 

A writer of opposite principles in the Quarterly Review, 
though he accuses our biographer of palliating the ruder 
features in Knox's character, and wanting in due candour 
and courtesy towards the sister establishment of Episco- 
pacy, bestows a high encomium, nevertheless, on the 
author's talents, industry, and power of discrimination as 
a historian. " He is a warm but an honest man. With 
great power of expression, as well as considerable heat of 

* Edinburgh Review, July 1812. The able critique upon Knox's Life it* 
generally ascribed to Mr. Jeffrey, the editor. 

C 



xxxiv 



MEMOIR OF DR. M C CRIE. 



temper, he never descends to railing 1 . He detests the 
Church of Rome ; he loves not the Church of England ; 
but he exposes the enormities of the former with fidelity 
and force, though not with malignity ; and he censures 
what he conceives to be imperfect in the reformation of the 
latter, with an effect that would have been lessened by inde- 
cent invective. A vein of sarcastic wit alone now and 
then betrays him, as it did his master, into undue asperity 
as well as levity of expression."* 

The reviewer, after avowing- his opinion that neither 
Luther, nor Calvin, nor Erasmus has yet found a bio- 
grapher equal to M tf Crie, proceeds with his critical re- 
marks on our author's character and manner : — " compact 
and vigorous, often coarse but never affected, we can 
scarcely forbear to wonder by what effort of taste and dis- 
crimination the style of Dr. M'Crie has been preserved so 
nearly unpolluted by the disgusting and circumlocutory 
nonsense of his contemporaries. There is no puling about 
" the interesting sufferer," — "the patient saint," — "the 
angelic preacher." Knox is plain Knox — in acting and in 
suffering always a hero ; and his story is told as a hero 
would wish that it should be told, — with simplicity, preci- 
sion, and force. The author's materials are both ample and 
original ; and to these he has brought a power of combin- 
ing and enlivening them, peculiar to himself. He has many 
points of resemblance to his hero : a fortitude of mind 
which, on subjects exploded and derided, dares to look mo- 
dern prejudices in the face ; a natural and happy eloquence, 
with a power of discussion on questions of casuistry and of 
politics, not inferior to that of the great leader of the Re- 
formation in Scotland ; though restrained by a decorum of 
expression to which the Reformer's age, as well as himself, 
were strangers." 

The justness of these observations will be allowed by 
every dispassionate reader of Knox's Life. Nor is the com- 
plaint of the Quarterly reviewer without some foundation, 
that our author entertained unreasonable prejudices against 
Episcopacy, and spoke of surplices and rochets with a 



* Quarterly Review, July 1813. 



MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



XXXV 



vehemence of indignation scarcely to have been expected 
in a man of his enlarged understanding. But this fact 
is to be accounted for by his thorough conviction in the 
rectitude of his own principles, as well as by the belief 
which he cherished in common with the Scottish Refor- 
mers, that the Presbyterian polity was of divine institution, 
and ought to be maintained and defended against every 
other form of church government. 

There are some other prepossessions of our biographer, 
which cannot perhaps be so satisfactorily explained or vin- 
dicated. His unbounded admiration for the character of 
Knox, and the overwhelming importance he attached to his 
services, as instrumental in working out the civil and reli- 
gious liberties of his country, led him to touch with too 
gentle a hand some of the rougher points in his history, 
and to stretch the mantle of a too charitable construction 
over actions and doctrines that admit of no defence, and 
cannot be justified even by the unsettled and barbarous 
state of society in which they were perpetrated. The 
arguments of Knox, drawn from heathen antiquity, to 
palliate the assassination of Cardinal Beatoun, the ill-timed 
merriment he displays in relating that foul deed, and the 
countenance which his comments upon that act were cal- 
culated to give, in a fierce age, to promote murder or un- 
restrained vengeance, — deserved, upon the whole, a severer 
reprehension, a more decided condemnation than they 
have found in the pages of his biographer. Allowing that 
the Cardinals death was a benefit to his country ; that it 
prevented, in all human likelihood, a long course of blood- 
shed and cruel persecution ;. and that by one desperate 
blow it removed the great impediment to the Reformation ; 
still the manner, the motives of its accomplishment, must 
be reprobated as an assumption of power to inflict punish- 
ment on a heinous offender, which ought never to be 
wrested from the hands of the civil magistrate. It was the 
supplanting of law and justice by the wild revenge of brutal 
passion, and misguided opinion. 

No one who knew Dr. M'Crie, can for a moment sup- 
pose that he advocated such pernicious doctrines, or meant 
to encourage the commission of such atrocious crimes. 



xxxvi 



MEMOIR OF DR. M*CRIE. 



The mere suspicion of such a possibility would have revolt- 
ed every feeling of his heart, every principle of his nature. 
All that can be said therefore is, that his condemnation of 
that individual act is not sufficiently explicit — that in his 
anxiety to vindicate the conduct of his hero, he has at- 
tempted to draw a distinction between that particular crime 
and ordinary acts of private assassination ; and to show 
that we may disapprove of the deed, while we scruple to 
load the memory of the actors with an aggravated charge 
of murder. 

The lenient pen of the biographer appears in the descrip- 
tion of another important event in Knox's life — his inter- 
views with Queen Mary. It has been the fashion with 
some, to represent our Reformer on that occasion, as a sa- 
vage whom the tears of beauty could not melt, or the win- 
ning smiles of majesty soften into good manners. To these 
charges of rudeness and irreverence towards his sovereign, 
our historian has replied in terms flattering to Knox, and 
measured rather by his own views of the politeness due to 
a Popish Queen from the leader of the Protestant Reform- 
ation, than by the courtesy and respect which every sub- 
ject, however exalted, owes to the royal presence. It is 
true that Knox addressed Mary with a plainness to which 
crowned heads are seldom accustomed ; but that he did not 
exceed the limits of courtly etiquette, or officiously inter- 
meddle in matters touching the conscience and domestic 
concerns of his sovereign, will hardly be maintained by any 
who have read his own account of the different conferences 
he had with the Queen in public audience. 

The best, indeed the only apology that can be offered for 
Knox's harsh demeanour in the presence of Mary, is the 
license of the age ; and the prevailing impression that the 
power and authority divinely bestowed on the inspired pro- 
phets, under the Old Testament dispensation, were confer- 
red on the ministers and preachers of the Reformed doc- 
trines. 

In vindicating the character of our Reformer from the 
charge of having inflicted an irreparable injury on litera- 
ture, by causing the destruction of the monastic libraries, 
Mr. M f Crie was eminently successful. The evidence he 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



xxxvii 



adduced of the miserable poverty of those reputed treasu- 
( ries of knowledge, completely put to silence all complaints 
and accusations about the losses which learning had sus- 
tained from the Vandal fury of the Protestant Reform- 
ers. We do not, however, think our author entitled to 
equal praise, in his reflections upon the violent and need- 
less demolition of the cathedrals, and other sacred edifices 
throughout the country. It may have been good policy 
to pull down the images and monuments of idolatry ; and 
perhaps the maxim of the Reformer was true — that the 
best way to keep the Popish rooks from returning, was to 
destroy their nests. Yet this will not justify the havoc 
committed on so many noble buildings ; nor does it afford 
matter for jocular and sarcastic exultation, that posterity, 
instead of blaming Knox, are indebted to him for having 
ministered to the gratification of the antiquary and the ar- 
tist, by producing so many picturesque ruins. 

Of the share which our Reformer took in some of the 
political intrigues of the time, especially in applying to the 
Court of Elizabeth for troops to assist the Congregation, 
when such aid could not be granted without dishonour, and 
in breach of the treaty between the two kingdoms, Mr. 
M'Crie speaks with becoming reprehension, and in the 
stern language of an impartial historian. But it is unneces- 
sary to dwell longer on the merits or faults of this popular 
work, which has long ago taken its niche in the temple of 
European literature. Its excellences are universally ac- 
knowledged, while its defects are but as telescopic spots on 
the solar brightness of its author's fame. 

The full amount of the benefit conferred by this produc- 
tion on Scotland, and the cause of the Reformed religion, 
can only be estimated by a comparison of the ignorance 
and prejudice in which the true character and history of 
the Reformers were previously enveloped. Among those 
who suffered by this misfortune, there was none perhaps to 
whom a harder measure of injustice had been dealt than 
John Knox. On the Continent, he was seen chiefly through 
the medium of Popish calumnies. In England, no honours, 
no veneration, attended his memory ; " his apostolic zeal 
and sanctity, his heroic courage, his learning, talents, and 



xxxviii 



MEMOIR OF DE, M tf CRIE. 



accomplishments, were coldly forgotten, while a thousand 
tongues were ready to pour out their censure or derision 
on his fierceness, his ambition, and his bigotry." Among 
his own countrymen, similiar delusions prevailed. He was 
known, less as an enlightened Reformer than as a violent 
and gloomy fanatic, equally a foe to polite learning and 
innocent enjoyment. How totally incorrect and unfair 
these representations were, it remained for Mr. M< Crie to 
demonstrate. Under his hands, our great Reformer became 
not merely a new character, but a new creature. The 
clouds of obloquy and vulgar error that obscured his 
name, were completely and for ever dissipated. The dis- 
jointed fragments that lay buried in rubbish or scattered 
in libraries and manuscripts, were collected, and garnish- 
ed, and framed into a magnificent monument. 

But the justice done to the memory of our national Re- 
former, was not the only benefit which the Life of Knox 
conferred on this country. It removed many misconcep- 
tions as to the literature and accomplishments of our coun- 
trymen in the sixteenth century. Until that time, the first 
instruments of the Reformation in Scotland were generally 
regarded as Goths and barbarians — men of strong mind, 
of ardent zeal, of rude and powerful eloquence. But Mr 
M e Crie proved that they were sound and elegant scholars — . 
men who, in the midst of popular ignorance, and under an 
unsettled government, sacrificed to the muses and the graces 
of antiquity, till they learned to compose in the Latin 
tongue with an ease and classic purity, unknown since the 
days of Augustus. 

It must have been peculiarly gratifying to the Author of 
the Life of Knox, to find that the measure of popularity and 
respect awarded to him by the public, was commensurate 
with the merits and value of the work. The University of 
Edinburgh conferred on him the degree of Doctor in Di- 
vinity, (Feb. 3, 1813,) an honour the more distinguished 
in the case of Mr. M'Crie, and equally creditable to his 
Alma Mater, since it was one of the first instances of such 
a title having been bestowed on any beyond the pale of the 
Established Church. The book was in every body's hands, 
its praises were in every body's mouth ; and the humble 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



sxxix 



pastor of a Secession congregation, scarcely known beyond 
the precincts of his own religious communion, rose at once 
to the pinnacle of literary fame, and took his place in the 
first rank of historical writers. 

At an interval of eight years, appeared another import- 
ant volume from the pen of Dr. M tf Crie, the Life of Andrew 
Melville, who may be called the second founder of our 
Presbyterian Church polity. This work, though it pos- 
sesses a less attractive title, is in no respect inferior, either 
in point of ability or of interest, to the biography of Knox. 
** It is indeed, (as a very competent judge has remarked,) 
the more curious and instructive production of the two ; 
abounding with an endless variety of facts, illustrative of 
the progress of religion and learning, not only in Scotland* 
but in other nations. As Melville was the most active in- 
strument in maturing the ecclesiastical constitution of his 
country, and introducing that efficient system of general 
and scriptural education, which diffused such inestimable 
benefits over the whole mass of the population, the perusal 
of the work furnishes the surest means of becoming fully 
acquainted with all the peculiarities of the Presbyterian 
Establishment ; while it imparts a vast store of instruction 
nowhere else to be found, on many collateral topics of the 
deepest interest. That the value of this book has never yet 
been sufficiently appreciated, is one of the many proofs of 
the frivolous taste of the age, which, having been accus- 
tomed to prefer superficial and showy acquirements, can- 
not be expected to derive gratification from the results of 
that elaborate research, which by its very magnitude, is apt 
to repel rather than to invite a closer intimacy. The sub- 
jects which are discussed by Dr. M*'Crie in these volumes, 
throw the most important light on the principle of religious 
establishments ; a question which no man was more capable 
of solving, and which he was accustomed to treat in a man- 
ner more favourable to popular claims, than speculative 
men in general have been accustomed to regard as being 
altogether consistent with the legitimate exercise of ecclesi- 
astical authority, or with the implied alliance between the 
Church and any state in which republican principles do not 
predominate." * 

* Blackwood's Magazine, Sept. lS3o. 



xl 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



The opinion entertained of Melville by Dr. M'Crie was 
that, next to Knox, there was no man to whom Scotland was 
so deeply indebted. If the first Reformer was the great instru- 
ment of purifying and establishing the national religion, the 
second was the means of preserving its independence. Like 
his precursor, Melville was exposed to the calumnies of evil 
tongues. By the writers on Episcopacy, he was assailed in 
language rivalling in bitterness of abuse that employed by 
the Popish defamers of the first Protestant preachers. From 
their misrepresentations, others were led to regard him as 
the mere fiery and bigotted advocate of the peculiar forms 
of Presbyterianism. But the fallacy of these views was 
completely dissipated by his biographer, who proved that 
the ecclesiastical questions, for the settlement of which he 
laboured and suffered, related not to matters only of form 
and ceremony, but that they involved the alternative, — 
whether the Church should be maintained in all the liberty 
and power with which her spiritual Head had endowed her, 
or be trammelled and manacled by arbitrary authority. As 
Dr. M'Crie remarks, te the immediate object of King James, 
by the changes which he made in the government of the 
Church, was to constitute himself dictator in all matters of 
religion ; and his ultimate object was, by means of the 
bishops, to overturn the civil liberties of the nation, and to 
become absolute master of the consciences, properties, and 
lives of all his subjects in the three kingdoms. It was a 
contest, therefore, that involved all that is dear to men and 
Christians — all that is valuable in liberty, and sacred in 
religion. Melville was the first to discover and denounce 
the scheme that was planned for the overthrow of these ; 
and he persisted in opposing its execution at the expense of 
deprivation of office, imprisonment, and perpetual proscrip- 
tion from his native country." Considering the strong 
current of illiberal feeling against so obnoxious an indivi- 
dual, it required some degree of moral courage to defend 
his character, and the justness of his claims on posterity. 
But in this qualification, no one excelled Dr. M'Crie ; the 
copious notices of Scottish literature contained in the Life 
of Melville, while they enhanced its value in the estimation 
of a certain class of readers, tended probably to obstruct 
the general popularity of the work ; and hence the vindi- 



MEMOTR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



cation of Melville in the public mind, was not altogether so 
triumphant as that of Knox had been ; although his claims 
to the gratitude of his countrymen, have been set on a basis 
as durable as the monument erected by the same hand to 
his more illustrious predecessor in the work of Scotland's 
Reformation. 

The value of the Lives of Knox and Melville has not yet 
been appreciated to its full extent ; but this defect is per- 
haps to be ascribed more to the high price, which has acted 
as a barrier against their wider perusal, than to any want 
of desire or curiosity, on the part of the religious public, to 
become acquainted with the early historical character and 
transactions of the Church of Scotland. No two works 
have done more important service to the cause of our great 
Reformation. They have rescued, as has been already 
said, from unmerited obloquy the lives and actions of our 
leading Reformers. They have shown what a debt of gra- 
titude is owing to their venerated author, not only on the 
score of Protestantism, but also of liberty and learning* 
They have dispelled the erroneous impressions produced on 
the minds of the last century by the statements of Hume 
and other historians, respecting the fierce and barbarous 
character of those who founded our Presbyterian Church 
polity ; in short, they have thrown a flood of light on the 
transactions of the most interesting epoch in her civil or 
ecclesiastical annals. 

In connection with these more elaborate works, an oc- 
currence ought to be mentioned, which formed a kind of 
episode in Dr. M'Crie's literary career. The author of 
Waverley , whose fame was then rising to its meridian splen- 
dour, had happened to select as the theme of one of his 
most popular novels — Old Mortality — that well-known por- 
tion of Scottish history, comprehending the cruel and 
bloody persecution of the Covenanters under the Second 
Charles. So long as the Great Unknown was content to 
deal with civil rebellion ; to depict the manners and cus- 
toms of our peasantry, in Guy Mannering ; or to amuse 
his readers with the foibles of the Antiquary, or the daring 
exploits of Rob Roy, no offence was taken at his portrai- 
ture of our national character. But when he ventured to 



xlii 



MEMOIR GF DR. M ff CRIE. 



trespass within the sacred pale of the Covenant, to depict 
our martyrs, in their glorious struggle for religious free- 
dom, as fanatics, and bigots, and rebels, it was soon dis- 
covered that he had trodden on ground not to be intruded 
upon with impunity— that he had made encroachments upon 
the hallowed sympathies and recollections of Scotchmen, 
which even the apology of fiction could not extenuate or 
justify. Clergymen and laymen pressed into the arena, 
to vindicate the memory of the Covenanters from the 
aspersions cast upon them by the anonymous author of the 
Tales of my Landlord. 

In this patriotic enterprise. Dr. M e Crie far outstript all 
his competitors, In the review of Old Mortality, which 
appeared in the Christian Instructor for January, February, 
and March 1817, he analysed with amazing accuracy and 
minuteness of research, the ingenious tissue of wit, ridi- 
cule, and misrepresentation, in which the author hath cloth- 
ed those characters and incidents in history, which com- 
posed the scenes and personages of his fictitious narrative. 
Indeed, if any thing could be objected to at all in this laud- 
able vindication of historic truth and calumniated virtue, it 
was the overwhelming accumulation of learning, and zeal, 
and sifting exposure, which was brought to bear, in re- 
futing statements, and descriptions, and exaggerations, that 
were partly designed to be imaginative. Scott's pictures of 
the Covenanters were expressly intended to be caricatures ; 
his liberties with dates, and facts, y/ere indulgences which 
he claimed as a legitimate right of the novelist, and not 
meant to be scrutinized by the line and plummet of real 
transactions. To judge of such delinquences, therefore, 
by the ordinary standards of authenticity, is to condemn fic- 
tion by a rule which ought in fairness to be applied only 
to true history. At the same time, it cannot be denied that 
truth suffers by caricature ; that the best of characters may 
be disfigured or made odious by surrounding them with 
false embellishments. In this way, even the novelist has 
it in his power to do much mischief, from the engaging 
drapery in which he clothes his misrepresentations ; and it 
was chiefly through this artifice, by softening the atroci- 
ties of persecution, investing tyrants and oppressors with 



MEMOIR OF DR. M*CRIE, 



xiiii 



*he attributes of heroes, and traducing the principles and 
-character of the conscientious Presbyterians, that the po- 
pular tale of Old Mortality was likely to disseminate erro- 
neous views of the Covenanters and their times. 

To stem the current of obloquy, the more dangerous 
from the lively and fascinating strain of humour in which 
it was conveyed, Dr. M'Crie boldly entered the field of 
combat ; and never were exertions crowned with more 
v signal success. Like Xeale and Calamy, who defended 
the Non- Conformists of England, he gallantly rescued the 
honest fame of our brave and pious ancestors, when held 
up to buffoonery, and made a jest and laughing-stock for 
the amusement of novel readers. 

In closing his elaborate review, Dr. M*'Crie thus sums 
up the results of his critical dissertation : — " We flatter our- 
selves that we have satisfactorily established the two lead- 
ing positions that we advanced at the beginning of the re- 
view — the gross partiality which the author has shown to 
the persecutors of the Presbyterians, and the injustice he 
has done to the victims of persecution. We have produced 
undeniable proofs of the former, in his withholding a just 
view of the severities and cruelties which they perpetrated ; 
softening them in the representations which he has given, 
and exhibiting the character of some of the chief oppres- 
sors, in such a light as to recommend them to the admira- 
tion of his readers. We have examined his representation 
of the Presbyterians or Covenanters, and have found it in 
numerous instances to be unfair, false, and grossly exagge- 
rated. Instead of being the ignorant, foolish, and violent 
fanatics which he has held them out to be, we have shown 
that information was extensively diffused among them ; 
that they were a sober and religious people ; that their con- 
tendings and sufferings were directed to the support of the 
kindred cause of religion and liberty ; and that the in- 
stances of extravagance and violence really committed, were 
confined to a few, and extorted by grievous and insuffer- 
able oppression. These faults we have exposed with free- 
dom, and sometimes with feelings of indignation, but, we 
trust, without passion or irritation, and without the slight- 
est wish to lower the talents or the fame of the author, far- 



xilV MEMOIR OF DR. M f CRIE. 

ther than was unavoidable in doing justice to the cause 
which we were bound to advocate, and to the memory of 
the men who suffered in its defence." 

So generally was the historian of Knox associated with 
the vindication of religion against any wanton or profane 
attacks upon that subject in the literature of the day, that 
when the celebrated lampoon appeared in the seventh num- 
ber of Blackwood's Magazine, under the title of " Transla- 
tion from an ancient Chaldee Manuscript, " which gave great 
offence to many, as an impious parody on Scripture, a se- 
ries of letters was addressed, under the fictitious name of 
Calvinus, to Dr. M'Crie, and the Rev. Andrew Thomson, 
complaining of the scandal thus cast on the oracles of di- 
vine Revelation, by turning their sacred language into a 
source of merriment, and a vehicle of party abuse. 

The substance of the charge against the biographer of 
Knox was, that he was a contributor to the Magazine, there- 
by associating his name and character with the said obnoxi- 
ous performance. " An article, (says Calvinus,) to which 
your name is subscribed, is inserted in the body of the 
work, almost in immediate contact with the insult to that 
religion of which you are so distinguished an ornament ; 
and it has pretty generally gone abroad, that you mean, 
occasionally, to contribute to stock this Foundling Hospital 
of Wit with your productions, and thus grant to its man- 
agement the implied certificate of your approbation. Nay, 
the parodist seems to have imagined that he could blind 
your eyes and pervert your judgment by the gift of his 
commendation ; and, accordingly, in place of revilement 
from the scorner, (which your function teaches you to 
expect, and your character enables you to despise,) you, 
the historian of Knox, and the champion of the Covenant- 
ers, are accosted from the scorner's chair with the accents 
of good-fellowship, and described in the record of this im- 
piety as an ally ; while your humbler fellow-labourer in 
defence of the Covenanters, is lampooned beside you, and 
expressly lampooned as ( a man thatfeareth God!* Now, 
Sir, highly as I venerate and admire your character, if 
I had thought that in this instance you had erred so far 
as to have for one moment consented to 6 fellowship with 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIF. 



xlv 



thp unfruitful works of darkness/ or permitted yourself to 
1 have pleasure in them that do them,' I should have said 
so without shrinking, and with as little apprehension of 
doing wrong, as of incurring your resentment. But I am 
as fully convinced as I am of my own existence, that not a 
breath of the scandal created by this performance can justly 
light on you ; that the only error you have committed, is 
that of embarking rather too hastily in an adventure the 
nature of which you did not understand ; and that your re- 
cent contribution to the Magazine, was bestowed without 
the slightest previous surmise on your part, of the company 
into which it was to be introduced ; and that nobody can 
feel more indignant than yourself, at so perfidious an at- 
tempt to dignify the profane by raising them to your level, 
or to degrade you by depression to theirs." 

In the latter part of this censure, (which was wholly un- 
merited,) the inference of Calvinus is perfectly correct, 
that not a breath of the scandal merited by the performance 
alluded to, could justly light on the historian of Knox and 
the champion of the Covenanters. Nothing could be more 
natural than for Dr. M'Crie to give a contribution to a 
Magazine then newly started, the proprietor of which was 
his own publisher, and had the powerful rivalry of a long- 
established periodical to contend against. But this implied 
no certificate of his approval of everything that appeared 
in that production ; far less could it associate his name or 
his character in any insult to religion, or any encouragement 
to profanity and impiety. It is the editor, not the contri- 
butors to a periodical, that must be held responsible for its 
contents ; and the only course that either can adopt, when 
they conceive a breach of decency or propriety has been 
committed, is to withdraw their support from the publica- 
tion.* 

It so happened, however, that the articles furnished by 
Dr. M'Crie were strictly connected with his own liter- 
ary researches. The one which appeared in the same num- 

* It ought to be mentioned, to the honour of Mr. Blackwood, that in con- 
sequence of the offence taken at the Chaldee MSS. which was merely intended 
as ajeux d' esprit, it was suppressed immediately, with an apology thai if 
what had happened could have been anticipated, the obnoxious article never 
would have appeared 



xlvi 



MEMOIR OF DR. M*CK1E. 



ber with the imaginary Translation, (October 1817,) was* 
merely a short letter which he had addressed to a friend,, 
with extracts from a manuscript of Bishop Leslie's History 
of Scotland,. in the possesion of the Earl of Leven and Mel- 
ville. Another article of his also, purely literary, was- 
published in the third number, (June 1817*) some months 
before the Chaldee manuscript made its appearance. It 
gave a very interesting account of a MS. which had lately 
come into his possession, having been rescued by him from 
the hands of a merchant who had purchased it for waste 
paper. This document was described as ee a quarto volume,, 
(of which nearly 300 pages remain,) bound in vellum, and 
written in a fine hand, about the beginning of the eighteenth 
century ; it was entitled, " The History of Scotland, from 
the year 1660." On looking into the contents, Dr. M'Cria 
was led to suppose it to be part of a History of Scotland by 
Sir George M'Kenzie of Rosehaugh,. who was Lord Ad- 
vocate of Scotland in the reign of Charles II. and author 
of several treatises, professional and political, in reference 
to the affairs of his own times. 

That conjecture proved to be correct, and in 1821 this 
curious fragment of Scottish history was published. In 
the preface, a relation is given of the singular circumstances 
in which the original work was rescued from destruction* 
6( In the year 18 17, (according to this account,) a large 
mass of papers was sold to a shop-keeper in Edinburgh • 
from these, his curiosity induced him to select a manuscript 
volume, which appeared to him to be something of an his- 
torical nature i and by another and equal piece of good 
fortune, he communicated this volume to Dr. M'Crie, the 
well-known author of the Lives of Knox and Melville. 
On examining this volume, Dr. M'Crie discovered that it 
was the composition of Sir George M'Kenzie, and that it 
must be a portion of that history of his own times which 
had been so long a desideratum in Scottish literature. Of 
this the intrinsic evidence was obvious and complete ; and 
the manuscript, though written by one of the ordinary tran- 
scribers of that age, was distinctly identified, by numerous 
corrections and additions in the well-known hand^writing 
of Sir George M'Kenzie himself." 



MEMOIR OF DR. M C CRIE. 



xlvii 



Such being* the accidental connexion of Dr. M'Crie with 
Blackwood's Magazine, and considering the importance of 
the literary treasure, of whose discovery he then for the 
first time communicated his suspicions to the world, it will 
hardly be thought reasonable that he should be condemned 
as having done aught unworthy of his fame, or inconsistent 
with his clerical character ; far less that he should have 
been seated in the same chair with scorners and parodists 
of Scripture, or placed in any degree of affinity with the 
odium or criminality that attached to the Chaldee manu- 
script. In fact, the censures of Calvinus, however laudable 
bis anxiety for the interests of religion might be, showed 
that his main object was to damage the reputation of the 
periodical in question, by representing it as undeserving 
the countenance or aid of the avowed supporters of moral 
and Christian purity. This conclusion will be found borne 
out by his Letters, which betray all the jealousy and aspe- 
rity of a partisan writer. 

The works and labours of Dr. M'Crie, already mention- 
related to the ecclesiastical history of his own country ; 
~>ut he soon gave proof to the world that his researches in- 
to the origin and early struggles of Protestantism, had 
taken a much wider range. In 1827 appeared his " His- 
tory of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation 
in Italy in the 1 6th century ; including a Sketch of the 
History of the Reformation in the Grisons ;" and two years 
afterwards, he published his History of the Reformation in 
Spain. In these productions, the biog v rapher of Knox and 
Melville showed that he was no bigotted sectarian, whose 
intellectual pursuits had been limited and wasted in narrow- 
minded controversies with his brethren of the Secession. 
If his former works had left any room for suspicions of this 
nature, they must have been entirely dispelled by these 
volumes, in which the author displayed a familiar acquaint- 
ance with the literature of Europe^ and a sympathy with 
the struggles of Protestantism, in countries most adverse to 
its success. It may, perhaps, be proper to notice here, 
that in the summer of 1821, Dr. M'Crie had paid a short 
visit to the Continent, partly on the score of health — his 
eyes having been affected by incessant application to study : 



xlviii 



MEMOIR OF DR. M<CRIE. 



but chiefly in quest of materials for a Life of Calvin, which 
he had long 1 meditated. In this tour he visited Amsterdam 
and Rotterdam, where he preached in the Scotch Church ; 
but the greater portion of his time was spent in making 
extracts from the manuscripts and works which he found 
in the libraries at Leyden. 

Dr. M'Crie states, in his Preface, that he was long con- 
vinced the Reformed opinions had spread to a much greater 
extent in Italy than was commonly supposed. This con- 
viction he had made public, and at the same time expressed 
a wish that some individual who had leisure, would pursue 
the inquiry, and fill up what he considered a blank in the 
history of the Reformation. The task devolved upon him- 
self ; and he brought to its accomplishment, many qualifi- 
cations in which others might have been found deficient. 
Besides the ordinary resources of books, he had enjoyed the 
opportunity, during the visit which he made to Holland, of 
examining several curious and valuable works — particularly 
in the library of the venerable Mons. Chevalier, one of the 
pastors of the French Reformed Church at xAmsterdam, 
who not only gave him free access to his stores, but politely 
transmitted to him a number of extracts, which he had not 
time to make during his short stay in that city. 

Accordingly, his work abounds with rare and valuable 
information upon matters which had hitherto attracted less 
public attention in the Reformed states of Europe than 
their importance deserved. The secular history of the 
Italian peninsula is familiar to every well educated reader ; 
but seldom has there been heard of one who laboured to 
diffuse the knowledge of evangelical truth over the darkened 
regions that formed the central dominion of superstition 
and priestcraft ; and who, like the Covenanters in Scotland, 
were doomed, for conscience sake, to suffer exile, imprison 
ment, and martyrdom. Yet the number of them was not 
small, nor were their labours unworthy of remembrance. 
The Reformers and martyrs of Italy were lost sight of 
amidst the pleasures and intrigues of courts, or the splen- 
dour of arts and letters. In reviving their forgotten an- 
nals, therefore, Dr. M'Crie may be said to lead us over 
ground that was almost untrodden before, and to have 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE, 



xlix 



opened up hidden vaults and chambers filled with Chris- 
tian monuments, in the great pyramid of the Reformation. 

The works of Luther easily found their way into the 
Papal States, where attention had already been drawn to 
Germany by the contest which Reuchlin maintained for 
Hebrew literature ; and scarcely had the Court of Rome 
decided, or rather evaded, that controversy, when the new 
dispute respecting Indulgences was brought under its re- 
view. The writings of the Reformers were at first circu- 
lated openly, and afterwards under fictitious names. The 
influence which these produced, was aided by the attention 
bestowed on sacred literature ; and the impressions then 
made on the minds of the learned, were strengthened by 
their intercourse with men of letters in other countries. Of 
the various editions of the Scriptures, both in the original 
language and in translations, which were published in Italy 
about the era of the Reformation, Dr. M'Crie has given a 
minute and interesting account. 

It would be out of place here to detail the causes that 
led to the diffusion of the Reformed doctrines in Italy, or 
to follow our historian through the various cities and pro- 
vinces in which he traces the progress of scriptural opi- 
nions. In Modena, Florence, Bologna, Faenza, Milan, 
Venice, Pisa, Lucca, Locarno, Sienna, Naples, Istria, and 
even Sicily, the preachers of the truth made converts, and 
in some instances established churches. In the language 
of a Popish writer, " the whole of Italy was infected with 
the Lutheran heresy, which had been extensively embrac- 
ed both by statesmen and ecclesiastics." But the dawn 
that purpled the moral horizon, the morning that rose 
bright, and promised to scatter the thick mists of ignorance 
and idolatry which so long had settled on that land, was 
soon overcast. The clouds gathered, the storm arose ; in 
the year 1542, the Court of Rome took the alarm at the 
dangers that surrounded it ; and from that period, till the 
close of the century, exile and imprisonment, the axe and 
the stake, torture and death, thinned the ranks of the hap- 
less Protestants. We must leave it to Dr. M'Crie to nar- 
rate the melancholy tale of persecution, treachery, and bar- 
barous cruelty, exhibited in the suppression of the Refor- 

d 



I 



BIEM0XR OF DR. M f CRIE. 



matron. The Waldenses, and the martyrs in the valleys oi 
Piedmont, have had their noble struggles commemorated ; 
but it remained for our author to do justice to another class 
of persecuted Protestants of the Alps, — the Italian refugees 
who settled in the Grisons, on the south-east border of 
Switzerland, amidst those gigantic mountains, covered with 
perpetual snow, that tower above the source of the Rhine. 
This formed an interesting episode in the narrative of the 
Reformation in Italy. 

Dr. M'Crie stated, that he had originally proposed tc 
embody in the preceding volume, some account of the pro- 
gress and suppression of the Reformation in Spain ; this, how- 
ever, was found to be impracticable, and accordingly it was 
reserved for a separate publication, which appeared in 182°.* 
It formed an appropriate sequel to the work on Italy, and 
completed what the author intended as a contribution to* 
the history of that memorable revolution in the sixteenth 
century p which more or less affected all the nations of Eu- 
rope. 

The introduction of the Reformed opinions into Spain, 
was effected by means similar to those which marked their 
rise and propagation in other Roman Catholic countries. 
The labours of Erasmus and Luther were extending the 
knowledge of truth and the principles of freedom over the 
Continent ; but in the Peninsula, their beneficial operation 
was checked by the most vigorous opposition ; and with the 
aid of the terrible Inquisition, the cloud of ignorance and 
superstition that had been dispelled from other parts of 
Europe, established its dark and pestilential influence on 
the devoted realms of Spain. So early as 1521, that tribu- 
nal had forbidden the perusal of all Protestant writings ; 
and this prohibition was soon extended to every work that 
seemed fitted, in the remotest degree, to enlighten man- 
kind. The translations of Scripture, above all, were inter- 
dicted under the severest penalties ; even the geography of 
Pomponius Mela was proscribed ; and to complete the en- 
tire restriction on religious or mental enlightenment, a law 

* So far back as 1804, he had contributed to the Christian Magazine some 
articles on the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Spain, with 
an account of Spanish Protestant martyrs. 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



i 



«rf Philip II. in 1558, decreed the punishment of death and 
confiscation of goods against all who should buy, keep, 
read, or look at the books prohibited by the Holy Office. 

The doctrines of the Reformation, however, made con- 
siderable progress ; and preaehers were found bold enough, 
in the cause of truth, to set at defiance the tortures of per- 
secution and the fires of martyrdom. But the organise*] 
system of cunning and cruelty, the autos da fe in which 
hundreds were annually burnt, and thousands quietly con- 
signed to dungeons and death, speedily arrested the disse- 
mination of Protestant opinions. No argument was per- 
mitted, no appeal was listened to ; the taint of heresy could 
only be wiped out with bloc and whoever incurred this 
fatal suspicion, was committed to the torments of the Inqui- 
sition or the silence of the grave. Within the short space 
of half a century from the year 1559, more than one hun- 
dred and twenty persons, many of them females, were an- 
nually burnt in the Fifteen Courts of the Inquisition in Spain 5 
and for the same period, Llorente calculates the number of 
victims to these sanguinary tribunals, without including 
those who died from the effects of torture, or who were 
privately executed, at upwards of three hundred and forty- 
one thousand ; of whom nearly thirty-two thousand were 
publicly burnt. The houses in which Lutheran doctrines 
had been taught, were razed to the ground, and the memory 
and posterity of the unhappy sufferers were declared to be 
infamous. By means of these relentless persecutions, which 
almost freeze the blood to contemplate even in the pages of 
history, the reign of Popery and arbitrary power triumphed 
in Spain; and the Reformation was suppressed, not by 
confuting its principles, but by the extirpation of its pro- 
fessors. 

In these works, as in those connected with Scottish his- 
tory, Dr. M'Crie displayed an inexhaustible fund of learn- 
ing, of minute and exact information, such as could only 
have been amassed by years of severe and patient industry. 
The same spirit, too, pervades them all — a conviction that 
Popery is a system opposed to the religion of the Bible, 
and hostile to the liberty and happiness of man. Nor do 
they bear the slightest trace of sectarian narrowness, or 



lii 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



national prejudices. The author's Christianity takes a more 
comprehensive range. The artificial divisions of states and 
kingdoms, the separation of mountains and oceans, had no 
effect in impairing or interrupting his philanthrophy . Where- 
ever men lived and laboured, or suffered and died to com- 
municate the knowledge of a purer faith, the various shades 
of opinion on minor subjects, never abated his esteem, or 
cooled his zeal to honour their memory. The Protestants 
of Seville and Valladolid, of Naples and Ferrara, of Frank- 
fort and Geneva, were equally the objects of his venera- 
tion and sympathy, as those of London and Newcastle, 
Edinburgh or St. Andrew's. He honoured them all alike, 
whether as noble martyrs to the truth, or as the instruments 
and examples of the regeneration of the world. 

It ought to have been mentioned that in 1825, he pro- 
duced a volume, containing some interesting fragments 
of the history of the Covenanters. This work, which he 
edited, and illustrated with valuable notes and biographi- 
cal sketches, was the Memoirs of Mr. William Veitch 
and George Brysson, written by themselves ; a Narrative 
of the Rising suppressed at Pentland, written by Colonel 
James Wallace ; and a Narrative of the Rising suppressed 
at Bothwell Bridge, written by James Ure of Shargarton. 
The Life of Veitch, who became minister first of Peebles, 
and then of Dumfries, after the Revolution, besides detail- 
ing his own adventures, which were not a little romantic, 
includes an account of the escape of the Earl of Argyle 
after his condemnation, and of the expedition to Scotland, 
in concert with that of the Duke of Monmouth to England, 
to oppose King James, which ended in the capture and exe- 
cution of both of these unfortunate noblemen. The Nar- 
ratives of Colonel Wallace and Mr. Ure refer to events 
well known, and constituting two of the darkest pages in 
the heroic contendings of the Covenanters. 

Most of Dr. M'Crie's other writings and publications 
were more immediately connected with his pastoral office ; 
or with the controversies of the time, in reference to Seces- 
sion principles. To the former class, belong his Lectures 
on the Book of Esther ; and a volume of posthumous ser- 
mons which appeared in 1836. Among his earlier pro- 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



(tactions, was a Discourse, published in 1797, on " The 
Duty of Christian Societies towards each other, in relation 
to the measures for Propagating the Gospel, which at pre- 
sent engage the attention of the Religious World." This 
sermon was preached in the "Meeting-house in Potterrow, 
on occasion of a collection for promoting a mission to Ken- 
tucky ; and it is alleged that the author afterwards regret- 
ted its publication, as he had changed his views in refer- 
ence to some opinions which he then entertained. A va- 
riety of articles, as has been already stated, were furnished 
by him to the Christian Magazine, and several other peri- 
odicals. It is not easy to ascertain exactly the number or 
titles of these contributions, as most of them were anony- 
mous. It is understood, however, that the following may 
be ascribed to his pen, being furnished to the Christian 
Magazine about the commencement of the century. Be- 
tween 1803 and 1806, he continued a series of papers in 
that work, under the assumed name of Philistor, (a lover 

of History,) viz " The History of the New Testament, 

confirmed and illustrated by passages of Josephus, the Jew- 
ish historian," — et Memoir of Mr. John Murray, minister of 
Dunfermline," — " Sketch of the Progress of the Reforma- 
tion in Spain, with an Account of Spanish Protestant mar- 
tyrs," — " Suppression of the Reformation in Spain, &c." 
— " Illustrations of Scripture as to the grinding and parch- 
ing of Corn," — " On the Origin of the Taborites," — " Life 
of John Wickliffe," — <£ Life of John Huss," — (e Martyr- 
dom of Jerome of Prague," — " Martyrs in Britain, from 
the time of Wickliffe to the Reformation," — " Influence 
of the opinions of Wickliffe upon the English Reforma- 
tion," — " Life of Theodore Beza," — " Life of Dr. Andrew 
Rivet," — " Life of Patrick Hamilton, the Proto- Martyr 
of the Reformation in Scotland," — £i The Life of Francis 
Lambert of Avignon," — " Account of Bugenhagen, a Ger- 
man Reformer," — iC Life of Alexander Henderson, one of 
the Commissioners from the Church of Scotland to the 
Assembly of Divines at Westminster," — " Historical No- 
tices respecting learned Scottish Divines in England and 
foreign parts, during the sixteenth century." 

From the simple enumeration of these earlier produc- 



ilv 



MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE. 



tions, it is easy to perceive in what way Dr. M'Crie had 
acquired that rich fund of literary and ecclesiastical infor- 
mation for which his subsequent works were so distin- 
guished. It likewise shows that the peculiar bent of his 
genius was turned towards subjects illustrative of martyr- 
ology, and the progress of the Reformation throughout 
Europe. It is impossible for us to specify his contributions 
to other periodicals, such as the Christian Instructor, the 
Presbyterian Review, &c. but they are all characterized by 
the same master-mind. In Blackwood's Magazine, for 
March 1831, he paid an eloquent tribute to the memory of 
Dr. Andrew Thomson, a man to whom he bore a strong 
resemblance in the boldness of his character, and the un- 
compromising firmness of his principles. He also furnished 
to the Edinburgh Review, for April 1830, an article on the 
Memoirs of Sir James Turner, one of the notorious persecu- 
tors of the Covenanters. That curious work was printed from 
an original manuscript for the members of the Bannatyne 
Club. He was earnestly importuned to become the editor 
of Wodrow's History of the Sufferings of the Church of 
Scotland, and even to write a new work on that sangui- 
nary period of our annals. But neither of these tasks were 
undertaken. The edition of Wodrow was superintended 
by Dr. Burns of Paisley, and appeared in four volumes 
octavo, enriched with a variety of notes and illustrations. 

For the latter years of his life, he was engaged in a work 
which, if at all approaching to a complete state, will be 
second only to the biography of Knox in importance. This 
was the life of Calvin, of whose character, opinions, and 
labours, we yet possess no account worthy to be compared 
with that of our own two illustrious Reformers ; although 
the writings and sentiments of John Calvin had a power- 
ful influence on the Reformation, not merely in his own 
country, but in various parts of Europe, and especially in 
Scotland. We are not aware what progress Dr. M'Crie 
had made in this work at the time of his death ; but it 
appears to have been sufficiently advanced to admit of 
publication. A well-informed writer, in allusion to this 
subject, says, u through his own indefatigable industry, 
aided by the activity and intelligence of one of his sons, a 



MEMOIR OP DR. M*CRIE, 



youth of great promise, who has spent many months at 
Geneva, he had accumulated such a mass of materials, and 
had made such progress in the composition, as to give good 
grounds for expecting that the work will soon be given to 
the world, in a state of maturity that will amply sustain the 
high reputation which has been earned by the splendid and 
successful exertions of a laborious life." It may be stated, 
in addition to this information, that the earlier portion of 
Calvin's life, down to the period of his entering on the scene 
of his pastoral duties at Geneva, is understood to have been 
nearly completed ; while, for the remaining period, a large 
mass of documents had been collected, which will enable 
the editor to give the public the benefit of this most im- 
portant biographical work, upon which the lamented au- 
thor was, amidst numerous interruptions, assiduously en- 
gaged at the time when his earthly labours were brought 
to a premature and unexpected close. His son John, upon 
whom he had devolved the task of collecting materials, 
transcribing Calvin's original letters, &c. and who, for that 
purpose, resided several months in Geneva, was cut off in 
the prime of life, having held for some time the office of 
Rector of the Normal School in the city of Glasgow. 

Turning from Dr. M* Crie's literary labours to his private 
and domestic life, it may well excite our surprise, how he 
could devote so much of his time to the public, and yet dis- 
charge the onerous duties which his official situations de- 
volved upon him, as pastor of a large congregation, and Pro- 
fessor of Divinity to the body of Seceders with whom he was 
connected. Such, however, were the powers of his superior 
mind and indefatigable application, that he accomplished 
one and all of his numerous avocations faithfully and effi- 
ciently. The writer of a short obituary notice at the time 
of his death, says, in allusion to this diversity of employ- 
ment, " the wonder is, that any physical strength could 
have held out so long under such incessant pressure. Times 
past, and times present — interests the most remote, and in- 
terests close at hand — counsels to churches and nations, 
and counsels to the humblest members of a humble flock — 
correspondence with the living, and fatiguing researches 
into the cross lights and casual glances at forgotten facts, 



Ivi 



MEMOIR GF DR. M^CRIE. 



in the letters of the long-departed dead — languages dead 
and living — opinions old and new— parties, schools, and 
sects of all times and descriptions — well may we stand 
aghast at the contemplation of demands so manifold and 
various on the time and thoughts of this withal thoroughly 
domestic man and faithful Christian minister." It has been 
incidentally noticed, that Dr. M c Crie held the office of 
Professor of Divinity to the body of the Secession with 
whom he was connected. To this situation he had suc- 
ceeded on the death of Mr. Bruce, and he commenced his 
lectures in 1817. He continned to discharge the duties of 
the chair with great ability till 1827, when he resigned it 
to Professor Paxton, in consequence of the re-union of 
those members of the Anti-Burgher Synod, who had pro- 
tested against and declined participating in the union of 
1820 > between the two main bodies of the Dissenters. The 
difference of sentiment appeared so trivial between these 
dissentients and the Constitutional Associate Presbytery, 
that a junction was proposed and effected in May 1827 
— the Articles of Agreement, and the Overtures of a Tes- 
timony, &c. being drawn up by Dr. M'Crie on the one 
side, and Professor Paxton on the other. 

The effect of these protracted and sedentary occupations 
must, no doubt, have tended to weaken and undermine a 
constitution which does not seem to have been naturally 
robust. In his latter days, his appearance was that of a 
laborious, plodding, hard-wrought student ; yet his general 
health was never so far impaired as to incapacitate him for 
the discharge of his official duties. For some days before 
his death, he had been complaining ; but was so far from 
being seriously indisposed, that he not only preached the 
whole of the preceding Sabbath, but went out on Tuesday 
to take his usual forenoon's walk. Towards the evening, 
however, he was taken alarmingly ill, and between ten and 
eleven o'clock he fell into a stupor from which no medical 
means had any effect in recovering him. He expired next 
day about noon, being Wednesday the 5th of August, 
1835. This event took place at his house, Salisbury 
Place, Newington, and spread a deep and general feeling 
of grief and regret ; all classes uniting in deploring the 



MEMOIR, OF DR. M'CRIE. 



Ivii 



loss which the cause of Christian truth, and the literature 
not of Scotland only but of Europe, had sustained by the 
sudden decease of him who had been the bold advocate of 
the one, as he was the brig-ht ornament of the other. His 
death may be considered premature, as he was only in the 
sixtv-fourth year of his age. He was buried in Greyfriars' 
Churchyard ; and as it happened that the Commission 
of the General Assembly was met on the day of the fune- 
ral, ^May 12th.) a deputation, consisting of the Moderator 
and several of the leading members, on the motion of Dr. 
Cook, joined the procession, as a mark of respect due to one 
who had done so much for the Church by his writings, and 
by his consistent adherence to her establishment.* 

The leading features of Dr. M-'Crie's character, both 
public and private, were strongly marked. Some might 
suppose that a man whose days and nights had so long been 
passed in arduous and abstruse investigations, and whose 
opinions, always decided and often unfashionable, were de- 
fended with uncompromising firmness, would possess little 
aptitude for ingratiating himself with people of ordinary 
attainments. No conjecture could be more groundless. 
In private lite he was bland and amiable, far beyond what 
strangers might have been led to infer from the sternness 
of his principles on controverted points of ecclesiastical po- 
lity. In the family circle, and in all the relationships of 
society, none displayed more than he did of the milk of 
human kindness. To that native modesty and simplicity 
of disposition, which is the sure indication of a great mind, 
he added an unaffected benevolence and cordiality, which 
could not fail to gain the hearts of the youngest and least 
experienced of those who applied to him for counsel or for 

* Nor was this the or.lv testimony of respect which the Church of Scotland 
showed to Dr. M'Crie. The writer of this Biographical Notice happened to 
be present in the General Assembly, several years after the publication of 
Knox's Life ; and, as a keen debate was expected on seme popular topic of 
the day, the galleries were crowded to excess. Many who could not gain ad- 
mission there, found their way into those seats in the body of the house usu- 
ally appropriated to ministers not being members. Complaints being made 
by the clergymen thus excluded, it was found necessary to order the house to 
be cleared of strangers. When it was discovered that among the strangers 
was Dr. M'Crie, the Assembly rose up spontaneously, and the clerk. Dr. Mac- 
knight, was requested to announce, that the author of the Life of John Kncx 
should remain in his plaee. 



Iviii 



MEMOIR OF DPv. M'CRIE. 



comfort. He was peculiarly accessible to all who were 
addicted to studies akin to his own, and was ever ready to 
refer them to the best sources of information. Indeed, none 
could behold without esteeming his affability and gentle- 
ness to all with whom he held intercourse — his unostenta- 
tious piety — his homely wisdom— the uniform cheerfulness 
of his temper and conversation, which neither bodily pain 
nor mental anxiety seemed capable of disturbing. He was 
often in the course of his life brought into circumstances 
fitted to put the strength of his Christian principles to the 
test, and he as often showed that he could rise above the 
vexations of hostility and persecution — that neither per- 
sonal ease, nor the ambition of worldly applause, was so 
dear to him as truth and a good conscience. 

If his private character was irreproachable and eminently 
exemplary, it was but a living illustration of what he so 
ably taught from the pulpit and the press. As a minister 
of the gospel, he was diligent, faithful, and conscientious. 
Amidst all his attentions to the claims of private friendship, 
and the pursuits of those historical labours w 7 hich shortened 
his days, he never lost sight of the prominent value of the 
pastoral office to which he had originally devoted his ta- 
lents ; in the exposition of divine truth, he was perspicuous 
and convincing, bringing forth things new and old from 
the treasury of his theological learning, which was exten- 
sive in every department, but especially so in that most 
essential branch which furnishes the best aids for the skil- 
ful and profitable interpretation of Scripture. His sty]e of 
preaching was not that which is commonly called popular, 
nor was his eloquence of the kind that has of late years be- 
come fashionable in Scotland : His discourses were re- 
markable for their solid sterling worth, rather than for their 
showy qualities. A rich and exalted tone of doctrine, a 
calm and affectionate earnestness, a chaste yet forcible 
simplicity of diction, and a skilfulness of practical applica- 
tion to the hearts and consciences of his hearers ; these 
were the prominent characteristics of his ordinary pulpit 
administrations. 

Though a seceder from the Church of Scotland, he did 
not, like the great body of Dissenters from whom he had 



MEMOIR OF DR. Bl'GRIE. ]\x 

•separated, convert that disunion into a ground of hostility 
and persecution against her : far less did he seek, on that 
account, to compass the entire overthrow of her establish- 
ment. To her doctrine, worship, discipline, and govern- 
ment, he was warmly attached ; and that attachment he re- 
tained undiminished until the day of his death. While he 
regretted the existence of certain evils and abuses in her 
svstem of administration, which still prevented him from 
joining her communion, he looked forward with hope to 
see the time when those barriers of separation should be 
removed. In a sermon, preached in May 1834, in refe- 
rence to ecclesiastical proceedings, he says, " Xothing on 
earth would give more joy to my heart than to see sure 
and decided symptoms of reformation in the National 
Church of Scotland. I would go seven times to the top of 
her highest mountain to look out for the harbinger of her 
relief though each time I should have to return with the 
message — 4 there is nothing provided at last I could hail 
the appearance of " the little cloud out of the sea like a 
man's hand/ the sure prelude of the plentiful rain which 
shall refresh the weary inheritance, make her wilderness 
an Eden, and her desert as a garden of the Lord." 

The recent proceedings in the Church Courts, for giving 
more effect to the popular will in the choice and settlement 
of their pastors, had but his partial approbation. The 
celebrated Veto Act. which the Liberal party introduced 
in 1834, with a view to limit the power, if not to frustrate 
and indirectly supplant the rights of patrons, he regarded 
with cold suspicion, as a worthless boon, so long as lay 
ie was permitted to exist. His sagacity foresaw the 
collision that must inevitably arise, and which has now 
arisen with a violence of contention that sets the courts of 
at oehanee. and threatens another Secession — from the 
attempt to bring two incompatible and repugnant rights to 
work together in a system of harmonious parish settle- 
ments. While the advocates of the Veto boasted that they 
had muzzled the monster of patronage, the more clear-sighted 
Dissenter told them they were mistaken, — " they had only 
murHed him, but they had muzzled the people." In allud- 
ing to the Yeto Act, in the sermon already quoted, he 



Ix 



MEMOIR OF DR. M C CRIE. 



says, " The decision on Calls, so much applauded by many * 
together with its strange but not unsuitable accompani- 
ments, I can look upon in no other light but as an attempt 
to gull the people with a show of privilege, while it sub- 
jects them to be fettered at every step in the exercise of it, 
and involves them in the inextricable meshes of legal chi- 
canery ; and this boon is presented to them by the hands of 
those who have scornfully thrown out and rejected their 
petitions for relief from a grievance (patronage) of which 
the Church of Scotland has always complained." This was 
the language of Dr. M'Crie in 1834 ; and looking to what 
has since taken place — to what is now (in 1840) the posi- 
tion of the Church, with her Veto Act declared illegal by 
the House of Lords — her law-suits for damages for refusing 
to comply with the decisions of the Civil Courts — her in- 
terdicts in the matter of parish settlements — the suspension 
of numbers of her clergy — her non-intrusion agitation which 
shakes the Establishment to its base ; — looking to these 
facts, we cannot but feel surprised at the accuracy with 
which his sagacious mind predicted the futility of attempt- 
ing to introduce the free exercise of popular rights, so long 
as the law of patronage was left unrescinded. 

On the whole, in whatever light we view this eminent 
man — whether we regard his personal character or his li- 
terary talents — whether we look upon his writings as con- 
nected with the spread of the Reformation in Europe, or 
with that interesting period in the history of the Church of 
Scotland ; — it will be admitted that he was a man of no 
ordinary attainments, endowed with a singular acuteness 
of intellect, and habits of indefatigable research. His fame 
as an author has extended far beyond the limits of his own 
country ; and his works will continue to be read, probably 
with increasing admiration, wherever men are found to 
take an interest in the cause of Reformed Christianity, or 
in the memory of the sufferers for religious liberty. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 

EDITOR'S PREFACE, .... Hi 

MEMOIR OF DR. M'CRIE, . . . ix 

PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION, . . lxv 



PERIOD FIRST. 

Birth and parentage of Knox— his education— state of literature in Scotland 
-— introduction of the study of the Greek language — opinions of John Ma- 
jor—their influence on Knox and Buchanan— Knox addicted to scholastic 
philosophy, and teaches it at St. Andrew's— is advanced to clerical orders 
—change in his studies and sentiments— state of religion in Scotland — 
necessity of a reformation— gratitude due to the Reformers— introduction 
of Reformed doctrines into Scotland— Patrick Hamilton, the martyr- 
exiles for religion— Reformation promoted by the diffusion of the Scrip- 
tures—by poetry— embraced by persons of rank— its state at the death of 
James V. . . . . . Pp. 1 — 22 

PERIOD SECOND. 

Knox retires from St. Andrew's, and joins the Reformers— is persecuted by 
Cardinal Beatoun, and degraded from the priesthood — Guillaume — Rough— 
Wishart— preachers to whose instructions he was indebted — favoured by 
the Regent Arran— Knox enters the family of Langniddrie as tutor — Car- 
dinal Beatoun assassinated — Knox persecuted by his successor Archbishop 
Hamilton— obl ged to conceal himself, and takes refuge in the castle of St. 
Andrew s— his sentiments regarding the assassination of Beatoun— Sir 
David Lindsay of the Mount— Balnaves of Halhill— John Rough— Knox 
called by them to the ministry — his first sermon against Popery — his dis- 
putation before a convention of the clergy— success of his labours— is taken 
prisoner, and confined in the French galleys— his fortitude of mind under 
captivity— he writes a confession of his faith— extract from his dedication 
to a treatise of Balnaves — his humane advice to his fellow prisoners — he is 
liberated. . ... Pp. 22—44 

PERIOD THIRD. 

Knox arrives in England— state of the Reformation there— is sent by the 
Privy Council to preach at Berwick— his exertions and success — character 
of Tonstal, bishop of Durham— Knox defends his doctrines before him — 
is removed to Newcastle, and made chaplain to Edward VI. — consulted in 
the revisal of the Liturgy and Articles— makes proposals of marriage to 
Marjory Bowes— receives "the approbation of the Privy Council — incurs the 
displeasure of the Duke of Northumberland— is honourably acquitted by 
the Privy Council — preaches in London— declines to accept a benefice — re- 
fuses the bishopric of Rochester— disapproves of the worship and govern- 
ment of the Church or England— sentiments of the English Reformers 
agree with his— plan of Edward VI. for improving the Church of England 
—state of his Court— boldness and honesty of the royal chaplains— Knox's 
sermons at Court— his distress at the death of Edward— he returns to the 
north of England at the accession of Mary— his prayer for the Queen — 
marries Marjory Bowes— some of her relations displeased at the marriage- 
Roman Catholic religion restored by English parliament— Knox continues 
to preach— his letters are intercepted — he is forced to abscond, and retires 
to Dieppe in France. .... Pp.44 — 71 



Ixii CONTENTS. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 

%nox's uneasy reflections on his fpght— letters to his friends in E n giants— * 
his solemn review of his conduct in the ministry— visits Switzerland— re- 
turns to Dieppe— visits Geneva— forms an intimate friendship with the ce- 
lebrated Calvin— returns to Dieppe— distressing news from England — his 
Admonition — apology for the severity of its language — fixes his residence 
at Geneva— his means of subsistence — called to be minister to English exiles 
at Frankfort— dissensions among them about the English Liturgy — his 
moderation in that — harmony restored— disorderly conduct of the sticklers 
for the Liturgy— rebuked by Knox— he is accused of high treason— turns 
his thoughts to his native country — state of the Protestant Church in Scot- 
land from the time he left it — triumph of the Popish clergy— Queen Dow- 
ager made Regent— she privately favours the Protestants— William Har- 
low— John Willock — Knox visits his wife at Berwick— preaches privately 
at Edinburgh— letter to Mrs. Bowes— persuades the Protestants to desist 
from hearing mass— dispenses the Sacrament of the Supper in different 
parts of the kingdom — Popish clergy endeavour to apprehend him — sum- 
mon him— Knox preaches more publicly— Earl of Glencairn — his letter to- 
the Queen Regent -receives a call from the English congregation at Ge- 
neva—leaves Scotland — Popish clergy condemn him as a heretic, and burn 
his effigy — his Appellation from the sentence— summary of the doctrine 
which he had taught — estimate of the advantages which the Reformation 
derived from this visit— important instructions which he left behind him 
for his Protestant brethren in Scotland — reaches Geneva. . Pp. 72 — 111 

PERIOD FIFTH. 

Happiness which Knox enjoyed at Geneva— his passionate desire to preach 
the Gospel in his native country — receives an invitation from the Protest- 
ant nobles in Scotland — leaves Geneva, and proceeds to Dieppe in France — 
receives discouraging news there from his friends in Scotland— his ani- 
mated letter to the nobility— severe persecution of the Protestants in 
France— Knox preaches in Rochelle— his reasons for not proceeding tO' 
Scotland — writes to the Prote-tants there — warns them against the Ana- 
baptists — his letter to the nobility— his prudent advice regarding resistance 
to trie government— he returns to Geneva,, and assists in translating trie 
Bible into English— publishes his letter to the Queen Regent — his Appel- 
lation — First Blast of the Trumpet — reasons which led to this publication, 
against female government — Ayhner's answer to it— Knox receives a second 
invitation from the nobility in Scotland — progress of the Reformation there 
— formation of private congregations— Protestant preachers— Martyrdom 
@f Walter Milne— important effects of this— Protestants petition the Re- 
gent—her fair promises — accession of Elizabeth — Knox leaves Geneva for 
Scotland— is refused a passage through England— grounds for this refusal. 
— Knox's reflections on it — he writes to Cecil from Dieppe— arrives in Scot- 
land — Critical situation of affairs on his arrival— dissimulation of the Queen 
Regent — her determination to suppress the Reformation — Knox joins his 
brethren who were summoned to stand trial— preaches at Perth — demoli^- 
tion of the monasteries in that city— not justly imputed to him— Regent 
threatens the destruction of Perth— Protestants defend themselves — a 
treaty between the Regent and Protestant lords, and violated by the Queen 
— the name of the Congregation given to the Protestant association— Lords 
of The Congregation invite Knox to preach at St. Andrew's— threatened 
by the Archbishop— intrepidity of Knox — he preaches — magistrates and 
Inhabitants agree to demolish the monasteries and images, and to set up 
ths- Reformed worship — their example followed in other parts of the king • 
doraa— Psotestants- of Edinburgh fix on Knox as their minister — he travels 

•through the country — effects of his preaching— state of his mind— his 
family arrive in Scotland— French troops come to the assistance of the 
Queen Regent— Knox persuades the Congregation to seek assistance from 
England— apologizes to Elizabeth for his book against female government 
— is invited to England— undertakes a journey to Berwick— is successful in 
the negociation— reasons for his taking an active part in this affair— em- 
barrassment in which this involved him— prejudices of the English Court 
against him— their confidence in his honesty— his activity and imminent 
dangers— Lords of the Congregation consult on deposition of the Regent— 



CONTENTS. 



Knox advises her suspension— influence of the Reformation on civil liberty 
—political principles of Knox— essentially those on which British liberty- 
rests— disasters of the Congregation— their courage revived by the elo- 
quence of Knox— his exertions in Fife— an English army joins the forces 
©f the Congregation— expedition of the French against Glasgow— death of 
the Queen Regent— war ended by a treaty— contrast between the Popish 
and Protestant clergy in their conduct during the civil war— the Reformed 
religion is established by Parliament— retrospective view of the advance- 
ment of the Reformation. .... Pp. Ill— 18*2 

PERIOD SIXTH. 
Knox resumes his situation in Edinburgh— employed in composing the Pro- 
testant Confession of Faith — the First Booa of Discipline— approved and 
subscribed by greater part of Privy Council — sketch of the form and order 
of the Reformed Church of Scotland— laudable attention to education — 
literary hours in a Scotch Minister's Family— Hebrew language introduced 
— cultivation of the vernacular tongue— "first General Assembly— Knox 
loses his wife— his anxiety for the safety of the Reformed Church— Queen 
Wary arrives in Scotland— her education, and her fi^ed determination to 
xestore Popery— alarm excited by her sett.ng up of Mass — behaviour of 
Knox on tnis occasion— remarks on this— hostile intentions ot the Queen 
against Knox— first interview between them— his opinion of her character 
— his austerity and vehemence useful— zeal of the Protestant nobility 
abates — he vindicates the freedom of the Ecclesiastical Assemblies — in- 
veighs against the inadequate provision made for the Protestant ministry 
— his own stipend— attention of the Town Council of Edinburgh to his 
support — he instals two superintendents — employed in reconciling the no- 
bility — the Queen offended at one of his sermons— second interview be- 
tween them — his great labours in Edinburgh. — obtains John Craig for acol- 
league— curious incidents in the life of John Craig, note— the Prior of St. 
Andrew s created Earl of Murray,, and made prime minister— insurrection 
under Huntly— conduct of Knox on that occasion- Quentin Kennedy- 
dispute between him and Knox — Ninian Wingate— excommunication of 
Paul Methven— reflections on the sever. ty of Protestant discipline— third 
interview between Knox, and the Queen— artifice of Mary— she prevails on 
the Parliament not to ratify the Protestant religion— indignation of Knox 
at this— breach between him and Earl of Murray — I, is sermon at the disso- 
lution of Parliament — fourth interview between him and the c^ueen— she- 
bursts into tears— apology for the sternness of his behaviour— slander 
against his character— is accused of high treason — influence used to intimi- 
date him— his trial— indignation of the Queen at his acquittal, — Pp. 182 — 24f> 

PERIOD SEVENTH. 
New attempts to induce Knox to make submission to the Queen— the cour- 
tiers accuse him of usurping a papal power— the General Assembly approve 
of his conduct— he marries a daughter of Lord Ochiltree— slanderous re- 
flections of the Papists on this alliance— dissensions between the Court and 
Protestant preachers— apology for the liberty ot the puipit— debate be- 
tween Knox and Secretary Maitland — the Queen marries Lord Darnley — 
friendship renewed between Knox and the Earl of Murray — he does not 
take part in Murray's insurrection — the King takes offence at one of his 
sermons, and Knox is inhibited from preaching — remonstrance of the Town 
Council against this— Christopher Goodman leaves St. Andrew's— petition 
for Knox's translation to that town refused by Assembly— a fast proclaimed 
for the dangers which threaten the Church— measures taken by the Queen, 
to restore "Popery— assassination of Rizzio — Knox banished* from Edin- 
burgh—resolves to visit his sons in England— is strongly recommended by 
General A ssembly— from whom he was charged with a letter to the bishops- 
of England — Archbishop Hamilton restored to his ancient junsdict-on — 
spirited, letter of Knox on that occasion— the King muidered by Both well 
— the Queen's participation in the murder— her marriage to Bothwell — 
noble behaviour of John Craig on that occasion— the Queen resigns the 
Crown to her son— Knox returns to Edinburgh, and preaches at the coro- 
nation of James VI.— his opinion concerning the punishment of Mary— the 
Earl of Murray made Regent— state of the Protestant Church under his 
Regency— Knox cherishes the desire of retiring from public life— the king 



Ixiv 



CONTENTS. 



dom embroiled by the escape of the Queen— the Regent assassinated by 
Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh— national grief at this event — character of 
Murray — Knox bewails his loss— fabricated conference between them— 
Thomas Maitland exults over the death of the Regent — Knox's denuncia 
tion against him — his pathetic sermon before the Regent's funeral— is struck 
with apoplexy. . Pp. 240—273 

PERIOD EIGHTH. 

Knox recovers from the apoplectic stroke— is involved in a quarrel with 
Kircaldy of Grange, who joins the Queen's party — interposition of the gen- 
tlemen of the west in Knox's favour— anonymous libels against him— his 
spirited answer from the pulpit — Edinburgh occupied by the Queen's party 
—danger to which Knox is exposed — prevailed upon to retire to St. An- 
drew's — civil war— hostility of the Queen s faction against him — he is op- 
posed by their adherents at St. Andrew's — Archibald Hamilton— scheme for 
altering the polity of the Church — Tulchan bishops— not approved of by 
General Assembly — Knox refuses to instal Douglas in the Archbishopric of 
St. Andrew's— gradual decay of his health — striking description of his ap- 
pearance and pulpit eloquence by James Melville — he publishes an answer 
to a Scotch Jesuit called Tyrie— ardently desires his dissolution— his last 
letter to the General Assembly— is invited back, and returns to Edinburgh 
— requests a smaller place of worship, his voice being so enfeebled that he 
could not be heard in St. Giles's— a new place of worship fitted up for him 
— Craig removed from Edinburgh— Lawson chosen as successor to Knox— 
massacre of St. Bartholomew in France inflicts a deep wound on his ex- 
hausted spirit— Knox's denunciation against the French King— preaches in 
the Tolbooth Church— his last sermon— his sickness— interesting interview 
with his session— his message to Kircaldy— his religious advices, medita- 
tions, and comfort in his last illness — his death— funeral— opinions enter- 
tained respecting him by Scottish Protestants— by divines of the Church of 
England— origin and causes of prejudices against him*-his character— re- 
flections on the prophecies ascribed to him— account of his family— suffer- 
ings of John Welch, his son-in-law— interview between Mrs. Welch and 
James VI.— character of Knox's writings— conclusion. , Pp. 273—362 



NOTES.— Period First, . . . Page 333 

Second, .... 345 

Third, . . . .351 

Fourth, ... .361 

Fifth, . . . .363 

Sixth, . . . .380 

Seventh, .... 402 

Eighth, . . .412 

APPENDIX, , . . .425 

SUPPLEMENT, . , . .443 

HISTORICAL REMARKS on Knox's Implication in 

Rizzio's Murder, , . , #451 

VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX from Implication in 

Rizzio's Murder, . . . .454 



INDEX, 



PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. 



The Reformation from Popery marks an epoch unquestionably 
the most important in the History of modern Europe. The ef- 
fects of the change which it produced, in religion, in manners, 
in politics, and in literature, continue to be felt at the present 
day. Nothing, surely, can be more interesting than an inves- 
tigation of the history of that period, and of those men who were 
the instruments, under Providence, of accomplishing a revolu- 
tion which has proved so beneficial to mankind. 

Though many able writers have employed their talents in 
tracing the causes and consequences of the Reformation, and 
though the leading facts respecting its progress in Scotland have 
been repeatedly stated, it occurred to me that the subject was 
by no means exhausted. I was confirmed in this opinion by a 
more minute examination of the ecclesiastical history of this 
country, which I began for my own satisfaction several years 
ago. While I was pleased at finding that there existed such 
ample materials for illustrating the history of the Scottish Re- 
formation, I could not but regret that no one had undertaken 
to digest and exhibit the information on this subject which lay 
nid in manuscripts, and in books which are now little known or 
consulted. Not presuming, however, that I had the ability or 
the leisure requisite for executing a task of such difficulty and 
extent, I formed the design of drawing up memorials of our na- 
tional Reformer, in which his personal history might be combin- 
ed with illustrations of the progress of that great undertaking, 
in the advancement of which he acted so conspicuous a part. 



Ixvi 



PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. 



A work of this kind seemed to be wanting. The name of 
Knox, indeed, often occurs in the general histories of the period, 
and some of our historians have drawn, with their usual ability, 
the leading traits of a character with which they could not fail 
to be struck ; but it was foreign to their object to detail the 
events of his life, and it was not to be expected that they would 
bestow that minute and critical attention on his history which 
is necessary to form a complete and accurate idea of his charac- 
ter. Memoirs of his life have been prefixed to editions of some 
of his works, and inserted in biographical collections and perio- 
dical publications ; but, in many instances, their authors were 
destitute of proper information, and in others they were preclud- 
ed, by the limits to which they were confined, from enteriDg in- 
to those minute statements, which are so useful for illustrating 
individual character, and render biography both pleasing and 
instructive. Nor can it escape observation, that a number of 
writers have been guilty of great injustice to the memory of our 
Reformer, and, from prejudice, from ignorance, or from inatten- 
tion, have exhibited a distorted caricature instead of a genuine 
portrait. 

I was encouraged to prosecute my design, in consequence of 
my possessing a manuscript volume of Knox's Letters, which 
throw considerable light upon his character and history. The 
advantages which I have derived from this volume will appear 
in the course of the work, where it is quoted under the general 
title of MS. Letters* 

The other MSS. which I have chiefly made use of, are Cal- 
derwood's large History of the Church of Scotland, Row's His- 
tory, and Wodrow's Collections. Calderwood's History, besides 
much valuable information respecting the early period of the 
Reformation, contains a collection of letters written by Knox 
between 1559 and 1572, which, together with those in my pos- 
session, extend over twenty years of the most active period of 
his life. I have carefully consulted this history as far as it re- 
lates to the period of which I write. The copy which I quote 
most frequently, belongs to the Church of Scotland. In the 



* See an Account of this MS. in p. 4 L 



PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. 



Ixvii 



Advocates' Library, besides a complete copy of that work, there 
is a folio volume of it, reaching to the end of the year 1572. It 
was written in 1634, and has a number of interlineations and 
marginal alterations, differing from the other copies, which, if 
not made by the author's own hand, were most probably done 
under his eye. I have sometimes quoted this copy. The reader 
will easily discern when this is the case, as the references to it 
are made merely by the year under which the transaction is re- 
corded, the volume not being paged. 

Row, in composing the early part of his Historie of the Kirk, 
had the assistance of Memoirs written by David Ferguson, his 
father-in-law, who was admitted minister of Dunfermline at the 
establishment of the Reformation. Copies of this History seem 
to have been taken before the author had put the finishing hand 
to it, which may account for the additional matter to be found 
in some of them. I have occasionally quoted the copy which 
belongs to the Divinity Library in Edinburgh, but more fre- 
quently one transcribed in 1726, which is more full than any 
other copy that I have had access to see. 

The industrious Wodrow had amassed a valuable collection 
of MSS. relating to the ecclesiastical history of Scotland, the 
greater part of which is now deposited in our public libraries. 
In the library of the University of Glasgow, there are a number 
of volumes in folio, containing collections which he had made 
for illustrating the lives of the Scottish Reformers, and Divines 
of the sixteenth century. These have supplied me with some 
interesting facts. They are quoted under the name of Wodrow' 's 
MS. in Bibl. Coll. Glas. 

For the transactions of the General Assembly I have con- 
sulted the Register, commonly called the Booh of the Universal 
Kirk. There are several copies of this MS. in the country. 
That which is followed in this work, and which is the oldest that 
I have examined, belongs to the Advocates' Library. 

I have endeavoured to avail myself of the printed histories of 
the period, and of books published in the age of the Reforma- 
tion, which often incidentally mention facts which are not re- 
corded by historians. In the Advocates' Library, which con- 
tains an invaluable treasure of information respecting Scottish 



Ixviii 



PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION, 



affairs, I had the opportunity of examining the original editions 
of most of the Reformer's works. The rarest of all his tracts is 
the narrative of his Disputation with the Abbot of Crossraguel, 
which scarcely any writer since Knox's time seems to have 
seen. After I had given up all hope of procuring a sight of 
this curious tract, I was accidentally informed that a copy of it 
was in the library of Alexander Bos well, Esq. of Auchinleck, 
who very politely communicated it to me. 

In pointing out the sources which I have consulted, I wish 
not to be understood as intimating that the reader may expect, 
in the following work, much information which is absolutely 
new. Those who engage in researches of this kind must lay 
their account with finding the result of their discoveries reduced 
within a small compass, and should be prepared to expect that 
many of their readers will only glance with a cursory eye what 
they procured with great, perhaps with unnecessary labour. The 
principal facts respecting the Reformation and the Reformer are 
already known. I flatter myself, however, that I have been able 
to place some of them in a new and more just light, and to bring 
forward others which have not hitherto been generally known. 

The reader will find the authorities, upon which I have pro- 
ceeded in the statement of facts, carefully marked ; but my ob- 
ject was rather to be select than numerous in my references. 
When I had occasion to introduce facts which have been often 
repeated in histories, and are already established and unques- 
tionable, I did not reckon it necessary to be so particular in pro- 
ducing the authorities. 

After so many writers of biography have incurred the charge 
either of uninteresting generality, or of tedious prolixity, it would 
betray great arrogance were I to presume that I had approach- 
ed the due medium. I have particularly felt the difficulty, in 
writing the life of a public character, of observing the line which 
divides biography from general history. Desirous of giving 
unity to the narrative, and at the same time anxious to convey 
information respecting the ecclesiastical and literary history of 
the period, I have separated a number of facts and illustrations 
of this description, and placed them in notes at the end of the 
Life. I am not without apprehensions that I may have ex- 



PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. 



reeded in the number or length of these notes, and that some 
readers may think that in attempting to relieve one part of the 
work I have overloaded another. 

No apology, I trust, will be deemed necessary for the freedom 
with which I have expressed my sentiments on the public ques- 
tions which naturally occurred in the course of the narrative. 
Some of these are at variance with opinions which are popular 
in the present age ; but it does not follow from this that they 
are false, or that they should have been suppressed. I have 
not become the indiscriminate panegyrist of the Reformer, but 
neither have I been deterred, by the apprehension of incurring 
this charge, from vindicating him, wherever I considered his 
conduct to be justifiable, or for apologizing for him against un- 
candid and exaggerated censures. The attacks which have been 
made on his character from so many quarters, and the attempts 
to wound the Reformation through him, must be my excuse for 
naving so often adopted the language of apology. 

In the Appendix I have inserted a number of Knox's letters, 
and other papers relative to that period, none of which, as far as 
I know, have formerly been published. Several others, intend- 
ed for insertion in the same^lace, have been kept back, as the 
work has swelled to a greater size than was expected. A very 
scarce Poem, written in commendation of the Reformer, and 
published in the year after his death, is reprinted in the Supple- 
ment. It confirms several facts contained in the Life. 

The Portrait prefixed is engraved from a painting in the 
possession of the Right Honourable Lord Torphichen, with the 
use of which his Lordship, in the most obliging manner, favour- 
ed the publishers. There is every reason to think that it is a 
genuine likeness, as it strikingly agrees with the print of our 
Reformer, which Beza, who was personally acquainted with 
him, published in his Icones. I have now before me a small 
brass medal struck in memory of Knox. On the one side of it 
is a bust of him ; on the other side is the following inscription 
in Roman capitals : joa>:xes kxoxus scotus theologus ec- 

CLESLE EDIMBURGENSIS PASTOR. OBIIT EDIMBURGI AN. 1 G~'2. 

o~. It appears to have been executed at a period much later 
than the Reformer's death. There is an error of ten years as 



Ixx 



PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. 



to his age ; and as Beza has fallen into the same mistake, it is 
not improbable that the inscription was copied from his Icones, 
and that the medal was struck on the continent. 

When the printing of the following Life was finished, and I 
was employed in correcting the Notes at the end, a History of 
the Reformation in Scotland by Dr. Cook of Laurencekirk, was 
published. After what I have already said, I need scarcely 
add, that the appearance of such a work gave me great satis- 
faction. The author is a friend to civil and religious liberty ; 
he has done justice to the talents and character of the Reformers, 
and evinced much industry and impartiality in examining the 
authorities from which he has taken his materials. Had he had 
more full access to the sources of information, he would no 
doubt have done greater justice to the subject, and rendered his 
work still more worthy of public favour ; but I trust that it will 
be useful in correcting mistakes and prejudices which are ex- 
tremely common, and in exciting attention to a branch <af our 
national history which has been long neglected. Where our 
subject coincides, I have in general observed an agreement in 
the narrative, and sometimes in the reflections : in several in- 
stances, however, we differ materially in the statement of facts, 
in the judgment which we have expressed about them, and in 
the delineation of character. The judicious reader will decide 
on which side the truth lies, by comparing the reasons which 
we have advanced, and the authorities to which we have ap- 
pealed. 



THE LIFE 

OF 

JOHN KNOX. 



PERIOD FIRST. 

FROM HIS BIRTH, IN THE YEAR 1505, TO HIS EMERACING 
THE REFORMED RELIGION IN 1542. 

John Knox was born in the year one thousand five hun- 
dred and five. The place of his nativity has been disputed. 
That he was born at Giffbrd, a village in East Lothian, 
has been the most prevailing opinion; but the tradition 
of the country fixes his birth-place at Haddington, the 
principal town of the county. The house in which he 
is said to have been born is still shown by the inhabi- 
tants, in one of the suburbs of the town, called the Gif- 
ford-Gate.* This house, with some adjoining acres of 
land (now belonging to the Earl of Wemyss) continued 
to be possessed, until about the middle of the last century, 
by a family of the name of Knox who claimed kindred 
with the Reformer. The opinion, however, that he was 
born in the village of Gifford, seems the more probable, 
as being supported by the oldest and most credible writers. 

The name of his mother was Sinclair, f His father was 
descended from an ancient and respectable family, who 

» See Note A. — Period First. this signature at one of them, in the collee- 

f In letters written by the Reformer, in tion of his letters in my possession, is the fol- 
times of persecution or war, when there was a lowing note : " yis was his mother's surname, 
risk of their being intercepted, he was accus- wlk he wrait in time of trubill." MS. Let* 
tomed to subscribe, ; ' John Sinclair." Under ters, p. 346. 

B 



2 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



possessed the lands of Knock, Ranferly, and Craigends, 
in the shire of Renfrew. The descendants of this family 
have been accustomed to enumerate, among the honours of 
their house, that it gave birth to the Scottish Reformer, a 
bishop of Raphoe, and a bishop of the Isles.* At what 
particular period his ancestors removed from their original 
seat, and settled in Lothian, I have not been able exactly 
to ascertain. t 

Obscurity of parentage can reflect no dishonour upon 
one who has raised himself to distinction by his virtues and 
talents. But the assertion of some writers that our Re- 
former's parents were in poor circumstances, is contra- 
dicted by facts. Though not opulent, they were able to 
give their son a liberal education, which, in that age, was 
far from being common. J In his youth he was put to the 
grammar-school of Haddington ; and after having acquired 
the principles of the Latin language there, he was sent by 
his father, in the year 1521, to the university of Glasgow. § 

* Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 180. Crawfurd's to the Reformer, many of which Mackenzie 

Renfrew, by Semple, Part II. p. 50, 139. Ac- himself is obliged to pronounce "ridiculous 

count of Knox, prefixed to his History, Edit, stories that are altogether improbable," p. 

1732, page ii. Keith's Scottish Bishops, p. 132. Dr. Baillie was Alexander Baillie, a 

177. Benedictine Monk in the Scottish Monastery 

t David Buchanan, ut supra, says that " his of Wirtsburgh ; and as he wrote in the year 

fether was a brother's son of the house of Ran- 1628, it is ridiculous to talk of his being well 

ferlie." The account which the Reformer acquainted either with the Reformer or his 

himself gave of his ancestors, in a conversation father. Hamilton, (the earliest authority,) 

with the Earl of Bothwell, implies that they instead of supporting Mackenzie's assertions, 

had settled in East Lothian as early as the days informs us, so far as his language is intelhgi- 

of his great-grandfather : " My Lord, (says he,) ble, that Knox was in priest's orders before he 

my great-grandfather, gudeschir, and father, undertook the care of children: " quo victum 

ave served your Lordchip's predecessours, sibipararet mngis quam ut deo serviret (Si- 

and some of them have dyed under their stan- monis illius magi hue usque sequutus vestigia) 

dards ; and this is a pairt of the obligatioun presbyter pri mum fieri de more quamvis illi- 

of our Scottish kindnes." — Historie of the teratus turn in privatis sedibus puerorum in 

Reformat ioun, p. 306. Ed. 1732. vulgaribus literis formandorum curam capere 

^ Dr. Mackenzie says, the Reformer was coactus est." De Confusione Calv. Sectae, p. 

" the son of a poor countryman, as we are in- 64 — The fact is, that Knox entered into the 

formed by those who knew him very well : his family of Langniddne as tutor, after he had 

parents, though in a mean condition, put finished his education at the university ; and 

their son to the grammar-school of Hadding- as late as 1.547, he was employed in teaching 

ton ; where, after he had learned his gram- the young men their grammar. Historie, p. 

mar, he served for some time the laird of 67. 

Langnidilrie's children, who, being sent by § The Author of the Life of Knox, de- 

their parents to the university of St. An- pending on the testimony of the earliest 

drew's, he thereby had occasion of learning and most credible writers, had stated that 

his philosophy." Lives of Scottish Writers, Knox studied and took the degree of Mas- 

toI. iii. p. 111. As his authorities for these ter of Arts at St. Andrew's. Subsequent 

assertions, the Doctor has printed on the mar» inquiries, however, brought to light evidence 

gin, " Dr Hamilton, Dr. Baillie, and many which showed thai the common statement 

others," Popish writers, who, regardless of is erroneous. In the " Annales Universi- 

their own character, fabricated or retailed tatis Glasguensis, " the name " Johannne3 

such tales as they thought most discreditable Knox " occurs among the Incorporate or 



PERIOD FIRST. 



3 



The state of learning in Scotland at that period, and the 
progress which it made in the subsequent part of the century, 
have not been examined with the attention which they de- 
serve, and which has been bestowed on contemporaneous 
matters of inferior importance. I^There were unquestion- 
ably learned Scotsmen in the early part of the sixteenth 
century ; but most of them owed their chief acquirements 
to the advantage of a foreign education. Those improve- 
ments, which the revival of literature had introduced into 
the schools of Italy and France, were long in reaching the 
universities of Scotland, though originally formed upon their 
model; and when they did arrive, they were regarded 
with a suspicious eye, more especially by the clergy. The 
principal branches cultivated in our universities, were the 
Aristotelian philosophy, scholastic theology, with canon 
and civil law.* The schools erected in the principal towns 
of the kingdom, afforded the means of instruction in the 
Latin tongue, the knowledge ot which, in some degree, 
was requisite for enabling the clergy to perform the reli- 
gious service. f But the Greek language, long after it had 
been enthusiastically studied on the continent, and after it 
had become a fixed branch of education in the neighbour- 
ing kingdom, continued to be almost unknown in Scotland. 
Individuals acquired the knowledge of it abroad ; but the 



those who were matriculated in the year 
1522; and that this was the Reformer there 
can be no doubt, as he was then seven- 
teen years of age. And, moreover, Major 
was at that time Principal of the Univer.-ity 
of Glasgow, under whom all the ancient 
accounts agree that Knox studied. In the 
Records of the University of Glasgow, Ma- 
jor is uniformly called Joannes Majoris. It 
appears from Dr. Lee's extracts, published 
in the second edition of Dr. Irving's Memoirs 
of Buchanan, (p. 575,) that Major was incor- 
porated into the University of St. Andrew's 
on the 9th of June, 1525. He is there de- 
signed " Doctor Theologus Parisiensis, et 
Thesaurius Capelhfi Regiaa ;" and in an in- 
strument of seisin, belonging to that seminary, 
he is styled " Vicarius de Dunloppie Glasg." 
The fact of his removal to St. Andrew's at 
this time, may perhaps account for the mistake 
of the writers referred to, who, not being 
aware that Major had then taught in Glas- 
gow, seem to have concluded that Knox stu- 
died under that celebrated professor at St. 
Andrew's. 



* Boetii Vitaa Episcopor. M irthlac. et Ab- 
erdon. foi. xxix. coll. cum fol. xxvi. — xxviii. 
Impress, anno 1522. This little work is of 
great value, and contains almost the only au- 
thentic notices which we possess, a* to the 
state of learning in Scotland, about the be- 
ginning of the sixteenth century. Macken- 
zie, the copier of the fabulous Dempster, (who 
gives an account of learned men that never 
existed, and of books that no man ever saw or 
could seel, talks of almost every writer whom 
he mentions, as tinistiing " the course of his 
studies in the Belles Lettres and Philosophy" 
in one of the Scots Universities. These are 
meri-h' words of course. Some of the Aristo- 
telian rules concerning rhetoric were taught 
by the provessor of scholastic philosophy ; but 
until the Reformation, there does not appear 
to have been any stated lectures of this kind 
read. At that period, a course of rhetoric 
was appointed to be taught in the colleges. 
First Book of Discipline, p. 40. 42. edit. 1621. 

f See Note B. 



4 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



first attempts to teach it in this country were of a private 
nature, and exposed their patrons to the suspicion of here- 
sy. The town of Montrose is distinguished by being the 
first place, so far as I have been able to discover, in which 
Greek was taught in Scotland ; and John Erskine of Dun 
is entitled to the honour of being regarded as the first of 
his countrymen who patronized the study of that polite 
and useful language. As early as the year 1534, that en- 
lightened and public-spirited baron, on returning from his 
travels, brought with him a Frenchman, skilled in the 
Greek tongue, whom he settled in Montrose ; and, upon 
his removal, he liberally encouraged others to come from 
France and succeed to his place. From this private semi- 
nary many Greek scholars proceeded, and the knowledge 
of the language was gradually diffused throughout the 
kingdom.* After this statement I need scarcely add, that 
the Oriental tongues were at that time utterly unknown in 
Scotland. It was not until the establishment of the Re- 
formation that Hebrew began to be studied ; and John 
Row was the first who taught it, having opened a class for 
this purpose in the year 1560, immediately upon his set- 
tlement as minister in Perth. f From that time the know- 
ledge of Greek and the Eastern languages advanced among 
our countrymen with a rapid pace.|) 

Knox acquired the Greek language before he had reached 
middle age ; but we find him acknowledging, as late as the 
year 1550, that he was ignorant of Hebrew, a defect in his 
education which he exceedingly lamented, and which he 
afterwards got supplied during his exile on the Conti- 
nent^ 

John Mair, better known by his Latin name, Major, 
was professor of philosophy and theology at Glasgow 
when Knox attended the university, The minds of young 
men, and their future train of thinking, often receive an 
important direction from the master under whom they are 

* Life of John Erskine of Dun, p. 2, apud ± See Note C. 
Wodrow MSS.in Glas. Coll. Lib, Theindus- § " In the Hebrew toung (says he, in his 
trious collector had access to some of Erskine's defence before the Bishop of Durham) I con- 
papers, when employed in compiling his life. fess myself ignorant, but have, as God knaw- 

f Row's Historie of the Kirk of Scotland, eth, fervent thrist to have sum entrance 

MS. p. 372 373. thairin." MS tetters, p. 16 



PERIOD FIRST. 



5 



first trained to study, especially if his reputation be high. 
Major was at that time deemed an oracle in the sciences 
which he taught ; and as he was the preceptor of Knox 
and the celebrated scholar Buchanan, it may be proper to 
advert to some of his opinions. He had received the 
greater part of his education in France, and acted for 
some time as a professor in the university of Paris. In that 
situation, he had acquired a more liberal habit of thinking 
and expressing himself on certain subjects, than had yet been 
adopted in his native country, and other parts of Europe. 
He had imbibed the sentiments concerning ecclesiastical 
polity, maintained by John Gerson, Peter D'Ailly, and 
others who defended the decrees of the Council of Con- 
stance, and the liberties of the Gallican Church, against the 
assertors of the incontrollable authority of the Sovereign 
Pontiff. He taught that a General Council was superior 
to the Pope, and might judge, rebuke, restrain, and even de- 
pose him from his dignity ; he denied the temporal suprem- 
acy of the Bishop of Rome, and his right to inaugurate or 
dethrone princes ; he maintained that ecclesiastical censures 
and even papal excommunications had no force, if pro- 
nounced on invalid or irrelevant grounds ; he held that 
tithes were not of divine right, but merely of human ap- 
pointment ; he censured the avarice, ambition, and secular 
pomp of the Court of Rome and the Episcopal order ; he 
was no warm friend of the regular clergy ; and advised 
the reduction of monasteries and holidays.* 

His opinions respecting civil government, were analogous 
to those which he held as to ecclesiastical polity. He taught 
that the authority of kings and princes was originally de- 
rived from the people ; that the former are not superior 
to the latter, collectively considered ; that if rulers become 
tyrannical, or employ their power for the destruction of 
their subjects, they may lawfully be controlled by them, 

* These sentiments are collected from his his return from France, he went to Glasgow, 

Commentary on the Third Book of the Mas- and for several years held the situation of 

ter of Sentences, and from his Exposition of Principal and Professor of Divinicy in the 

Matthew's Gospel ; printed in Latin at Paris, University of that city. In 1523, as already 

the former anno 1517, and the latter anno mentioned, he was incorporated into the Uni. 

1518. Dempster, Dupin, and other writers, -versitv of St. Andrew's; and it is probabie 

mention that Major, after being made Doctor that at this time he taught in St. Mary's Col- 

of Divinity, in 1505, removed to Paris, owing lege. It wa^ not until 1533 that he became 

to the confusions of his native country. On Provost or Principal of St. Salvator's. 



6 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



and, proving incorrigible, may be deposed by the commu- 
nity as the superior power ; and that tyrants may be judi- 
cially proceeded against, even to capital punishment. 

The affinity between these and the political principles 
afterwards avowed by Knox, and defended by the classic 
pen of Buchanan, is too striking to require illustration. 
Though Major was not the first Scottish writer who had 
expressed some of these sentiments, it is highly probable 
that the oral instructions and writings of their master first 
suggested to them those principles which they adopted, and 
which were confirmed by subsequent reading and reflec- 
tion ; so that the opinions of this celebrated professor con - 
tributed in some measure to bring about those important 
changes, which were afterwards effected by his no less 
distinguished pupils. Nor would his sentiments regarding 
Church polity, with respect to religious and ecclesiastical 
subjects, fail to have their due share of influence upon the 
train of their thoughts. 

But though, in these respects, the opinions of the Major 
were more free and rational than those generally enter- 
tained at that time ; it must be confessed, that the portion 
of instruction which his scholars could derive from him was 
extremely small, if we allow his publications to be a fair 
specimen of his academical prelections. Many of the ques- 
tions which he discusses are utterly useless and trifling ; 
the rest are rendered disgusting by the most servile adher- 
ence to all the minutise of the scholastic mode of reasoning. 
The reader of his works must be content with painfully 
picking a grain of truth from the rubbish of many pages ; 
nor will the drudgery be compensated by those discoveries 
of inventive genius and acute discrimination, for which the 
writings of Aquinas, and some others of that subtle school, 
may still deserve to be consulted. Major is entitled to 
praise, for exposing to his countrymen several of the more 
glaring errors and abuses of his time ; but his mind was 
deeply tinctured with superstition, and he defended some 
of the absurdest tenets of Popery by the most ridiculous 
and puerile arguments.* His talents were moderate ; with 

* Lord Hailes, having given an example of sured for saying that he was " solo cognomine 
this, adds, " After this, can Buchanan be cen- Major ?" Provincial Councils of the Scottish 



PERIOD FIRST. 



7 



the writings of the ancients, he appears to have been ac- 
quainted only through the medium of the collectors of the 
middle ages ; nor does he ever hazard an opinion, or pur- 
sue a speculation, beyond what he found marked out by 
some approved doctor of the church. Add to this, that his 
style is, to an uncommon degree, harsh and forbidding ; 
" exile, aridum, conscissum, ac minutum." 

Knox and Buchanan soon became disgusted with such 
studies, and began to seek entertainment more gratifying 
to their ardent and inquisitive minds. Having set out in 
search of knowledge, they released themselves from the 
trammels, and overleaped the boundaries, prescribed to 
them by their timid conductor. Each following the native 
bent of his genius and inclination, they separated in the 
prosecution of their studies. Buchanan, indulging in a 
more excursive range, explored the extensive fields of lite- 
rature, and wandered in the flowery mead of poesy ; while 
Knox, passing through the avenues of secular learning, 
devoted himself to the study of divine truth, and the la- 
bours of the sacred ministry. Both, however, kept uni- 
formly in view the advancement of true religion and liber- 
ty, with the love of which they were equally smitten ; and 
as they suffered a long and painful exile, and were exposed 
to many dangers during their lives, for adherence to this 
kindred cause, so their memories have not been divided 
in the profuse but honourable obloquy with which they 
have been aspersed by its enemies, or in the deserved and 
grateful recollections of its genuine friends.* 

But we must not suppose, that Knox was able at once 
to divest himself of the prejudices of his education, and of 
the times. Barren and repulsive as the scholastic studies 

Clergy, page 11. By the war, it was Major * Buchanan always mentions Knox in terms 

who fb st said this of himself. It was the sight of high respect, Oper. a Ruddiman, p. 515, 

of these words, "Joannes, solo cognomine, 521,560. And the Reformer, in his Historie, 

Major,"in the dedicatory epistle to his writings, has borne testimony to the virtues as well as 

that drew from Buchanan the satirical lines, splendid talents of Buchanan : "That notable 

which have been so often appealed to by his man, Mr. George Bucquhanane — remanis 

enemies, as infallible proof of the badness of aly ve to this day , in the yeir of God, 1 666 years, 

his heart. If fault there was in this, we may to the glory of God, to the gret honour of this 

certainly make the apology which his learned natioun, and to the comfort of thame that 

editor produces for him in another case, delyte in letters and vertew. That singulare 

*' non tam hominis vitium, quam poetae. " wark of David's Psalmes, in Latin meetere and 

Poets and wits cannot always spare their best poesie, besyd mony uther, can w itness the rare 

friends. graices of God gevin to that man." Hist. p. 24. 



8 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



appear to our ideas, there was something in the intricate 
and subtle sophistry then in vogue, calculated to fascinate 
the youthful and ingenious mind. It had a shew of wis- 
dom ; it exercised, although it did not satisfy the under- 
standing ; it even gave play to the imagination, while it 
exceedingly flattered the pride of the adept. Nor was it 
easy for the person who had suffered himself to be drawn 
in, to break through, or extricate himself from the mazy 
labyrinth. Accordingly, Knox continued for some time 
captivated with these studies, and prosecuted them with 
great success. After he was created Master of Arts, he 
taught philosophy, most probably as an assistant, or regent 
of one of the classes in the University.* His class became 
celebrated ; and he was considered as equalling, if not ex- 
celling, his master, in the subtleties of the dialectic art.f 
About the same time, without any interest, except what 
his own merits procured him, he was advanced to clerical 
orders, and ordained a priest, before he reached the age 
fixed by the canons of the church. J This must have taken 
place previous to the year 1530, at which time he was 
twenty-five years old — the canonical age for receiving or- 
dination in the Church of Rome. 

* It was not unusual in the universities, at nebris et sibi et aliis accendit, " Icones II- 

that period, to select some of the students lustr. Vitor. Ee. iij, Camp. Spotswood's His- 

who had been laureated, and made the great- tory, p. 265. Lond. 1677. Ninian Winget, in 

est proficiency, and to employ them as assis- certain letters sent by him to Knox in the year 

tants to the professors. Boetii Vitae Episcop. 1561, says, "Ye renunce and estemis that 

Aberd.fol. xxix. xxx. D. Buchanan's Life of ordinatioun null or erar wikit, be the quhilfc 

Knox. M'Kenzie's Lives, iii. p. 111. It is sumtyme ye war callit Schir Johne," And 

doubtful, however, whether Knox -was made again : " We can persave, be your awin aile- 

Master of Arts, though the common opinion is giance, na power that ever ye had, except it 

followed in the text. quhiik was gevin to you in the sacrament of 

f " In hac igitur Anthropotheologia egregie ordinatioun, be auctorifcieof priesthed. Qu- 

versatus Cnoxus, eandem et magna autoritate hilk auctoritie give ye esteme as nochtis, be 

docuit : visusquefuit magistro suo (si qua in reasoun it was gevin to you (as ye speik) by 

subtilitate felicitas,) in qui'ousdam felicior." ane Papist Bishope," &c. Winzet's Letteris 

Verheiden Effigies et Elogia Praestant. Theo- and Tractatis, apud Keith, Append, p. 212, 

log. p. 92. Hagaecomit. anno 1602. Beza 213. Winget's drift was to prove that Knox 

Icones Ee. iij. Melch. Adami Vitae Theolog. had no lawful call to the ministry ; conse- 

Exter. p. 137. Francofurli, anno 1618. quently, he would never have mentioned his 

$ Some have hesitated to admit that Knox Popish ordination, if the fact had not been 

was in priest's orders in the Church of Rome: notorious and undeniable Nicol Burne, argu- 

I think it unquestionable. The fact is attest- ing on the same point, urges that, though he 

ed both by Protestant and Popish writers, had received the power of orders, he wanted 

Beza says, " Cnoxus, igitur (ut manifeste ap- that of jurisdiction. Disputation concerning 

pareat totum hoc admirabile Domini opus the Contraversit Headdis of Religion, p. 128. 

esse,) ad Joannis illius Majoris, celeberrimi Paris 1581. And in a scurrilous poem against 

inter Sophistas nominis, veluti pedes in Sanct- the ministers of Scotland, printed at the end 

andreae oppido educatus, atque adeo S ACE R- of that book, he calls him, 

DOS FACTUS, appertaque celebri schola, — that fals apostat priest, 

quum jam videretur illo suo praeceptore nihi' Enemie to Christ, and mannis salvatioun, 

inferior Sophista futurus, lucem tamen in te- Your Maister Knox. 



PERIOD FIRST. 



It was not long, however, till his studies received a new 
direction, which led to a complete revolution in his reli- 
gious sentiments, and had an important influence on the 
whole of his future life. Not satisfied with the excerpts 
from ancient authors, which he found in the writings of 
the scholastic divines and canonists, he resolved to have 
recourse to the original works. In them he found a me- 
thod of investigating and communicating truth, to which 
he had hitherto been a stranger ; the simplicity of which 
recommended itself to his mind, in spite of the prejudices 
of education, and the pride of superior attainments in his 
own favourite art. Among the fathers of the Christian 
Church, Jerom and Augustine attracted his particular at- 
tention. By the writings of the former, he was led to 
the scriptures as the only pure fountain of divine truth, and 
instructed in the utility of studying them in the original 
languages. In the works of the latter, he found religious 
sentiments very opposite to those taught in the Romish 
Church, who, while she retained his name as a saint in her 
calendar, had banished his doctrine, as heretical, from her 
pulpits. From this time he renounced the study of scho- 
lastic theology ; and although not yet completely emanci- 
pated from superstition, his mind was fitted for improving 
the means which Providence had prepared, for leading him 
to a fuller and more comprehensive view of the system of 
evangelical religion. It was about the year 1535, when 
this favourable change of his sentiments commenced ; but 
it does not appear that he professed himself a Protestant 
until 1542.* 

As I am now to enter upon that period of Knox's life in 
which he renounced the Roman Catholic communion, and 
commenced Reformer, it may not be improper to take a 
survey of the state of the church and of religion at that 
time in Scotland. Without an adequate knowledge of this, 
it is impossible to form a just estimate of the necessity and 
importance of that Reformation, in the advancement of 
which he laboured with so great zeal ; and nothing has 



* Bezae Icones. Verheid. Effigies. Melch. utsup. A. Spotswood Hist. p. 265. Ed. 1677. 



10 



LOT Of JOHN KNOX. 



contributed so much to give currency, among Protestants, 
to prejudices against his character and actions, as igno- 
rance and a superficial consideration of the enormous and 
almost incredible abuses which then reigned in the church. 
This must be my apology, for what otherwise might be 
deemed a superfluous and disproportionate digression. 

The corruptions by which the Christian religion was 
universally debased, before the Reformation, had grown 
to a greater height in Scotland than in any other nation 
within the pale of the Western Church. Superstition and 
religious imposture, in their grossest forms, gained an easy 
admission among a rude and ignorant people. By means 
of these, the clergy attained to an exorbitant degree of 
opulence and pow er, which were accompanied, as they al- 
ways have been, with the corruption of their order, and of 
the whole system of religion. 

The full half of the wealth of the nation belonged to the 
clergy, and the greater part of this was in the hands of a 
few of their number, who had the command of the whole 
body. Avarice, ambition, and the love of secular pomp,, 
reigned among the superior orders. Bishops and abbots 
rivalled the first nobility in magnificence, and preceded them 
in honours: they were Privy -Councillors and Lords of 
Session, as well as of Parliament, and had long engrossed 
the principal offices of state. A vacant bishopric or ab- 
bacy called forth powerful competitors, who contended for 
it as for a principality or a petty kingdom ; it was obtained 
by similar arts, and not unfrequently taken possession of 
by the same weapons.* Inferior benefices were openly put 
to sale, or bestowed on the illiterate and unworthy minions 
of courtiers ; on dice-players, strolling bards, and the bas- 
tards of bishops, f Pluralities were multiplied without 
bounds ; and benefices, given in commendam, were kept 

* During the minority of James V. thecele- his cannon, than the dread of the excommu- 

brated Gawin Douglas was recommended by nication which he threatened to fulminate 

the Queen to the Archbishopric of St. An- against his antagonist. Buch. Hist. xiii. 44. 

drew's; but John Hepburn, prior of the regu- Spots 61. Life of Gawin Douglas, prefixed 

lar canons, opposed the nomination, and took to his translation of the jEneid. 

the Archiepiscopal palace by sti.rm. Douglas f Sir David Lindsay's Works, by Chalmers, 

afterwards laid siege to Hie cathedral of Dun- I. 341. II. 237, 238. Winzet and Kennedy, 

keld, and carried it, more by the thunder of apud Keith, App. 488, 504. 



PERIOD FIRST. 



II 



vacant during the life of the commendatory, sometimes 
during several lives, * to the deprivation of extensive pa- 
rishes of all provision of religious service ; if a deprivation 
it could be called, at a time when the cure of souls was no 
longer regarded as attached to livings, originally endowed 
for that purpose. There was not such a thing known as 
for a bishop to preach ; indeed I scarcely recollect a single 
instance of it mentioned in history, from the erection of the 
regular Scottish episcopate down to the period of the Pre- 
formation, f The practice had even gone into desuetude 
among all the secular clergy, and was wholly devolved on 
the mendicant monks, who employed it for the most mer- 
cenary purposes. J 

The lives of the clergy, exempted from secular jurisdic- 
tion, and corrupted by wealth and idleness, were become 
a scandal to religion, and an outrage on decency. While 
they professed chastity, and prohibited, under the severest 
penalties, any of the ecclesiastical order from contracting 
lawful wedlock, the bishops set the example of the most 
shameless profligacy before the inferior clergy ; avowedly 
kept their harlots ; provided their natural sons with bene- 
fices ; and gave their daughters in marriage to the sons of 
the nobility and principal gentry, many of whom were so 
mean as to contaminate the blood of their families by such 
base alliances, for the sake of the rich doweries which they 
brought. § 



* The Popes were accustomed to grant liberty 
to the comrneridatories to dispose of benefices 
■which they held by this tenure, to others who 
should succeed to them after their death. In- 
troduction to Scot's Biography, apud Wodrow 

MSS.vol.9. p. 171; in Bibl.Coll Glas Solate 

as anno 1534, Clement VII. granted, in com- 
mendam, to his nephew Hypolitus Cardinal de 
"Medici, " all the benefices in the world," secu- 
lar and regular, dignities and parsonages, sim- 
pleand with cure,beiag vacant,for six months; 
with power to dispose of all their fruits, and 
convert them to his own use. Father Paul's 
History of the Council of Trent, lib. i. p. '251. 
Loud, anno 1620. 

f One exception occurs, and must not be 
omitted. When George Wishart was preach- 
ing in Ayr, Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow, 
took possession of the pulpit, in order to ex- 
clude the Reformer. Some of Wishart's more 
zealous hearers would have dispossessed the 
bishop but the Reformer would not suffer 



them. " The bishope preichi f to his jackmen, 
and to sum auld boisses of the toun. The 
soum of all his sermone was, They sey, we 
sould preiche : Quhy nut ? Better lait thvyre 
nor nevir thryve. Had us still for your bis- 
chope. and we sail provyde better the nixt 
tyme." Knox, Historic, p. 44. 
± War not the preichin g of the begging freiris, 
Tint war the faith amang the seculeiris. 
Lindsay, ut supra, i. 545. comp. ii. 101. 

| Lord Hailes' Notes on Ancient Scottish 
Poems, p. 249, 250, 297, 309. We need not to 
appeal to the testimony of the Reformers, or to 
satirical poems published at the time, in proof 
of the extreme profligacy of the Popish clergy 
The truth is registered in the Acts of Parlia- 
ment, in the decrees of their own councils, 
(Wilkin. Concil. torn. 4. p. 46 — 60. Keith's 
Hist. pref. 11.) in the records of legitimation. 
(Lord Hailes, ut supra, p. 249, 250.) and in 
the confessions of their own writers, (Kennedy 



12 



LIFE OF JOAN KNOX. 



Through the blind devotion and munificence of princes 
and nobles, monasteries, those nurseries of superstition and 
idleness, had greatly multiplied in the nation ; and though 
they had universally degenerated, and were notoriously 
become the haunts of lewdness and debauchery, it was 
deemed impious and sacrilegious to reduce their number, 
abridge their privileges, or alienate their funds.* The 
kingdom swarmed with ignorant, idle, luxurious monks, 
who, like locusts, devoured the fruits of the earth, and 
filled the air with pestilential infection; friars, white, 
black, and grey ; canons, regular and of St. Anthony ; 
Carmelites, Carthusians, Cordeliers, Dominicans, Fran- 
ciscan Conventuals and Observantines, Jacobins, Pre- 
monstratensians ; monks of Tyrone and of Vallis Cau- 
lium ; Hospitallers, or Holy Knights of St. John of Jeru- 
salem ; nuns of St. Austin, St. Clare, St. Scholastica, and 
St. Catherine of Sienna, with canonesses of various clans. f 

The ignorance of the clergy respecting religion, was as 
gross as the dissoluteness of their morals. Even bishops 
were not ashamed to confess that they were unacquainted 
with the canon of their faith, and had never read any part 
of the sacred Scriptures, except what they met with in their 
missals. i Under such pastors the people perished for lack 
of knowledge. That book which was able to make them 

and Winget, apud Keith, Append. 202, 205-7. 30. Sir Ral ph Sadler's testimony to the clergy 
Lesley, Histor. p. 232. Father Alexander as the only men of learning about the court of 
Baillie's True Information of the Unhallowed James V. may seem to contradict what I have 
Offspring, &c. of our Scottish-Calvinian Gos- asserted. But Sadler speaks merely of their 
pel, p. 15, 16. Wirtzburgh, anno 1628. talents for political management, and in the 
* In consequence of a very powerful con- same letters gives a proof of their ignorance in 
federacy against the religious knights, called other respects. The cler gy at that time made 
Templars, and upon charges of the most fla- law their principal study, and endeavoured to 
gitious crimes, that order was suppressed by a qualify themselves for offices of state. This, 
General Council, anno 1312; but their pos- however, engaged their whole attention, and 
sessions were conferred upon another order of they were grossly ignorant in their own pro- 
sacred knights. The plenitude of Papal power fession. Sadler's State Papers, i. 47, 48. Ed- 
was stretched to the very utmost in this dread in. 1 809. Knox, Historie, p. 18. 
attempt. " Quanquam (says his Holiness in Andrew Forman, bishop of Murray, and 
the Bull,) de jure non possumus, tamen ad Papal legate for Scotland, being obliged to 
plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem re- say grace at an entertainment which he gave 
probamus." Walsingham, Histor. Angl. p. to the Pope and Cardinals in Rome, blunder- 
99. When the Gilbertine monks retired from ed so in his Latimty, that his Holiness and 
Scotland, because the air of the country did their Eminences lost their gravity, which so 
not agree with them, their revenues were, disconcerted the bishop, that he concluded 
upon their resignation, transferred to the mo- the blessing, by giving " All the false carills to 
nastery of Paisley Keith's Scot. Bish. p. 266. the devil, in nomine patris, filii, et sancti spi- 
f See Note D. ritus ;" to which the company, not understand- 
+ Fox, p. 1153, printed anno 1596. Chal- ing his Scoto-Latin, said Amen. " The holy 
mers's Lindsay, ii. 62,63,64. Lord Hailes, bishop (<ays Pitscottie) was not a good scholar, 
Provincial Councils of the Scottish Cleigy, p. and had not good Latin." History, p. 106. 



PERIOD FIRST. 



13 



wise unto salvation, and intended to be equally accessible 
to " Jew and Greek, Barbarian and Scythian, bond and 
free," was locked up from them, and the use of it, in their 
own tongue, prohibited under the heaviest penalties. The 
religious service was mumbled over in a dead language, 
which many of the priests did not understand, and some 
of them could scarcely read ; and the greatest care was 
taken to prevent even catechisms composed and approved 
by the clergy, from coming into the hands of the laity.* 

Scotland, from her local situation, had been less ex- 
posed to disturbance from the encroaching ambition, vex- 
atious exactions, and fulminating anathemas of the Vatican 
court, than the countries in the immediate vicinity of 
Rome. But, from the same cause, it was more easy for 
the domestic clergy to keep up on the minds of the people 
that excessive veneration for the Holy See, which could 
not be long felt by those who had the opportunity of wit- 
nessing its vices and worldly politics. f The burdens which 
attended a state of dependence upon a remote foreign ju- 
risdiction, were severely felt. Though the Popes did not 
enjoy the power of presenting to the Scottish prelacies, 
they wanted not numerous pretexts for interfering with 
them. The most important causes of a civil nature, which 
the ecclesiastical courts had contrived to bring within their 
jurisdiction, were frequently carried to Rome. Large sums 
of money were annually exported out of the kingdom, for 
the confirmation of benefices, the conducting of appeals, 
and for many other purposes ; in exchange for which were 
received leaden bulls, woollen palls, wooden images, plenty 
of old bones, with similar articles of precious consecrated 
mummery. + 

* Lord Hailes' Provincial Councils of the to restrain persons from going to Rome, to 
Scottish Clergy, p. 36. Wilkins, Con. t. iv. 72. obtain benefices, the practice was greatly on 

f Luther often mentioned to his familiar the increase about the time of the Reforma- 
acquaintances the advantage which he deriv- tion. 
ed from a visit to Rome in 1510; and used to 

say that he would not exchange that journey It is schort tyme sen ony benefice 
for 1000 florins ; so much did it contribute to Was sped in Rome, except great bishoprics ; 
open his eyes to the corruptions of the Ro- Eut now, for ane unwcrthie vickarage, 
mish court, and to weaken his prejudices. A priest will rin 1o Rome in pilgrimage. 
Melchior. Adami Vitae Germ Theol. p. 104. Ane carill quhilk was never at the scule 
Erasmus had a sensation of the same kind, Well rin to Rome, and keep ane bischopis 
although weaker. John Rough, one of the mule : 

Scottish Reformers, felt in a similar way, af- And syne cum ham e with mony col orit crack, 
tcr visiting Rome. Fox, 1841. With ane burdin of benetcis on his back. 

£ Notwithstanding laws repeatedly made Chalmers's Lindsay, ii. 80. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Of the doctrine of Christianity, scarcely any thing re- 
mained but the name. Instead of being directed to offer 
up their adorations to one God, the people were taught to 
divide them among an innumerable company of inferior 
deities. A plurality of mediators shared the honour of 
procuring the divine favour with the " One Mediator be- 
tween God and man ; " and more petitions were presented 
to the Virgin Mary and other saints, than to " Him whom 
the Father heareth always." The sacrifice of the Mass 
was represented as procuring forgiveness of sins to the 
living and the dead, to the infinite disparagement of the sa- 
crifice by which Jesus Christ expiated sin, and procured 
everlasting redemption ; and the consciences of men were 
withdrawn from faith in the merits of their Saviour, to a 
delusive reliance upon priestly absolutions, Papal pardons, 
and voluntary penances. Instead of being instructed to 
demonstrate the sincerity of their faith and repentance, by 
forsaking their sins, and to testify their love to God and 
man, by observing the ordinances of worship authorised by 
Scripture, and practising the duties of morality, they were 
taught, that if they regularly said their Aves and Credos, 
confessed themselves to a priest, purchased a mass, went 
in pilgrimage to the shrine of some celebrated saint, or 
performed some prescribed act of bodily mortification, — 
if they refrained from flesh on Fridays, and punctually paid 
their tithes and church-offerings, their salvation was infal- 
libly secured in due time ; while those who were so rich or 
so pious as to build a chapel or an altar, and to endow it 
for the support of a priest, to perform masses, obits, and 
dirges, procured a relaxation of the pains of purgatory for 
themselves or their relations, according to the extent of their 
performances. It is difficult for us to conceive how empty, 
ridiculous, and wretched those harangues were, which the 
monks delivered for sermons. Legendary tales concerning 
the founder of some religious order, his wonderful sanctity, 
the miracles which he performed, his combats with the 
devil, his watchings, fastings, flagellations ; the virtues of 
holy water, chrism, crossing, and exorcism ; the horrors of 
purgatory, with the numbers released from it by the inter- 
cession of some powerful saint ; these, with low jests, table- 



PERIOD PIRST. 



15 



talk, and fireside scandal, formed the favourite topics of 
these preachers, and were served up to the people in- 
stead of the pure, salutary, and sublime doctrines of the 
Bible.* 

The beds of the dying were besieged, and their last mo- 
ments disturbed by avaricious priests, who laboured to 
extort bequests to themselves or to the church. Not satis- 
fled with the exacting of tithes from the living, a demand 
was made upon the dead : no sooner had a poor husband- 
man breathed his last, than the rapacious vicar came and 
carried off his corpse-present,f which he repeated as often 
as death visited the family. Ecclesiastical censures were 
fulminated against those who were reluctant in making these 
payments, or who shewed themselves disobedient to the 
clergy ; and for a little money, they were prostituted on 
the most trifling occasions, f Divine service was neglected, 
and the churches almost deserted ; so that, except on festi- 
val days, the places of worship, in many parts of the 
country, served only as sanctuaries for malefactors, places 
of traffic, or resorts for pastime. § 

Persecution, and the suppression of free inquiry, were the 
only weapons by which its interested supporters were able 
to defend this system of corruption and imposture. Every 
avenue by which truth might enter was carefully guarded. 
Learning- was branded as the parent of heresy. The most 
frightful pictures were drawn of those who had separated 
from the Romish church, and held up before the eyes of 
the people, to deter them from imitating their example. 
If any person had attained a degree of illumination amidst 
the general darkness, and began to hint dissatisfaction with 
the conduct of the clergy, or to propose the correction of 
abuses, he was immediately stigmatized as a heretic, and 
if he did not secure his safety by flight, was immured in a 
dungeon, or committed to the flames ; and when at last, in 
spite of all their precautions, the light which was shining 
around did break in and spread through the nation, they 



* Knox, 14-16. Spots-wocd, 64, 69. Ruth. 
App. 205. Daljell's Cursory Remarks, pre- 
fixed to Scottish Poems of the Sixteenth Cen- 
tury, I. 16-18. Chalmers's Lindsay, I 211. 



+ See Note E. 

± Knox, Hi^torie, p. 14. 

§ Daljell's Cursory Remarks, ut supra, i. 

28- 



16 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



prepared to adopt the most desperate and bloody measures 
for its suppression. 

From this imperfect sketch of the state of religion in this 
country, we may see how faise the representation is which 
some person would impose on us ; as if Popery were a sys- 
tem, erroneous indeed, but purely speculative ; supersti- 
tious, but harmless ; provided it had not been occasionally 
accompanied with intolerance and cruelty. The very re- 
verse is the truth. It may be safely said, that there is not 
one of its erroneous tenets, or of its superstitious practices, 
which was not either originally contrived, or artfully ac- 
commodated, to advance and support some practical abuse ; 
to aggrandize the ecclesiastical order, secure to them im- 
munity from civil jurisdiction, sanctify their encroachments 
upon secular authorities, vindicate their usurpations upon 
the consciences of men, cherish implicit obedience to the 
decisions of the church, and extinguish free inquiry and 
liberal science. 

It was a system not more repugnant to the religion of 
the Bible, than incompatible with the legitimate rights of 
princes, the independence, liberty, and prosperity of king- 
doms ; a system not more destructive to the souls of men, 
than to social and domestic happiness, and the principles 
of sound morality. Considerations from every quartet 
combined in calling aloud for a radical and complete re- 
form. The exertions of all descriptions of persons, of the 
man of letters, the patriot, the prince, as well as the Chris- 
tian, each acting in his own sphere for his own interests, 
with a joint concurrence of all, as in a common cause, were 
urgently required for the extirpation of abuses, of which 
all had reason to complain, and effectuating a revolution, 
in the advantages of which all would participate. There 
was, however, no reasonable prospect of accomplishing 
this, without exposing, in the first place, the falsehood of 
those notions which have been called speculative. It was 
principally by means of these that superstition had esta- 
blished its empire over the minds of men ; behind them 
the Romish ecclesiastics had intrenched themselves, and 
defended their usurped prerogatives and possessions ; and 



PERIOD FIRST. 



17 



had any prince or legislature endeavoured to deprive them 
of these, while the body of the people remained unenlight- 
ened, they would soon have found reason to repent the 
hazardous attempt. To the revival of the primitive doc- 
trines and institutions of Christianity, by the preaching 
and writings of the Reformers, and to those controversies 
by which the Popish errors were confuted from Scripture, 
(for which many modern philosophers seem to have so 
thorough a contempt,) we are chiefly indebted for the over- 
throw of superstition, ignorance, and despotism ; and for 
the blessings, political and religious, which we enjoy, 
all of which may be traced to the Reformation from Po- 
pery. 

How grateful should we be to divine Providence for this 
happy revolution ! For, those persons do but " sport with 
their own imaginations," who flatter themselves that it 
must have taken place in the ordinary course of human af- 
fairs, and overlook the many convincing proofs of the su- 
perintending direction of superior wisdom, in the whole 
combination of circumstances which contributed to bring 
about the Reformation in tins country, as well as through- 
out Europe. How much are we indebted to those men, 
who, under God, were the instruments in effecting it ; who 
cheerfully jeoparded their lives to achieve a design which 
involved the felicity of millions unborn ; who boldly at- 
tacked the system of error and corruption, fortified by 
popular credulity, by custom, and laws fenced with the 
most dreadful penalties ; and having forced the strong- 
hold of superstition, and penetrated the recesses of ite 
temple, tore aside the veil which concealed that monstrous 
idol which the whole world had so long worshipped, and 
dissolving the magic spell by which the human mind was 
bound, restored it to liberty ! How crmoinal must those be, 
who, sitting at ease under the vines and figtree-s, planted 
by the unwearied labours, and watered by the blood of 
these patriots, discover their disesteem of the invaluable 
privileges which they inherit, or their ignorance of the 
expense at which they were purchased, by the most un- 
worthy treatment of those to whom they owe them ; mis- 

G 



18 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



represent their actions, calumniate their motives, and cruel- 
ly lacerate their memories !* 

v The reformed doctrine had made considerable progress 
in Scotland before it was embraced by Knox. Patrick 
Hamilton, a youth of royal descent,f obtained the honour, 
not conferred upon many of his rank, of first announcing 
its glad tidings to his countrymen, and sealing them with 
his blood. He was born in the year 1 504, and being des- 
tined for the church, had the abbacy of Ferae conferred 
upon him in his childhood. But as early as the year 1526, 
previous to the breach of Henry VIII. with the Romish 
See, a gleam of light was, by some unknown means,:): im- 
parted to the mind of that noble youth, amidst the dark- 
ness which brooded around him. The freedom with which 
he censured the corruptions of the church, and disparaged 
the philosophy then taught in the schools, having rendered 
him an object of suspicion to the clergy, he resolved to 
leave Scotland. Attracted by the fame of Luther, he re- 
paired with three attendants to Wittemberg; and, after 
remaining a short time with that German Reformer, he 
was recommended to prosecute the study of the Scriptures 
in the university of Marpurg, under the direction of Fran- 
cis Lambert of Avignon, a learned and pious divine, who, 
having sacrificed a lucrative situation at home, from love 

posed themselves to the same censure, it is 
pleasing to reflect, that Cowper is not the 
only poet who has " sanctified," and, I trust, 
" embalmed his song" with the praises of 
these patriots. 

f His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kin- 
cavil, was a son of Lord Hamilton, who mar- 
ried a sister of King James III. His mother 
was a daughter of John, Duke of Albany, bro- 
ther to the same monarch. There are some 
interesting particulars respecting his trial, 
in Pitscottie's History ; but that author is 
mistaken as to the year of his martyrdom, p. 
133-135. Pinkerton, History of Scotland, 
ii. 45, 46, 289. 

£ There was an act of Parliament, as early 
as 17th July, 1525, prohibiting ships from 
bringing any books of Luther into Scotland, 
which had always " bene clene of all sic filth 
and vice." Robertson's Records of Parlia- 
ment, p. 552. This renders it highly pro- 
bable, that such books had already been in- 
troduced into this country. 



* Patriots have toil'd, and in their country's 
cause 

Bled nobly ; and their deeds, as they deserve, 
Receive proud recompence. - - - 
But fairer wreaths are due, tho' never paid, 
To those who, posted at the shrine of truth, 
Have fallen in her defence. - - - 

Their blood is shed, 

In confirmation of the noblest claim, 
Our claim to feed upon immortal truth, 
To walk with God, to be divinely free, 
To soar, and to anticipate the skies. 
Yet few remember them. - - - - 
--. - With their names 
No bard embalms and sanctifies his song : 
And history, so warm on meaner themes, 
Is cold on this. She execrates indeed 
The tyranny that doom'd them to the fire, 
But gives the glorious sufferers little praise. 

Cowper, Task, Book V. 
In the margin, Cowper names Hume as 
chargeable with the injustice which he so 
feelingly upbraids. While it is painful to think 
that other historians, since Hume, have ex- 



PERIOD FIRST. 



to the reformed religion, had been placed by Philip. Land- 
grave of Hesse, at the head of that newly-erected Protes- 
tant seminary. Lambert, as "well as Luther and Melanc- 
thon, were highly pleased with the zeal of the young Scots- 
man; but while inhaling the lessons of truth in that retreat, 
he was seized with such an irresistible desire to communi- 
cate to his countrymen the knowledge which he had re- 
ceived, that he left Marpurg, contrary to the remonstran- 
ces of his acquaintances, especially of his affectionate mas- 
ter, who in vain represented to him the danger to which he 
would be exposed, and returned to Scotland, accompanied 
only by a single attendant.* His freedom in exposing the 
reigning corruptions, soon drew upon Mm the jealousy of 
the Popish clergy, who decoyed him to St. Andrew's, un- 
der pretence of wishing a conference with him. By or- 
der of Archbishop Beatoun, he was thrown into prison, con- 
demned as holding heretical opinions, and burnt at the 
stake on the last day of February, 15*28, in the 24th year 
of his age.* The murder of Hamilton was afterwards aveng- 
ed in the blood of the nephew and successor of his perse- 
cutor ; and the flames in which he expired were, " in the 
course of one generation, to enlighten all Scotland, and to 
consume, with avenging fury, the Catholic superstition, the 
Palpal power, and the Prelacy itsell. 'f 

The cruel death of a person of rank, and the sufferings 
which he bore with the most undaunted fortitude and 
Christian patience, excited a general inquiry into his opi- 
nions among the learned, as well as the vulgar, in St. An- 
drew's. Under the connivance of John Winram,f the Sub- 
prior, they secretly spread among the noviciates of the 
abbey. Gawin Logic, Principal of St. Leonard's College, 
was so successful in instilling them into the minds of his 
students, that it became proverbial to say of any one sus- 
pected of Lutheranism, that " he had drunk of St. Leo- 
nard's well."§ The clergy, alarmed at the progress of the 
new opinions, which were not confined to St. Andrew's, 

* F. Lamberti A veniensis, Comment, in bishops in favour of George "Wishart. Cardial 

Apocalyp Pnef. Ox. 15^8. Featoun upbraided him, saying. " Well. Sir , 

f Pinkerton. Fox, SSS. Pitscottie, Hist, and ycu, we know what a man jou are, sevea 

•f Scot. year* ago." Pitscottie, 189. 

% In 1546, Winram having spoken to th^ § Caid. MS. i. 69. 



20 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



adopted the most rigorous measures for their extirpation. 
Strict inquisition was made after heretics ; the flames of 
persecution were kindled in all quarters of the country ; 
and from 1530 to 1540, many innocent and excellent men 
suffered the most cruel death.* Several purchased their 
lives by recantation. Numbers made their escape to Eng- 
land and the Continent ; among whom were the following 
learned men, Gawin Logie, Alexander Seatoun, Alexander 
Aless, John M'Bee, John Fife, John Macdowal, John 
Mackbray, George Buchanan, James Harrison, and Ro- 
bert Richardson.f ^ Few of these exiles returned to their 
native land, and many of them found, in the universities of 
Denmark, Germany, France, and even Portugal, employ- 
ment for those talents which their bigotted countrymen 
were incapable of appreciating. 

These violent proceedings could not arrest the progress 
of truth, which was accelerated by various causes, the most 
important of which unquestionably was the circulation of 
the Scriptures in the vernacular language.*03y means of 
merchants, especially those who carried on trade from 
Dundee, Leith, and Montrose, with England and the Con- 
tinent, Tindall's Translations of the Scriptures, and many 
Protestant books, were imported, and circulated through 
the nation. J Poetry lent her aid to the opposers of igno- 
rance and superstition, and contributed greatly to the ad- 
vancement of the Reformation, in this, as well as in other 
countries. § Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, a favourite 
of James V. and an excellent poet, lashed the vices of the 
clergy, and exposed to ridicule many of the absurdities and 
superstitions of Popery, in the most popular and poignant 
satires. His satirical play, which, though professing to 
correct the abuses of all estates, was principally levelled 
against those of the church, was repeatedly acted before 
the royal family, the court, and vast assemblies of people, 
to the great mortification, and still greater damage of the 
clergy ; and copies of it were in the hands of ploughmen, 
artisans, and children. The royal poet was followed by 



* See Note F. f See Note G - 

± Wcdrow, MSS. Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. 1, 2. 
Cald. MS. i. 8.0. Knox, Hist. 22. 



§ Row, Historic MS. p. 3, 4. Cald. MS. 
i. 108. 



PERIOD FIRST. 



21 



others who wrote in the same strain, but more avowedly 
asserting the Protestant doctrines. The bishops repeat- 
edly procured the enactment of laws against the circula- 
tion of seditious rhymes and blasphemous ballads ; but 
metrical epistles, moralities, and psalms, in the Scottish 
language, were every where disseminated, and read with 
avidity, notwithstanding prohibitory statutes and legal pro- 
secutions.* 

In the year 1540, the reformed doctrine could number a- 
mong its converts, besides a multitude of the common people, 
many persons of rank and external respectability : of these 
were William, Earl of Glencairn ; his son Alexander, Lord 
Kilmaurs ; William, Earl of Errol ; William, Lord Ruth- 
ven ; his daughter Lilias, married to the Master of Drum- 
mond ; John Stewart, son of Lord Methven ; Sir James 
Sandilands, Sir David Lindsay, Erskine of Dun, Melville 
of Raith, Balnaves of Halhill, Straiton of Laurieston, with 
W'illiam Johnston, and Robert Alexander, advocates 



These names deserve more consideration from the early 
period at which they were enrolled as friends of the re- 
formed religion. It has often been alleged, that the desire 
of sharing in the rich spoils of the Popish church, together 
with the intrigues of the Court of England, engaged the 
Scottish nobles on the side of the Reformation. And there 
is reason to think, that, at a later period, this was, to a cer- 
tain extent, true. But at the time of which we now speak, 
the prospect of overturning the established church was too 
distant and uncertain to induce persons, merely from ava- 
rice or cupidity, to take a step by which they exposed their 
lives and fortunes to the most imminent hazard ; nor had 
the English monarch then extended his influence in Scot- 
land, by the arts which he afterwards employed. 

From the year 1540 to the end of 1542, the numbers of 
the reformed rapidly increased. Twice did the clergy at- 
tempt to cut them off by one desperate blow. They pre- 
sented to the king a list, containing the names of some 
hundreds, possessed of property and wealth, whom they 
denounced as heretics ; and endeavoured to procure his 

* See Note H. f Cald. MS. i. p. 103, 119. Sadler, i. 47. Knox, 21, 24. 




22 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



consent to their condemnation, by flattering him with the 
immense riches which would accrue to him from the for- 
feiture of their estates. The first time the proposal was 
made, James rejected it, with strong marks of displeasure ; 
but so violent was the antipathy which he at last conceived 
against his nobility, and so much had he fallen under the 
influence of the clergy, that it is highly probable he would 
have yielded to their solicitations, had not the disastrous 
issue of the expedition which he had undertaken against 
the English at Sol way Moss, put an end to his unhappy 
life, on the 14th of December, 1542.* 



PERIOD SECOND. 



FROM HIS EMBRACING THE REFORMED RELIGION IN THE YEAR 
1542, TO HIS RELEASE FROM THE FRENCH GALLEYS IN 1549. 

While this fermentation of opinion was spreading through 
the nation, Knox, from the state in which his mind was, 
could not remain long unaffected. The reformed doctrines 
had been imbibed by several of his acquaintances, and they 
were the topic of common conversation and dispute among 
the learned and inquisitive at the university. f His change 

* Sadler's State Papers, i. 94. Knox, 27, puting about them, an exception was made 
28. Pitscottie, p. 164. Knox says that the as to " clerks in the schools," that they might 
roll contained " mo than ane hundreth landit confute them. Robertson's Records of Par- 
men, besides utheris of meener degre, a liament, p. 552, 595-6. In this device, the 
mongis quhome was the Lord Hamiltoun, patrons of the Romish church were outwitted, 
then second persoun of the realm e." Sadler for a number of these clerks were, by the per- 
says, eighteen score noblemen and gentlemen, usal of the books, and by disputation, induced 
all well minded to God's word, which then to embrace the Protestant tenets. The actof 
they durst not avow ;" among whom were the 1525 had special reference to the doctrines 
Earl of Arran, the Earl of Cassils, and the of Luther, or other Protestant books, which 
Earl Marishal. Pitscottie says, " seventeen seem to have been imported by foreigner* 
score;" but he includes, in his account, not trading with the ports of Scotland. Oneclaus, 
only " Earls, Lords, Barons, Gentlemen," but enacted, that " na maner of persoun, stran 
also " honest burgesses and craftsmen." gear, that happenis to arrive with thare schip 

f In the act of Parliament, anno 1525, "for within Ony port of this realme, bring with 
eschewing of heresy," renewed 1535, prohi- them any bukis or workis of the said Luther, 
biting the importation of books containing his discipulis, or servandis, disputis or re- 
heretical opinions, or the rehearsing and dis- hearsis his heresies, &c. under the pane of 



PERIOD SECOND. 



23 



of views first disovered itself in his philosophical lectures 
at St. Andrew's, in which he began to forsake the scholas- 
tic path, and to recommend to his pupils a more rational 
and useful method of study. Even this innovation excited 
against him violent suspicions of heresy, which were con- 
firmed when he proceeded to reprehend the corruptions 
which prevailed in the church. It was impossible for him 
after this to remain in safety at St. Andrew's, which was 
wholly under the power of Cardinal Beautoun, the most 
determined supporter of the Romish church, and an enemy 
of all reform. Accordingly he left that place, and retired 
to the south of Scotland, where, within a short time, he 
avowed his full belief of the Protestant doctrine. Pro- 
voked by his defection, and alarmed lest he should draw 
others after him, the clergy were anxious to rid themselves 
of such an adversary. Having passed sentence against 
him as a heretic, and degraded him from the priesthood, 
(says Beza,) the Cardinal employed assassins to way-lay 
him, by whose hands he must have fallen, had not Provi- 
dence placed him under the protection of Douglas, laird of 
Langniddrie.* 

Thomas Guillaume, or Williams,f was very useful to 
Knox, in leading him to a more perfect acquaintance with 
the truth, which was now making considerable progress 
under the patronage of the Regent, and in consequence of 
an act of parliament, in 1542-3, declaring it lawful for all 
his Majesty's lieges to read the Scriptures in the vulgar 
tongue. One effect of this permission was, that the errors 
of Popery, which had hitherto been assailed in books im- 
ported from England or the Continent, were now attacked 

escheting of thare schipis and guidis, and But a late author informs us, that the chartu- 
putting of thaire personis in presoun.** An- lary of the Blackfriars' monastery at Perth 
other clause was added in 1527, intended mentions John Grierson as having been Pro- 
as a stronger check on the progress of the rincial from the year 132-5 to the time of the 
reformed opinions, and extending the penal- Reformation. Scotfs History »f the Reform- 
ties of the act to natives of Scotland, ers, p. 95. Williams not only preached a- 
* Beza, in mentioning the sentence of con- gainst Popery, bat translated the New Testa- 
demnation and degradation here, may have ment. " This same ziere-( 1543), in Scotland, 
confounded the transactions in the Cardinal's begane the gospell to display its beames, and 
lifetime, with what happened anno 1556. Guillamus, a Dominician friar, translates the 
But there is no reason for questioning the New Testament in the wulgar tounge, and 
main fact as related by him. Icones, Ee. iij. publickly preaches againist the Popes autho- 
■f He was born in Athelstoneford, a village ritey ; he is wincked at by the Regent, and 
of East Lothian. Calderwood says that he supported by thesse noblemen that returned 
was Provincial of the order of Dominicans, or from England." Balfour's Armalesof Scot 
Blackfriars, in Scotland. MS. vol. i. p. 118. land, torn. i. p. 277. 



24 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



in publications issued from the Scottish press.* Williams 
was a friar of eminence, and along with John Rough , f 
acted as chaplain to the Earl of Arran, during the short 
time that he favoured the Reformation, at the beginning 
of his regency, by whom he was employed in preaching in 
different parts of the kingdom. But the person to whom 
our Reformer was most indebted, was George Wishart, a 
gentleman of the house of Pittarow, in Mearns. Being 
driven into banishment by the Bishop of Brechin, for teach- 
ing the Greek New Testament in Montrose, he had resided 
for some years at the University of Cambridge. In the 
year 1544 he returned to his native country, in the com- 
pany of the commissioners, who had been sent to negotiate 
a treaty with Henry VIII. of England. Seldom do we 
meet in ecclesiastical history with a character so amiable 
and interesting as that of George Wishart. Excelling 1 the 
rest of his countrymen at that period in learning, of the 
most persuasive eloquence, irreproachable in life, courteous 
and affable in manners, his fervent piety, zeal, and courage 
in the cause of truth, were tempered with uncommon meek- 
ness, modesty, patience, prudence, and charity. { In his 
tour of preaching through Scotland, he was usually accom- 
panied by some of the principal gentry ; and the people 
who flocked to hear him were ravished with his discourses. 
To this teacher Knox attached himself, and profited greatly 
by his sermons, and private instructions. During his last 
visit to Lothian, Knox waited constantly on his person, 
and bore the sword, which was carried before him, from 
the time that an attempt was made to assassinate him at 
Dundee. Wishart was highly pleased with the zeal and 
talents of Knox, and seems to have presaged his future 
usefulness, at the same time that he laboured under a strong 
presentiment of his own approaching martyrdom. On the 
night in which he was apprehended by Bothwell, at the 
instigation of the Cardinal, he directed the sword to be 

* Knox, 33,34. Life, prefixed to his His- pensation for him to leave the monastery, and 

tory of the Reformation , anno 1 644. become one of his chaplains. He visited Rome 

t He was born about anno 1510; and hav- twice, and was very much shocked with what 

ing been deprived of some property, towhich he witnessed in that city, which he had been 

he considered himself as entitled, he in dis- taught to regard as the fountain of sanctity, 

gust left his relations, and entered a monas- Fox, 1340. 
tery in Stirling, when he was only seventeen 

years of age. The governor procured a dis- $ See Note A. — Period Second. 



PERIOD SECOND. 



25 



taken from Knox ; and while the latter insisted for liberty 
to accompany him to Ormiston, he dismissed him with this 
reply ? " Nay, returne to your bairnes, (meaning his pupils,) 
and God blis you: ane is sufficient for a sacrifice." 

Having relinquished all thoughts of officiating in that 
Church which had invested him with clerical orders, Knox 
had entered as tutor into the family of Hugh Douglas of 
Long Niddrie, a gentleman in East Lothian, who had em- 
braced the reformed doctrines. John Cockbum of Ormis- 
ton, a neighbouring gentleman of the same persuasion, also 
put his son under his tuition. These young men were in- 
structed by him in the principles of religion, as well as of 
the learned languages. He managed their religious in- 
struction in such a way as to allow the rest of the family, 
and the people of the neighbourhood, to reap advantage 
from it. He catechised them publicly in a chapel at Long 
Niddrie, in which he also read to them, at stated times, a 
chapter of the Bible, accompanied with explanatory re- 
marks. The memory of this fact has been preserved by 
tradition, and the chapel, the ruins of which are still appa- 
rent, is popularly called John Knox's kirk* 

It was not to be expected that he would long be suffered 
to continue this employment, under a government which 
was now entirely at the devotion of Cardinal Beatoun, who 
had gained over to his measures the timid and irresolute 
Regent. But in the midst of his cruelties, and while he was 
planning still more desperate deeds,f the Cardinal was 
himself suddenly cut off. A conspiracy was formed against 
his life ; and a small, but determined band, (some of whom 
seem to have been instigated by resentment for private in- 
juries, and the influence of the English Court, others ani- 
mated by a desire to revenge his cruelties, and deliver their 
country from his oppression,) seized upon the Castle of St. 
Andrew's, in which he resided, and put him to death, on 
the 29th of May, 1546. 

* Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 526. comp. that the woman "having a soucking babe 

Knox, Historie, 67. opoun hir briest, was drounit." Historic, 40. 

+ In his progress through the kingdom with Petrie's History of the Church of Scotland, 

the Governor, he instigated him "to hang part ii. p. 182. He had planned the destruc- 

(at Perth) four honest men, for eating of a tion of the principal gentlemen of Fife, as ap- 

goose on Friday; and drowned a young wo- peared by documents found after his death, 

man, because she refused to pray to our lady Knox, 65, 64. 
in her birth." Pitscottie, 1S8. Knox says, 



26 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



The death of Beatoun did not, however, free Knox from 
persecution. John Hamilton, an illegitimate brother of the 
Regent, who was nominated to the vacant bishopric, sought 
his life with as great eagerness as his predecessor. He was 
obliged to conceal himself, and to remove from place to 
place, to provide for his safety. Wearied with this mode 
of living, and apprehensive that he would some day fall in- 
to the hands of his enemies, he came to the resolution of 
leaving Scotland. He had no desire to go to England, 
which might seem to have afforded the most ready and na- 
tural asylum for those who fled from the persecution of the 
Scottish prelates ; because, although « the Pope's name 
was suppressed" in that kingdom, " his laws and corrup- 
tions remained in full vigour."* His determination was to 
visit Germany, and prosecute his studies in some of the 
Protestant universities, until he should see a favourable 
change in the state of his native country. But the lairds 
of Long Niddrie and Ormiston, who were extremely re- 
luctant to part with him, prevailed with him to relinquish 
his purpose of foreign travel, and take refuge, along with 
their sons, in the castle of St. Andrew's, which continued 
for some time to be held by the conspirators,! who, with 
the assistance they obtained from England, contrived to 
baffle the efforts of the Regent, who had laid siege to it, 
not so much to avenge the Cardinal's murder, as to release 
his eldest son, then a prisoner in the castle. { 

Writers, unfriendly to our Reformer, have endeavoured 
to fix an accusation upon him, respecting the assassination 

* All the Scottish Protestants were dis- or 1540), ridicules the Scottish clergy for mak- 

pleased with the half-reform introduced by ing it an article of accusation against him, 

Henry VIII. This circumstance contributed that he had approved of " all those heresies* 

not a little to cool their zeal for the alliance commonly called the heresies of England;" 

with England. His ambassador, Sir Ralph because, (says he) what religion at that time 

Sadler, found himself in a very awkward pre- was used in England, the likethe whole realm 

dicament on this as well as on other accounts; of Scotland did embrace; in this point only 

for the Papists were displeased that Henry the Englishmen differed from the Scottes, 

had gone so far, the Protestants that he did that they had cast off the yoke of Antichrist, 

not go farther The latter disrelished, in the other not. Idols were worshipped of both 

particular, the restrictions which he had im- nations; the profanating of the supper and 

posed upon the reading and interpretation of baptisme was like unto them both — Truly 

the Scriptures, and which he urged the Re- it is most false, that I had subscribed unto 

gent to imitate in Scotland. They had no such kinde of heresies." Fox, 1149, 1150. 
desire for the King's Book, which lay as a f Knox, Historie, p. 67. 
drug in the ambassadors hands. Sadler's £ Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 471, 477-9. Keith, 

State Papers i. 264-5, comp. p. 128. Sir John 50, 51. Knox, 66, 67. Buchanan, i. 296. 
Borthwick, (who fled to England, anno 1539 



PERIOD SECOND. 



27 



of Cardinal Beatoun. Some have ignorantly asserted that 
he was one of the conspirators.* Others, better informed, 
have argued that he made himself accessory to their crime, 
by taking shelter among them.f With more plausibility, 
others have appealed to his writings as a proof that he vin- 
dicated the deed of the conspirators as laudable, or at least 
innocent. I know that some of Knox's vindicators have 
denied this charge, and maintain that he justified it only in so 
far as it was the work of God, or a just retribution in Provi- 
dence for the crimes of which the Cardinal had been guilty, 
without approving the conduct of those who were the instru- 
ments of punishing him. :f The just judgment of Heaven is, I 
acknowledge, the chief thing to which he directs the at- 
tention of his reader ; at the same time, I think no one who 
carefully reads what he has written on this subject,§ can 
doubt that he justified the action of the conspirators. The 
truth is, he held the opinion, that persons who, by the com- 
mission of flagrant crimes, had forfeited their lives, ac- 
cording to the law of God, and the just laws of society, 
such as notorious murderers and tyrants, might warranta- 
bly be put to death by private individuals ; provided all 
redress, in the ordinary course of justice, was rendered im- 
possible, in consequence of the offenders having usurped 
the executive authority, or being systematically protected 
by oppressive rulers. This was an opinion of the same 
kind with that of tyrannicide, held by so many of the an- 
cients, and defended by Buchanan in his dialogue, Dejure 
regni apitd Scotos. It is a principle, I confess, of danger- 
ous application, extremely liable to be abused by factious, 
fanatical, and desperate men, as a pretext for perpetrating 
the most nefarious deeds. It would be unjust, however, 

* The author of a book entitle*] "The Image minister, qui se evangelicaeperfectioniscumu* 

of both Churches," &c. says, (p. 136) referring, lum assecutum non arbitrabatur nisi in Car- 

as his authority, to Knox's Historie, p. 372, dinal is ac sacerdotis sanguine ac caede trium- 

'* Yet there is ane aduise of Knox which is to phasset." Leslasus de rebus gestis Scotorum, 

be recorded with admiration, 1 It wear good, lib. x. The bishop should have recollected, 

that rewards wear publicklie appointed by the that the violence of his friends drove " the 

peopl for such as kill tyrants, as well as for Calvmistic minister" to this " pinnacle of 

those that kill wolfs.' " It is hardly necessary evangelical perfection." 

to say that no such " aduise " is contained ± Principal Baillie's Historical Vindication 

there, or in any other part of the History. of the Government of the Church of Scotland, 

■j- " Quorum se societate, non multo post p. 42. 

knplicarat Joannes Knoxus, Calvinistarum, § Historie, 86. 



28 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



on this account, to confound it with the principle, which, 
by giving to individuals a liberty to revenge their own 
quarrels, legitimates assassination, a practice which was 
excedingly common in that age. I may add, that there 
have been instances of persons, not invested with public 
authority, executing punishment upon flagitious offenders, 
as to which we may scruple to load the memory of the 
actors with an aggravated charge of murder, although we 
cannot approve of their conduct.* 

Knox entered the Castle of St. Andrew's at the time of 
Easter 1547, and conducted the education of his pupils af- 
ter his accustomed manner. In the chapel within the 
Castle, he read to them his lectures upon the Scriptures, 
beginning at the place in the Gospel according to John, 
where he had left off at Long Niddrie. He also catechised 
them in the parish church belonging to the city. A num- 
ber of persons attended both these exercises. 

Among those who had taken refuge in the Castle, (though 
not engaged in the conspiracy against the Cardinal), were 
Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, Henry Balnaves of Hal- 
hill,t and John Rough, who, since his dismissal by the Re- 
gent, when the latter apostatized from the reformed faith, had 
lurked in Kyle. These persons were so much pleased with 
Knox's doctrine and mode of teaching, that they urged him to 
preach publicly to the people, and to become colleague to 

* It is surprising how much prejudice will the Cardinal's Assassination, is considered in 

blind and distort the judgment, even of men Note B.j 

of learning. A modern author, speaking of f Henry Balnaves had raised himself, by his. 
the assassination of Cardinal Eeatoun, calls it talents and probity, from an obscure station 
" the foulest crime which ever stained a coun- to the first honours of the State, and was justly 
try, except, perhaps, the similar murder of regarded as one of the principal supporters of 
Archbishop Sharpe, within the same shire, in the reformed cause in Scotland. Born of poor 
the subsequent century, by similar rniscre- parents in the town of Kirkcaldy, when yet a 
ants." Chalmers's Lindsay, vol. i. p. 34,35, boy he travelled to the Continent, and, hear* 
What must the reader think who hears the ing of a free school in Cologne, procured ad- 
assassination of two bloody persecutors, aggra- mission to it, and received a liberal education, 
vated above the murder of the brave Colijmi, together with instruction in Protestant prin- 
the generous Henry IV of France, and the ciples. Returning to his native country, he 
patriotic Prince of Orange ! There are some applied himself to the study of law, and acted 
authors who can narrate in cold blood the for some time as a procurator at St. Andrew's, 
murder of multitudes of innocent persons, un- Notwithstanding the jealousy of the clergy, 
der the consecrated cloak of authority, who who hated him on account of his religious 
" burst into indignation," at the mention of sentiments, his reputation introduced him to 
the rare fact of a person, who, goaded by op- the Court; and he was employed on important 
pression, and reduced to despair, has been embassies, both by James V, and the Earl of 
driven to the extremity of taking vengeance on Arran, during the first part of whose regency 
the proud and tyrannical author of his wrongs, he was Secretary of State. Cald. MS i. 119. 
Mr. Hume's remark on Knox's Narrative of Sadler's State Papers, i. 83. Knox, 35. 



PERIOD SECOND. 



29 



Rough, who then acted as chaplain to the garrison. But 
he resisted all their solicitations, assigning as a reason that 
he did not consider himself as having a call to this employ- 
ment, and would not he guilty of intrusion.* They did 
not, however, desist from their purpose ; hut, having con- 
sulted with their brethren, came to a resolution, without 
his knowledge, that a call should he publicly given him, in 
the name of the whole, to become one of their ministers. 

Accordingly, on a day fixed for the purpose, Rough 
preached a sermon on the election of ministers, in which he 
declared the power which a congregation, however small, 
had over any one in whom they perceived gifts suited to 
the office, and how dangerous it was for such a person to 
reject the call of those who desired instruction. Sermon 
being ended, the preacher turned to Knox, who was pre- 
sent, and addressed him in these words : " Brother, you 
shall not be offended, although I speak unto you that which 
I have in charge, even from all those that are here present, 
which is this : In the name of God, and of his Son Jesus 
Christ, and in the name of all that presently call you by my 
mouth, I charge you that you refuse not this holy vocation, 
but as you tender the glory of God, the increase of Christ's 
kingdom, the edification of your brethren, and the comfort 
of me, whom you understand well enough to be oppressed 
by the multitude of labours, that you take upon you the 
public office and charge of preaching, even as you look to 
avoid God's heavy displeasure, and desire that he shall 
multiply his graces unto you." Then addressing himself 
to the congregation, he said, " Was not this your charge 
unto me ? and do ye not approve this vocation ?" They 
all answered, " It was ; and we approve it." Abashed 
and overwhelmed by this unexpected and solemn charge, 
Knox was unable to speak, but bursting into tears, retired 
from the assembly, and shut himself up in his chamber. 
" His countenance and behaviour from that day, till the 
day that he was compelled to present himself in the public 
place of preaching, did sufficiently declare the grief and 
trouble of his heart ; for no man saw any sign of mirth 

* His words were, that he " wald not rin quhair God had not callit him." 



30 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



from him, neither had he pleasure to accompany any man 
for many days together."* 

This scene cannot fail to interest such as are impressed 
with the weight of the ministerial function, and will awaken 
a train of feelings in the breasts of those who have been 
intrusted with the Gospel. It revives the memory of those 
early days of the Church, when persons did not rush for- 
ward to the altar, nor beg to " be put into one of the 
priest's offices, to eat a piece of bread ;" when men of piety 
and talents, deeply impressed with the awful responsibility 
of the office, and their own insufficiency, were, with great 
difficulty, induced to take on those orders, which they had 
long desired, and for which they had laboured to qualify 
themselves. What a glaring contrast to this was exhibited 
in the conduct of the herd which at this time filled the stalls 
of the Popish Church ! The behaviour of Knox also reproves 
those who become preachers of their own accord ; who, 
from vague and enthusiastic desires of doing good, or a fond 
conceit of their own gifts, trample upon good order, and 
thrust themselves into a sacred public employment, without 
any regular call. 

We are not, however, to imagine that his distress of 
mind, and the reluctance which he discovered in comply- 
ing with the call which he had now received, proceeded 
from consciousness of its invalidity, by the defect of certain 
external formalities which had been usual in the church, 
or which, in ordinary cases, might be observed with pro- 
priety, in the installation of persons into sacred offices. 
These, as far as warranted by Scripture, or conducive to 
the preservation of decent order, he did not contemn ; his 
judgment respecting them may be learned from the early 
practice of the Scottish Reformed Church, in the organiza- 
tion of which he had so active a share. In common with 
all the original reformers, he rejected the necessity of epis- 
copal ordination, as totally unauthorised by the laws of 
Christ ; nor did he regard the imposition of the hands of 
presbyters as a rite essential to the validity of orders, or of 
necessary observance in all circumstances of the Church. 



* Knox, Historic, p. 68. 



PERIOD SECOND. 



31 



The Papists, indeed, did not fail to declaim on this topic, 
representing Knox, and other reformed ministers, as desti- 
tute of all lawful vocation.* In the same strain did many- 
hierarchical writers of the English Church afterwards learn 
to talk ; not scrupling, by their extravagant doctrine of the 
absolute necessity of ordination by the hands of a bishop, 
who derived his powers, by uninterrupted succession from 
the Apostles, to invalidate and nullify the orders of all the 
reformed churches except their own ; a doctrine which has 
been revived in the present enlightened age, and unblush- 
ingly avowed and defended, with the greater part of its 
absurd, illiberal, and horrid consequences.! I will not say 
that Knox paid no respect whatever to his early ordination 
in the Popish Church, (although, if we may credit the testi- 
mony of his adversaries, this was his opinion ;)J but I have 
little doubt that he looked upon the charge which he re- 
ceived at St. Andrew's, as principally constituting his call 
to the ministry. 

His distress of mind on the present occasion, proceeded 
from a higher source than the deficiency of some external 
formalities in his call. He had now very different thoughts 
as to the importance of the ministerial office, from what he 
had entertained when ceremoniously invested with orders. 
The care of immortal souls, of whom he must give an ac- 
count to the Chief Bishop ; the charge of declaring " the 
whole counsel of God, keeping nothing back," however 
ungrateful to his hearers, and of " preaching in season and 
out of season ;" the manner of life, afflictions, persecutions, 
imprisonment, exile, and violent death, to which the preach- 
ers of the Protestant doctrine were exposed ; the hazard of 
his sinking under these hardships, and " making shipwreck 
of faith and a good conscience ;" these, with similar consi- 
derations, rushed into his mind, and filled it with agitation 

* The objection of the Roman Catholics to of Scotland ; thairfoir suppoise he receavit 

the legality of our Reformers vocation was, from it the ordere of priestheade, yet he had 

that although he had received the power of na pouar to preache, nor to lauchfuilie admi- 

order, he wanted that of jurisdiction ; these nistrat the Sacramentes." Nicol Burne's Dis- 

twobeingdistinct, according to the Canon law. putation concerning the Contraversit Headdii 

" The power of ordere is not sufficient to ane of Religion, p. 128. Paris, anno 1581. 
man to preache, hot he man have also juris- j See Note C. 

dictione over thame to whom he preaches. ± Ninian Wmzet, apud Keith's History, 

Johann KmnoT.resavit never sic jurisdictione App. p. 212. 215. Burne's Disputation, p. I'*8. 
fra the Roman kirk to preache in the realme 



32 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



and anxiety. At length, satisfied that he had the call of 
God to engage in this work, he composed his mind to a re- 
liance on Him who had engaged to make his " strength 
perfect in the weakness" of his servants, and resolved, with 
the apostle, " not to count his life dear, that he might finish 
with joy the ministry which he received of the Lord, to 
testify the gospel of the grace of God." Often did he af- 
terwards reflect with lively emotion upon this very interest- 
ing step of his life, and never, in the midst of his greatest 
sufferings, did he see reason to repent the choice which he 
had so deliberately made. 

An occurrence which took place about this time contri- 
buted to fix his wavering resolution, and induced an earlier 
compliance with the call of the congregation than he might 
otherwise have been disposed to yield. Though sound in 
doctrine, Rough's literary acquirements were moderate. 
Of this circumstance, the patrons of the established religion 
in the university and abbey took advantage ; among others, 
Dean John Annand* had long proved vexatious to him, by 
stating objections to the doctrine which he preached, and 
entangling him with sophisms, or garbled quotations from 
the Fathers. Knox had assisted the preacher with his pen ; 
and by his superior skill in logic and the writings of the 
Fathers, exposed Annand's fallacies, and confuted the Po- 
pish errors. One day, at a public disputation in the parish 
church, in the presence of a great number of people, An- 
nand, being driven from all his defences, fled, as his last 
refuge, to the infallible authority of the Church, which, he 
alleged, after the tenets of the Lutherans had been condemn- 
ed as heretical, had rendered all further disputation un- 
necessary. To this argument Knox's reply was, that be- 
fore they could submit to such a summary determination of 
the matters in controversy, it was previously requisite to as- 
certain the true church by the marks given in Scripture, lest 



* The friars were accustomed, about this 
time, to assu ne the dignified title of Dean, al- 
though they did not hold that place in the 
church which entitled them to the name. — . 
if All monk'iy, ye may hear and sie, 
Are callit Denis for dignite ; 
Howbeit his mother milk the kow, 
He mon be callit Dene Androw. 

Chalmers's Lindsay, iii. 103. 



Dean Annand, however, was not a friar, but 
a person of considerable repute in the univer- 
sity. He was Principal of St. Leonard's Col- 
lege in 1.044, and held that office far several 
years after. 



PERIOD SECOND. 



33 



w they should blindly receive, as their spiritual mother, a 
harlot instead of the immacidate spouse of Jesus Christ." 
" For, (continued he,) as for your Roman Church as it is 
now corrupted, wherein stands the hope of your victory, I 
no more doubt that it is the synagogue of Satan, and the 
head thereof, called the Pope, to be that man of sin, of 
whom the Apostle speaks, than I doubt that Jesus Christ 
suffered by the procurement of the visible Church of Jeru- 
salem. Yea, I offer myself, by word or writing, to prove 
the Roman Church this day farther degenerate from the 
purity which was in the days of the Apostles, than were 
the Church of the Jews from the ordinances given by Moses, 
when they consented to the innocent death of Jesus Christ." 
This was a bold charge ; but the minds of the people were 
prepared to listen to the proof. They exclaimed, that if 
this was true, they had been miserably deceived/- and in- 
sisted, as they could not all read his writings, that he should 
ascend the pulpit, and give them an opportunity of hearing 
the probation of what he had so confidently affirmed. The 
request was reasonable, and .the challenge was not to be 
retracted. The following Sunday was fixed for making 
good his promise. 

On the day appointed, he appeared in the pulpit of the 
parish church, and gave out Daniel vii. 24, 25. as his text. 
After an introduction, in which he explained the vision, 
and shewed that the four empires, emblematically repre- 
sented by four different animals, were the Babylonian, Per- 
sian, Grecian, and Roman, out of the ruins of the last of 
which empires the power described in his text arose, he 
proceeded to show that this was applicable to no other 
power but the degenerate Romish Church. He compared 
the parallel passages in the New Testament-, and shewed 
that the king mentioned in his text was the same elsewhere 
called the Man of Sin, the Antichrist, the Babylonian har- 
lot ; and that this did not mean any single person, but a 
body or multitude of people under a wicked head, includ- 
ing a multitude of persons, occupying the same station. In 
support of his assertion that the Papal power was Anti- 
christian, he described it under the three heads of life, doc- 
trine, and laws. He depicted the lives of the Popes from 
ecclesiastical history, and contrasted their doctrine and law. 



m 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



with those of the New Testament, particularly in the arti- 
cles of justification, holidays, abstinence from meats, and 
from marriage. He quoted from the Canon law the blas- 
phemous titles and prerogatives ascribed to the Pope, as 
an additional proof that he was described in his text.* In 
conclusion, he signified, that if any present thought that he 
had misquoted, or misinterpreted the testimonies which he 
had produced from the Scriptures, history, or writings of 
the doctors of the Church, he was ready, upon their coming 
to him, in the presence of witnesses, to give them satisfac- 
tion. There were among the audience, his former precep- 
tor, Major, the members of the University, the Sub-prior 
of the Abbey, and a great number of canons and friars of 
different orders. 

This sermon, delivered with a great portion of that po- 
pular eloquence for which Knox was afterwards so cele- 
brated, made great noise, and excited much speculation 
among all classes, f The reformed preachers who had pre- 
ceded him, not excepting Wishart, had contented them- 
selves with refuting some of the grosser errors of the estab- 
lished religion. Knox struck at the root of Popery, by 
boldly pronouncing the Pope to be Antichrist, and the 
whole system erroneous and antiscriptural. The report of 
the sermon, and of the effects produced by it, was soon 
conveyed to Hamilton, the bishop-elect of St. Andrew's, 
who wrote to Winram, the Sub-prior, and Vicar-general 
during the vacancy of the See, that he was surprised he 
should allow such heretical and schismatical doctrines to be 
taught without opposition. Winram was at bottom friendly 
to the reformed tenets ; but he durst not altogether disre- 
gard this admonition, and, therefore, appointed a conven- 
tion of the most learned men to be held in St. Leonard's 

* The doctrine which the preacher delivered have my part of him and his lawes bothe. 
at this time was afterwards put into " ornate Utheris said, Mr. George Wisheart spak never 
meeter," by one of hns hearers, Sir D. Lindsay, so plainelie, and yet he was brunt; even so 
who, in his " Monarchie," finished in 1553, will he be in the end ; utheris said, the tyran- 
has given a particular account of the rise and nie of the Cardinal maid not his cause the bet- 
corruptions of Popery , under the name of the ter, nether yet the suffering of Godis servand 

" fifth spirituale and papal monarchie." Ghal- maid his cause the wors And thairfoir we 

mers's Lindsay, iii. 86-116. wald counsail yow and thame to provyde bet- 

f " Sum said, Utheris hued the branches ter defences than fyre and sword ; for it may 

of Papistiy, bot he straiketh at the rute, to de- be that allisye shall be disappointed : men now 

strove the \vho!e e Utheris said, gif the doctors have uther eyes than they had then. This an- 

and magistri nostri defend not now the Pope swer gave the Laird of Nydrie." Knox, His- 

and his authoritie, which in their owin pre- torie, p. 70. 
sence is so manifestlie impugnit, the devill 



PERIOD SECOND. 



25 



Yards, to which he summoned the preachers, Knox and 
Rough, who appeared before the assembly. Nine articles 
drawn from their sermons were exhibited, " the strangeness 
of which (the Sub-prior said) had moved him to call for 
them to hear their answers." 

Knox conducted the defence for himself and his col- 
league, expressing his satisfaction at appearing before an 
auditory so honourable, modest, and grave. As he was not 
a stranger to the report concerning the private sentiments of 
Winram, and nothing was more abhorrent to his own mind 
than dissimulation, he, before commencing his defence, ob- 
tested him to deal uprightly in a matter of such magnitude ; 
if he advanced any thing, he said, which was contrary to 
Scripture, he desired the Sub-prior to oppose it, that the 
people might not be deceived ; but if he was convinced that 
what he taught was true and Scriptural, it was his duty to 
give it the sanction of his authority. To this Winram 
cautiously replied, that he did not come there as a judg^e, 
and would neither approve nor condemn ; he wished a free 
conference, and if Knox pleased, he would reason with him 
a little. Accordingly, he proceeded to state some objec- 
tions to one of the propositions maintained by Knox, " that 
in the worship of God, and especially in the administration 
ot the sacraments, the rule prescribed in the Scriptures is 
to be observed, without addition or diminution ; and that 
the Church has no right to devise religious ceremonies, and 
impose significations upon them." After maintaining the 
argument for a short time, the Sub-prior devolved it on a 
grey-friar, named Arbuckill, who took it up with great 
confidence, but was soon forced to yield with disgrace. He 
rashly engaged to prove the divine institution of ceremo- 
nies ; and being pushed by his antagonist from the Gospels 
and Acts to the Epistles, and from one Epistle to another, 
he was driven at last to affirm, " that the Apostles had not 
received the Holy Ghost when they wrote the Epistles, but 
they afterwards received him, and ordained ceremonies." 
The extravagance of this assertion was ridiculed even by 
his own party. " Father! (exclaimed the Sub-prior) what 
say ye ? God forbid that ye say that ; for then farewell 
the ground of our faith !" The friar, abashed and confound- 
ed, attempted to correct his error* but in vain. Knox could 



$6 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



not afterwards bring him to the argument upon any of the 
articles ; and when he resolved all into the authority of the 
Church, his opponent urged that the Church had no power 
to act contrary to the express directions of Scripture, which 
enjoined an exact conformity to the divine laws respecting 
worship. 66 If so, (said Arbuckill) you will leave us no 
Church." " Yes, (rejoined Knox, sarcastically,) in David 
I read of the church of malignants, Odi ecclesiam malig- 
nantium ; this church you may have without the word, and 
fighting against it. Of this church if you will be, I cannot 
hinder you ; but as for me, I will be of no other church 
but that which has Jesus Christ for pastor, hears his voice, 
and will not hear the voice of a stranger." For purgatory 
the friar had no better authority than that of Virgil in the 
sixth iEneid ; and the pains of it according to him were— 
a bad wife* 

" Solventur risu tabulse ; tu missus abibis." 

Instructed by the issue of this convention, the Papists 
avoided for the future all disputation, which tended only 
to injure their cause. Had the Castle of St. Andrew's 
been in their power, they would soon have silenced these 
troublesome preachers ; but as matters stood, more mode- 
rate and crafty measures were necessary. The plan adopt- 
ed for counteracting the popular preaching of Knox and 
Rough was politic. Orders were issued, that all the 
learned men in the Abbey and University should preach by 
turns every Sunday in the parish church. By this means 
the reformed preachers were excluded on those days, when 
the greatest audiences attended ; and it was expected that 
the diligence of the established clergy would conciliate the 
affections of the people. To avoid offence or occasion of 
speculation, they were directed not to touch, in their ser- 
mons, upon any of the controverted points. Knox easily 
saw through this artifice, but contented himself, in the 
sermons which he still delivered on week days, with ex- 
pressing a wish that they would shew themselves equally 
diligent in places where their labours were more necessary. 
At the same time, he rejoiced (he said) that Christ wa» 

* Knox, Historie, p. 70- 74. 



PERIOD SECOND. 



37 



preached, and nothing publicly spoken against the truth ; 
if any thing of this kind should be advanced, he requested 
the people to suspend their judgment, until they should 
have an opportunity of hearing him in reply. 

His labours were so successful during the few months 
that he preached at St. Andrew's, that, besides those in 
the Castle, a great number of the inhabitants of the town 
renounced Popery, and made profession of the Protestant 
faith, by participating of the Lord's Supper, which he ad- 
ministered to them in the manner afterwards practised in 
the reformed church of Scotland.* The gratification which 
he felt in these first fruits of his ministry, was in some de- 
gree abated by instances of vicious conduct in those imder 
his charge, some of whom were guilty of those acts of li- 
centiousness too common among soldiery placed in similar 
circumstances. From the time that he was chosen to be 
their preacher, he openly rebuked these disorders, and 
when he perceived that his admonition failed in putting a 
stop to them, he did not conceal his apprehensions of the 
issue of the enterprise in which they were engaged. f 

In the end of June, 1547, a French fleet, with a consid- 
erable body of land forces, under the command of Leo 
Strozzi, appeared before St. Andrew's, to assist the go- 
vernor in the reduction of the Castle. It was invested both 
by sea and land ; and being disappointed of the expected 
aid from England, the besieged, after a brave and vigorous 
resistance, were under the necessity of capitulating to the 
French commander on the last day of July. J The terms 
of the capitulation were honourable ; the lives of all that 
were in the Castle were to be spared ; they were to be trans- 



* This was the first time that the Sacra- 
ment of the Supper was dispensed in the re- 
formed way in Scotland, unless we except the 
instance by George Wishart, in the same cas- 
tle, immediately before his death ; which was 
in a private manner, as narrated by Buchanan, 
Hist. lib. xv. Oper. Rudd. torn. i. 293-94. 
Pitscottie, 1S9, fol. edit. Those who preceded 
Kdox appear to have contented themselves 
with preaching ; and such as embraced their 
doctrine bad most probably continued to re- 
ceive the Sacraments from the Popish clergy, 
or at least, from such of them as were most 
friendly to a reformation. 

•f Buchan. Hist. lib. xv. p. 2S6. ut supra. 
Pit*coUie, 191. Knox, 76. 



± Sir James Balfour, in his " Annales of 
Scotland," under the year 1547, says, " Peiter 
Strozzi, Prior of Capua, is this zeire sent by the 
Frenche King with 16 gallayes to Scotland; 
he arriues at St. Andrewes, and enters the 
toune, in despyte of all the oppositione thesse 
of the castle could make. The Regent now 
blocks vpe the castle both by sea and land ; and 
shortly thereafter hes it randred to him, one 
conditione to haue ther Hues saued, if so it 
should pleis the Frenche King : so that one 
the 5 day of Aguste, the castle being randered* 
the Prior of Capua shippes himselue, and with 
him 15 prissoners for France, with the best of 
ail the moueables of the castle." 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



ported to France, and if they did not choose to enter into 
the service of the French king, were to be conveyed to 
any country which they might prefer, except Scotland. 
John Rough had left the Castle previous to the commence- 
ment of the siege, and retired to England.* Knox, although 
he did not expect that the garrison would be able to hold 
out, could not prevail upon himself to desert his charge, 
and resolved to share with his brethren the hazard of the 
siege. He was conveyed along with the rest on board the 
fleet, which, in a few days, set sail for France, arrived at 
Fecamp, and going up the Seine, anchored before Rouen. 
The capitulation was violated, and they were all detained 
prisoners of war, at the solicitation of the Pope and Scot- 
tish clergy. The principal gentlemen were incarcer- 
ated in Rouen, Cherburg, Brest, and Mont St. Michel. 
Knox, with some others, was confined on board the galleys, 
bound with chains, and in addition to the rigours of ordinary 
captivity, treated with all the indignities offered to heretics, f 
From Rouen they sailed to Nantes, and lay upon the 
Loire during the following winter. Solicitations, threat- 
^nings, and violence, were all employed to make the pri- 
soners recant their religion, or at least countenance the 
Popish worship. But so great was their abhorrence of its 
idolatry, that not a single individual of the whole company, 
on land or water, could be induced to symbolise with its 
rites in the smallest degree. While the prison-ships lay 
on the Loire, mass was frequently said, and Salve Regina 
sung on board, or on the shore within their hearing. On 
these occasions they were brought out, and threatened with 
torture if they did not give the usual signs of reverence ; 
but instead of complying, they covered their heads as soon 
as the service began. Knox has related in his History a hu- 

* Rough continued to preach in England was carried before Bishop Bonner, by whose 

until the death of Edward VI. when he retired orders he was committed to the flames on the 

to Norden in Friesland. There he was oblig- 22d of December, 1557. An account of his 

ed 1 o support himself and his wife, (whom he examination, and two of his letters, breathing 

had married in England,) by knitting caps, the true spirit of a Christian martyr, may be 

stockings, &c. Having come over to London seen in Fox, p. 1840-1842. 

in the course of his trade, he heard of a con- f Archibald Hamilton says he was condemn- 

gregation of Protestants which met secretly in ed to work at the oar ; — " impellendis longa- 

that city, to whom he joined himself, and was rum naviurn remis, cum reliquis adjudicature* 

elected their pastor. A few weeks after this, Dial, de Confus. Calv. Sectae, p. 64. Balnavis 

the conventicle was discovered by the treach- Confess. Epist. Dedic. 
ery of one of their own number, and Rough 



PERIOD SECOND. 



morous incident which took place on one of these occasions, 
and although he has not named the person concerned in it, 
most probably it was himself. One day a fine painted 
image of the Virgin was brought into one of the galleys, 
and presented to a Scots prisoner to kiss. He desired the 
bearer not to trouble him, for such idols were accursed, 
and he would not touch it. The officers roughly replied, 
" But you shall ;" at the same time putting it forward, and 
thrusting it towards his mouth. Upon this the prisoner 
took hold of the image, and watching his opportunity, 
threw it into the river, saying, Lat our Ladie now save 
hirself : sc/ie is lycht anoughe, lat Mr leirne to swyme. Af- 
ter this they were no more troubled with these disagree- 
able importmiities.* 

The galleys in which they were confined, returned to 
Scotland in summer 1548, as near as I can collect, and 
continued for a considerable time on the east coast, to watcn 
for English vessels. Knox's health was now greatly im- 
paired by the severity of his confinement, and he was seized 
with a fever, during which his life was despaired of by all 
in the ship.f But even in this state, his fortitude of mind 
remained unsubdued,^ and he comforted his fellow prison- 
ers with hopes of release. To their anxious desponding 
inquiries, (natural to men in their situation,) " if he thought 
they would ever obtain their liberty," his uniform answer 
was, ** God will deliver us to his glory, even in this life." 
While they lay on the coast between Dundee and St. An- 
drew's, Mr. (afterwards Sir) James Balfour, who was con- 
fined in the same ship, desired him to look to the land, and 
see if he knew it. Though at that time very sick, he re- 
plied, " Yes, I know it well ; for I see the steeple of that 
place (St. Andrew's) where God first opened my mouth in 
public to his glory ; and I am fully persuaded, how weak 
soever I now appear, that I shall not depart this life till 
that my tongue shall glorify his godly name in the same 
place." This striking reply Sir James repeated, in the 

* Knox, Historie, p. 35. longo maris taedio. et laboris moiestia exteim- 

t MS. Letters, p. 53. atum quidem, et subactum corpus fuit ; sed 

£ One of his most bitter adversaries has animi elatio eum subinde rerum inagnorum 

borne an involuntary but complimentary tes- spe extimulans, nihilo magis tunc quam pi ius 

tiirtony to his magnanimity at thistime. " Ubi quiescere potuit." Hamiltonii DiaL ut sup. 



40 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



presence of many witnesses, a number of years before 
Knox returned to Scotland, and when there was very little 
prospect of his words being verified.* 

We must not, however, think that he possessed this ele- 
vation and tranquillity of mind during 1 the whole time of 
his imprisonment. When first thrown into cruel bonds, 
insulted by his enemies, and without any apparent pros- 
pect of release, he was not a stranger to the anguish of 
despondency, so pathetically described by the Royal Psalm- 
ist of Israel, f He felt that conflict in his spirit with which 
all good men are acquainted ; and which becomes peculi- 
arly sharp when joined with corporal affliction. But 
having had recourse to prayer, the never-failing refuge of 
the oppressed, he was relieved from all his fears ; and re- 
posing upon the promise and providence of the God whom 
he served, attained to " the confidence and rejoicing of 
hope." Those who wish a more particular account of the 
state of his mind at this time, will find it in the notes, ex- 
tracted from a rare work on prayer, composed by him 
chiefly from the suggestions of his own experience. J 

When free from fever, he relieved the tedious hours of 
captivity, by committing to writing a confession of his 
faith, containing the substance of what he had taught at 
St. Andrew's, with a particular account of the disputation 
which he maintained in St. Leonard's Yards. This he 
found means to convey to his religious acquaintances in 
Scotland, accompanied with an earnest exhortation to per- 
severe in the faith which they had professed, whatever per- 
secutions they might suffer for its sake.§ To this confes- 
sion I find him afterwards referring, in the defence of his 
doctrine before the Bishop of Durham. " Let no man 
think, that because I am in the realm of England, there- 
fore so boldly I speak. No : God hath taken that suspi- 
cion from me. For the body lying in most painful bands, 
in the midst of cruel tyrants, his mercy and goodness pro- 
vided that the hand should write and bear witness to the 
confession of the heart, more abundantly than ever yet the 
tongue spake." I) 



* Historie, p. 74. 
f Psalm xlii. 
% See Note D. 



§ Knox, Historie, p. 74. This confession 
api ears to have been lost. 
i| MS. Letters, p. 40. 



PERIOD SECOND. 



41 



Notwithstanding the rigour of their confinement, the 
prisoners, though separated, found opportunities of occa- 
sionally corresponding with one another. Henry Balnaves 
of Halhill, composed in his prison a treatise on Justifica- 
tion, and the Works and Conversation of a Justified Man. 
This being conveyed to Knox, probably after his second 
return in the galleys from Scotland, he was so much 
pleased with it, that he divided it into chapters, added some 
marginal notes, and a concise epitome of its contents. To 
the whole he prefixed a recommendatory dedication, in- 
tending that it should be published for the use of the 
brethren in Scotland, as soon as an opportunity offered.* 
The reader will not, I am persuaded, be displeased to 
breathe a little of the pious and heroic spirit which ani- 
mated this undaunted confessor, when " his feet lay fast 
in irons," as expressed by him in this dedication ; from 
which I shall quote more freely, as the book is rare. 

It is thus inscribed :f " John Knox, the bound servant 
of Jesus Christ, unto his best beloved brethren of the con- 
gregation of the Castle of St. Andrew's, and to all profes- 
sors of Christ's true evangel, desireth grace, mercy, and 
peace, from God the Father, with perpetual consolation 
of the Holy Spirit." After mentioning a number of in- 
stances in which the name of God was magnified, and the 
interests of religion advanced, by the exile of those who 
were driven from their native countries by tyranny, as in 
the examples of Joseph, Moses, Daniel, and the primitive 
Christians — he goes on thus : " Which thing shall openly 
declare this godly work subsequent. The counsel of Satan 
in the persecution % of us, first, was to stop the wholesome 

* The manuscript, there is reason to think, authenticity of the history, and led many to 
was conveyed to Scotland about this time, but deny that Knox -was its author. But in the 
it fell aside, and was long considered as lost, genuine editions, Knox expresses the very re- 
After Knox's death, it was discovered by his verse. " In the presoun, he (Balnaves) wrait 
servant, Richard Bannatyne, in the house of a maist profitabill treatise of justificatioun, 
Ormiston, and was printed anno 1584, by Tho- and of the warkis and conversatioun of a justi- 
mas Vaultrollier, in I2mo. with the title of fyed man : but how it was suppressit we knaw 
" Confession of Faith, &c. by Henry Balnaves not." Historie, p. 83. Edin. anno 1732. See 
of Halhill, one of the Lords of Council and also p. 181. of the first edition, 8vo. printed at 
Session of Scotland." — David Buchan, in his London about the year 1.584. 
edition of Knox's History, anno 1644, among f I have not altered the orthography of the 
his other alterations and interpolations, makes printed work, which is evidently different from 
Knox to say that this work was published at "what it must have been in the MS. 
the time he wrote the History ; which may be £ It is "perfection" in the printed copy, 
numbered among the anachronisms in that which is plainly a mistake, 
edition, which for some time discredited the 



42 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



wind of Christ's evangel to blow upon the parts where we 
converse and dwell ; and, secondly, so to oppress ourselves 
by corporal affliction and worldly calamities, that no place 
should we find to godly study. But by the great mercy 
and infinite goodness of God our Father, shall these his 
counsels be frustrate and vain. For, in despite of him and 
ail his wicked members, shall yet that same word (0 Lord ! 
this I speak, confiding in thy holy promise) openly be 
proclaimed in that same country. And how that our mer- 
ciful Father, amongst these tempestuous storms, by* all 
men's expectation, hath provided some rest for us, this pre- 
sent work shall testify, which was sent to me in Roane, 
lying in irons, and sore troubled by corporal infirmity, in 
a galley named Nostre Dame, by an honourable brother, 
Mr. Henry Balnaves of Halhill, for the present holden as 
prisoner (though unjustly) in the old palace of Roane. f 
Which work, after I had once again read, to the great 
comfort and consolation of my spirit, by counsel and ad- 
vice of the foresaid noble and faithful man, author of the 
said work, I thought expedient it should be digested in 
chapters, &c. Which thing I have done as imbecility of 
ingine,{ and incommodity of place, would permit ; not so 
much to illustrate the work, (which in the self is godly and 
perfect,) as, together with the foresaid noble man and 
faithful brother, to give my confession of the article of jus- 
tification therein contained. § And I beseech you, beloved 
brethren, earnestly to consider, if we deny any thing pre- 
sently (or yet conceal and hide) which any time before we 
professed in that article. And now we have not the Cas- 
tle of St. Andrew's to be our defence, as some of our ene- 
mies falsely accused us, saying, if we wanted our walls, 
we would not speak so boldly. But blessed be that Lord 
whose infinite goodness and wisdom hath taken from us 
the occasion of that slander, and hath shewn unto us, that 
the serpent hath power only to sting the heel, that is, to 
molest and trouble the flesh, but not to move the spirit 
from constant adhering to Christ Jesus, nor public profess, 
ing of his true word. O blessed be thou, Eternal Father ! 



* i. e. beyond. 

* Rouen, net Roanne, is the place meant. 



+ i. e. genius or wit. 
§ See Note £. 



PERIOD SECOND. 



which, by thy only mercy, has preserved us to this day a 
and provided that the confession of our faith (which ever 
we desired all men to have known) shoidd, by this treatise, 
come plainly to light. Continue, O Lord, and grant unto 
us, that as now with pen and ink, so shortly we may con- 
fess with voice and tongue the same before thy congrega- 
tion ; upon whom look, Lord God, with the eyes of thy 
mercy, and suffer no more darkness to prevail. I pray 
you pardon me, beloved brethren, that on this manner I 
digress; vehemency of spirit (the Lord knoweth I lie not) 
compelleth me thereto." 

The prisoners in Mont St. Michel consulted Knox as to 
the lawfulness of attempting to escape by breaking their 
prison, which was opposed by some of their number, lest 
their escape should subject their brethren who remained in 
confinement to more severe treatment. He returned for 
answer, that such fears were not a sufficient reason for re- 
linquishing the design, and that they might, with a safe 
conscience, effect their escape, provided it could be done 
M without the blood of any shed or spilt ; but to shed any 
man's blood for their freedom, he would never consent."* 
The attempt was accordingly made by them, and success- 
fully executed, " without harm done to the person of any, 
and without touching any thing that appertained to the 
king, the captain, or the house, "f 

At length, after enduring a tedious and severe impri- 
sonment of nineteen months, Knox obtained his liberty. 
This happened in the month of February 1549, according 
to the modern computation. J By what means his libera- 
tion was procured, I cannot certainly determine. One ac- 
count says, that the galley in which he was confined was 

* This is the man whom a high church his- be aware, that it consists merely of excerpts 
torian ha3 represented as maintaining the from Calderwood's History, (which still re- 
principles of the ancient Zealots or Siccarii, mains in manuscript,) and, though it has been 
and one who taught that any person who met useful, is not always accurate in what it con 
a Papist might kill him ! Collier's Eccles. tains. Knox, in a conference with Mary of 
Hist, ii.545. Scotland, toid the Queen that he was five years 
f Knox, Historie, p. 84-85. resident in England, (Historie r 2£9.) Now, as 
± In one of his letters, preserved by Calder- he came to England immediately after he ob- 
wood, Knox says that he was 19 months in tained his liberty, and left it (as we shall a£- 
the French galleys. Cald. MS. vol. i. 526. terwards see) in the end of January or begin- 
In the printed Calderwood, the period of his ning of February, 1554, this exactly accord* 
confinement is limited to nine months, a mis- with the date of his liberation, which is gireB 
take which has been copied by several writers, above from Calderwood's MS. 
It is proper that the reader of that book should 



44 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



taken in the channel by the English.* According to an- 
other account, he was liberated by order of the King of 
France, because it appeared, on examination, that he was 
not concerned in the murder of Cardinal Beatoun, nor ac- 
cessory to other crimes committed by those who held the 
Castle of St. Andrew's, f Others say, that his acquaint- 
ances purchased his liberty, induced by the hopes which 
they cherished of great things to be accomplished by him.J 
It is not improbable, however, that he owed his liberty to 
the circumstance of the French Court having now accom- 
plished their great object in Scotland, by the consent of 
the Parliament to the marriage of their young Queen with 
the Dauphin, and by obtaining possession of her person; 
after which they felt less inclined to revenge the quarrels 
of the Scottish clergy. 



PERIOD THIRD. 

FROM HIS RELEASE FROM THE FRENCH GALLEYS IN 1549, TO 
HIS DEPARTURE OUT OF ENGLAND IN 1554. 

Upon regaining his liberty, Knox immediately repaired to 
England. The objections which he had formerly enter- 
tained against a residence in that kingdom, were now in a 
great measure removed. Henry VIII. had died in the year 
1547 ,* and Archbishop Cranmer, released from the severe 
restraint under which he had been held by his tyrannical 
and capricious master, exerted himself with much zeal in 
advancing the Reformation. In this he was cordially sup- 
ported by those who governed the kingdom during the 
minority of Edward VI. But the undertaking was exten- 
sive and difficult, and in carrying it on, he found a great 



* This is mentioned in a MS. in my posses- 
sion; but little weight can be given to it, as 
it is written in a modern hand, and no autho- 
rity is produced. 



f Petrie's Church History, part ii. p. 184. 

See Note F. — Period Second. 
£ Hamiltonii Dialog, ut supra. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



45 



deficiency of ecclesiastical coadjutors. The greater part 
of the incumbent bishops, though they externally complied 
with the alterations introduced by authority, remained at- 
tached to the old religion, and secretly thwarted, instead 
of seconding, the measures of the Primate. The mass of 
the people were sunk in wretched ignorance of religion, 
and from ignorance, were addicted to those superstitions 
to which they had been always accustomed : while the in- 
ferior clergy, in general, were as unwilling as they were 
unable to undertake their instruction.* This evil was not 
corrected at the commencement of the English Reforma- 
tion ; on the contrary, it was considerably aggravated by 
a ruinous measure then adopted. When Henry suppressed 
the monasteries, and seized their revenues, pensions were 
allotted to the monks during life ; but to ease the royal 
treasury of this burden, small benefices in the gift of the 
crown were conferred upon them, instead of their pensions. 
The nobles, who procured monastic lands under the same 
burden, imitated the monarch's example. By this means, 
a great part of the inferior livings were occupied by igno- 
rant and superstitious monks, who were long a dead weight 
on the English Church, and contributed not a little to 
the sudden relapse of the nation to Popery, in the reign 
of Queen Mary.t 

In order to remedy these evils, Cranmer, with the concur- 
rence of the Protector and the Privy Council, had invited 
learned Protestants to come from Germany into England, 
and placed Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, Paul Fagius, and 
Emanuel Tremellius, as professors in the Universities of 
Oxford and Cambridge. This was a wise measure, as it 
secured a future supply of useful preachers, trained up by 
these able masters. But the necessity was urgent, and 
demanded immediate provision. For this purpose, it was 
judged expedient, instead of fixing a number of orthodox 
and popular preachers in particular charges, to employ 

* Peter Martyr, in a letter, dated Oxford, po?sit. Vemm cor.fido fore ut meliora simaff 

1st Julv, 1550, laments the paucity of useful visuri." Martyri Epist. a[:ud Loc. Cammua 

preachers in England. " Dcleo plus quam p. 760. Geneva, 16'i~. 

dici possit, tanto ublque in Anglia verbi Dei f Burnet's Hist-, of the Reformat. ii„ 24 

penuria laborari ; et eos qui oves Christd doc- The suppression of the chantries, in the reigr 

trina pascere tenenrur. cum usque eo remisse of Edward VI. had similar erfects. Strype* 

agant, ut officium facexe prorsus recusent, Memorials of tue Reformation, ii 4AS- 
neacio quo fietu, quibusve iachrvmis deplorari 



in 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



them in itinerating through different parts of ths kingdom, 
where the clergy were most illiterate or disaffected, and 
the inhabitants most addicted to superstition. 

In these circumstances, our zealous countryman did not 
remain long unemployed. The reputation which he had 
gained by his preaching at St. Andrew's was not unknown 
in England, and his late sufferings recommended him to 
Cranmer and the Council. He was accordingly, soon after 
his arrival in England, sent down from London, by their 
authority, to preach in Berwick \ a situation the more 
acceptable to him, as it afforded him an opportunity to 
ascertain the state of religion in his native country, to cor- 
respond with his friends, and impart to them his advice.* 

The Council had every reason to be pleased with the 
choice which they had made of a northern preacher. He 
had long thirsted for the opportunity which he now enjoyed. 
His captivity, during which he had felt the powerful sup- 
port which the Protestant doctrine yielded to his mind, had 
inflamed his love for the truth, and his zeal against Popery. 
He spared neither time nor bodily strength in the instruc- 
tion of those to whom he was sent. Regarding the wor- 
ship of the Popish Church as grossly idolatrous, and its 
doctrine as damnable, he attacked both with the utmost 
fervour, and exerted himself in drawing his hearers from 
them, with as much eagerness as in saving their lives from 
a devouring flame or flood. Nor were his labours fruit- 
less : during the two years that he continued in Berwick, 
numbers were, by his ministry, converted from error and 
ignorance, and a general reformation of manners became 
visible among' the soldiers of the garrison, who had for- 
merly been noted for turbulence and licentiousness,! 

The popularity and success of a Protestant preacher 
were very galling to the clergy in that quarter, who were, 
almost to a man, bigoted Papists, and enjoyed the patron- 
age of the bishop of the diocese. Tonstal, Bishop of Dur- 
ham, like his friend Sir Thomas More, was one of those 
men of whom it is extremely difficult to give a correct 
idea, qualities of an opposite kind being apparently blended 



* Strype's Mem or. of Reform. Hi. 235. 
Knox, aistor:e,85,289. 



t Knox, Historia, p. 2S9. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



47 



in his character. Surpassing all his brethren in polite 
learning, he was the patron of bigotry and superstition. 
Displaying, in private life, that moderation and suavity 
of manners which liberal studies usually inspire,* he was 
accessory to the public measures of a reign disgraced 
throughout by the most shocking barbarities. Claiming 
our praise for honesty, by opposing in Parliament innova- 
tions which, in his judgment, he condemned, he again 
forfeited it by the most tame acquiescence and pliant con- 
formity ; thereby maintaining his station amidst all the 
revolutions of religion during three successive reigns. He 
had paid little attention to the science immediately con- 
nected with his profession, and most probably was indiffer- 
ent to the controversies then agitated ; but living in an 
age in which it was necessary for every man to choose his 
side, he adhered to those opinions which had been long 
established, and were friendly to the power and splendour 
of the ecclesiastical order. As if anxious to atone for 
his fault, in forwarding those measures which produced a 
breach between England and the Roman See, he opposed 
in Parliament all the subsequent changes. Opposition 
awakened his zeal ; he became at last a strenuous advocate 
for the Popish tenets ; and wrote a book in defence of 
transubstantiation, of which says bishop Burnet, " the 
Latin style is better than the divinity." 

The labours of a preacher within his diocese, who ex- 
erted himself to overthrow what the bishop wished to sup- 
port, must have been very disagreeable to Tonstal. As 
Knox acted under the sanction of the Protector and Coun- 
cil, he durst not inhibit him ; but he was disposed to listen 
to and encourage informations lodged by the clergy against 
the doctrine which he taught. Although the town of Ber- 
wick was Knox's principal station during the years 1549 
and 1550, it is probable that he was appointed to preach 
occasionally in the adjacent country. Whether, in the 
course of his itinerancy, he had, in the beginning of 1550, 
gone as far as Newcastle, and preached in that town, or : 

* Sir Thomas More, in one of his letters to instruction nemo vita moribusque severior 
Erasmus, gives the following character of ita nemo est usquam in convictu jucunUior," 
Tonstai : " Ut nemo eit omnibus bonis Uteris 



48 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



whether he was called up to it, in consequence of com- 
plaints against his sermons delivered at Berwick, does not 
clearly appear. It is however certain, that a charge was 
exhibited against him before the bishop, for teaching that 
the sacrifice of the mass was idolatrous ; and a day was ap- 
pointed for him publicly to assign his reasons for this opi- 
nion. 

Accordingly, on the 4th of April, 1550, a great assem- 
bly being convened in Newcastle, among whom were the 
members of the council,* the Bishop of Durham, and the 
learned men of his cathedral, Knox delivered, in their pre 
sence, an ample defence of the doctrine, against which 
complaints had been made. After an appropriate exordi- 
um, in which he stated to the audience the occasion and 
design of his appearance before them, and cautioned them 
against the powerful prejudices of education and custom 
in favour of erroneous opinions and practices in religion, 
he proceeded to establish the doctrine which he had taught. 
The mode in which he treated the subject was well 
adapted to his auditory, which was composed of the il- 
literate as well as the learned. He proposed his argu- 
ments in the syllogistic form, according to the practice 
of the schools, but illustrated them with a plainness le- 
vel to the meanest capacity among his hearers. Passing 
over the more gross notions, and the shameful traffic in 
masses, extremely common at that time, and which were 
already falling of their own accord before the light of 
truth ; he boldly assailed the fabric of idolatry, and en- 
gaged to prove that the mass, " in her most high degree, 
and most honest garments," was an idol struck from the 
inventive brain of superstition, which had supplanted the 
sacrament of the Supper, and engrossed the honour due to 
the person and sacrifice of Jesus Christ. " Spare no ar- 
rows," was the motto which Knox wore on his standard ; 
the authority of Scripture, and the force of reasoning, 
grave reproof, and pointed irony, were in their turn em- 

* Besides the great council which managed probably belonged to this council, and not to 

the affairs of the kingdom under the Protec- the town-council of Newcastle. If I am right 

tor, a number of the privy councillors who be- in this conjecture, Knox might owe to them, 

longed to this part of the country, composed and not to the bishop, the liberty of this public 

a subordinate board, called " the council of defence, 
the north." The members here referred to 



PERIOD THIRD, 



49 



ployed by him. In the course of this defence, he did not 
restrain those sallies of raillery, which the fooleries of the 
Popish superstition irresistibly provoke, even from those 
who are deeply impressed with its pernicious tendency. 
Before concluding, he adverted to certain doctrines which 
had been taught in that place on the preceding Sunday, 
the falsehood of which he was prepared to demonstrate ; 
but he would, in the first place, he said, submit to the 
preacher the notes of the sermon which he had taken down, 
that he might correct them as he saw proper ; for his ob- 
ject was not to misrepresent or captiously entrap a speaker, 
by catching at words unadvisedly uttered, but to defend 
the truth, and warn his hearers against errors destructive 
to their souls. The defence, as drawn up by Knox him- 
self, is now before me in manuscript, and the reader who 
wishes a more particular account of its contents will find 
it in the notes.* 

This defence had the effect of extending Knox's fame 
through the North of England, while it completely silenced 
the bishop and his learned coadjutors, f He continued to 
preach at Berwick during the remaining part of this year, 
and in the following, was removed to Newcastle, and 
placed in a sphere of greater usefulness. In December 
1551, the Privy Council conferred on him a mark of their 
approbation, by appointing him one of King Edward's 
chaplains in ordinary. " It was appointed (says his Ma- 
jesty, in a Journal of important transactions which he wrote 
with his own hand) that I should have six chaplains ordi- 
nary, of which two ever to be present, and four absent in 
preaching ; one year, two in Wales, two in Lancashire and 
Derby ; next year, two in the marches of Scotland, and 
two in Yorkshire ; the third year, two in Norfolk and Es- 
sex, and two in Kent and Sussex. These six to be Bill, 

* See Note A — Period Third. and who is accurate in his account of other 

f Th&compiler of the account of Knox, pre- circumstances relative to it. His words are,. 

tixed to the edition of his History, printed anno " Et4 die Aprilis ejusdem anni [1550] aperi 

1752, says, that the MS. containing the De ens in concione opinionem, ejus idolatrias et 

fence, bears that it " quite silenced " the bi- horrendas blasphemias, tarn solidis argomen- 

shop and his doctors. But that writer does tis, abominationem esse prob?.bat, ut, cum 

not appear to have ever >een the MS. which omnibus sciolis, Saturnius ille somniator, 

contains nothing of the kind. The fact is, [Dunelmensis] refragare non possit." Baleus, 

however, attested by the Bishop of Ossory, who De Script. Scot, et Hibern, Art. Knox us, 
had good opportunities of knowing its truth, 

E 



50 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Harle,* Perne, Grindal, Bradford, and >."f The name 

of the sixth has been dashed out of the Journal, but the 
industrious Strype has shewn that it was Knox. J " These 
it seems (says Bishop Burnet) were the most zealous and 
readiest preachers, who were sent about as itinerants, to 
supply the defects of the greatest part of the clergy, who 
were generally very faulty. "§ An annual salary of £40 
was allotted to each of the chaplains. || 

In the course of this year, Knox was consulted about the 
Book of Common Prayer, which was undergoing a revi- 
sal. On that occasion, it is probable that he was called up 
for a short time to London. Although the persons who 
had the chief direction of ecclesiastical affairs were not 
disposed, or did not think it yet expedient, to introduce 
that thorough reform which he judged necessary, in order 
to reduce the worship of the English Church to the Scrip- 
ture model, his representations were not altogether disre- 
garded. He had influence to procure an important change 
on the communion office, completely excluding the notion 
of the corporeal presence of Christ in the sacrament, and 
guarding against the adoration of the elements, too much 
countenanced by the practice of kneeling at their reception, 
which was still continued.^" Knox speaks of these amend- 
ments with great satisfaction, in his Admonition to the 
Professors of the Truth in England. " Also God gave 
boldness and knowledge to the Court of Parliament to take 
away the round clipped god, wherein standeth all the holi- 
ness of the Papists, and to command common bread to be 



* John Harle or Harley, was afterwards 
made Bishop of Hereford, May 26, 1553. 
Strype's Cranmer, p. 301. A late writer has 
confounded this Englishman with William 
Harlowe, who was minister of St. Cuthbert's 
Church, near Edinburgh. Scott's History of 
the Reformers in Scotland, p. 242. 

f King Edwa d's Journal, apud Burnet, ii. 
Records, p. 42. 

£ Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 297. 
Memor. of Cr<inmer, p. 292. Burnet, iii. 212. 
Records, 420,422. 

§ Burnet ii. 171. 
- | Strvpe's Memor. of Reform, ut supra. 
Life ofGvindal, p. 7. Mr. Strype says, that 
the number of chaplains was afterwards re- 
duced to four, Bradford and Knox being drop- 
ped fiorn the list. But we find both of these 
pleaching in their turn before the Court, in 



the year 1553. In the Council-book a warrant 
was granted, October 2". 552, to four gentle- 
men to pay to Knox, " His Majesty's preacher 
in the north, forty pounds, as his Majesty's 
reward." Strvpe's Cranmer, 292. This salary 
he retaim d until the death of Edward ; for in 
a letter wrote by him at the time he left Eng- 
land, he says: " Ather the Quesns Majestie, 
or sum Thesaurer will be 40 pounds rycher by 
me, sae meikie lack I of the deutie of my pa- 
tentis; but that littil trubiiis me." MS. Let- 
ters, p. 286. The biographer of Sir David 
Lindsay, (Chalmers's Lindsay, i. 32.) has stat- 
ed that Knox was in the pav of England a* 
early as 1547; but this appears to be a mis- 
take ; as it is not likely he could be known to 
the English Council before he entered the Cas 
tie of St. Andrew's. 

See Note B. — Period Third. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



51 



used at the Lord's table, and also to take away the most 
part of superstitions (kneeling at the Lord's table excepted) 
which before profaned Christ's true religion." These al- 
terations gave great offence to the Papists. In a disputa- 
tion with Latimer, after the accession of Queen Mary, the 
Prolocutor, Dr. Weston, complained of our countryman's 
influence in procuring them. " A runnagate Scot did take 
away the adoration or worshipping of Christ in the sacra- 
ment, by whose procurement that heresie was put into the 
last communion-book ; so much prevailed that one man's 
authoritie at that time.*" In the following year, he was 
employed in revising the Articles of Religion, previous to 
their ratification by Parliament.! 

During his residence at Berwick, Knox had formed an 
acquaintance with Miss Marjory Bowes, a young lady who 
afterwards became his wife. She belonged to the honour- 
able family of Bowes, and was nearly allied to Sir Robert 
Bowes, a distinguished courtier during the reigns of Henry 
VIII. and his son Edward. J Before he left Berwick, he 
had paid his addresses to this young lady, and met with a 
favourable reception. Her mother also was friendly to the 
match ; but owing to some reason, most probably the pre- 
sumed aversion of her father, it was deemed prudent to 
delay the consummating of the union. But having come 
under a formal promise to her, he considered himself, from 
that time, as sacredly bound ; and in his letters to Mrs. 
Bowes, he always addressed her by the name of Mother, § 

Without derogating from the praise justly due to those 
worthy men who were at this time employed in dissemi- 



* Fox, p. 1326. Strype questions the truth 
of Weston's statement, and says that Knox 
M was hardly come into England (at least any 
further than Newcastle) al this time." An- 
nals, iii. 1 17. But we have already seen that 
he arrived in England as early as the beginning 
of anno 1549. 

f October 2^155^) a letter was directed 
to Mess. Harfey, Rill, Horn, Gnndal, Pe»n, 
and Knox, to consider certain articles exhibit- 
ed to the King's Maiesty, to be subscribed by 
all such as shall be admitted to be preachers or 
ministers in any part of the realm; and to 
make report of their opinions touching the 
same." Council book, apud Strype's Cranmer, 
p. 273. Their report was returned before the 
20th November, ibid. p. 301. Burnet s iys the 
order was given Octob. 20. History, iii. 212. 



The articles agreed to at this time were 42 in 
number. In 1562 they were reduced to 39, 
as they still continue. 

± Her father was Richard Bowes, youngest 
son of Sir Ralph Bowes of Streatlam, and her 
mother was one of the daughters and co-heirs 
of Sir Roger Aske of Aske in Yorkshire. 

§ From this appellation in the MS letters, 
I concluded that Knox was married to Miss 
Bowes before he left Berwick, until I met with 
a book printed by him, to which one of his 
letters to Mrs. Bowes was added. On the 
margin of this, opposite to a place in which he 
had named her mother, is this note: " I had 
maid faithful promise, before witnes, to Mar- 
iorie Bowes her daughter, so as she tuke me 
for sone, I hartly embrased her as my mother " 
Knox's Answer to Tyrie the Jesuit . F. ii. 



52 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



nating religious truth through England, I may say, that 
our countryman was not behind the first of them, in the 
unwearied assiduity with which he laboured in the stations 
assigned to him. From an early period, his mind seems to 
have presaged, that the golden opportunity enjoyed would 
not be of long duration. He was eager to " redeem the 
time," and indefatigable both in his studies and teaching. 
In addition to his ordinary services on Sabbath, he preached 
regularly on week days, frequently on every day of the 
week. * Besides the portion of time which he allowed to study, 
he was often employed in conversing with persons who ap- 
plied to him for advice on religious subjects. f The Coun- 
cil were not insensible to the value of his services, and con- 
ferred on him several marks of approbation. They wrote 
different letters to the governors and principal inhabitants 
of the places where he preached, recommending him to 
their notice and protection. J They secured him in the 
regular payment of his salary, until such time as he should 
be provided with a benefice. § It was also out of respect 
to him, that, in September 1552, they granted a patent to 
his brother, William Knox, a merchant, giving him liberty, 
for a limited time, to trade to any port of England, in a 
vessel of a hundred tons burden, jj 

But the things which recommended Knox to the Coun- 
cil, drew upon him the hatred of a numerous and powerful 
party in the northern counties, who remained addicted to 
Popery. Irritated by his boldness and success in attack- 
ing their superstition, and sensible that it would be vain, 



* MS. Letters, p. 265, 276. 
■\ Ibid. Passim. 

* They wrote a letter in his commendation, 
Dec. 9. 1552, to Lord Wharton, Deputy War- 
den of the Borders. When he was employed 
in Buckinghamshire, during the following 
year, in order to secure greater acceptance and 
respect to him in that county, they wrote in 
kis favour to Lords Russel and Windsor, the 
Justices of the Peace, and other gentlemen. 
Strype's Cranmer, p. 292. 

§ Strype's Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 
533. 

(j Bishop Burnet, and Mr. Strype, (Memor. 
of Reform, ii. 299.) who record this fact, con- 
jecture that the patentee was a relation of our 
Reformer. That he was his brother, is evi- 
dent from Knox's letters, which mention his 
being in England about this time. In a let- 



ter written in 1553, he says: " My brother, 
Williame Knox, is presentlie with me. What 
ye wald haif frome Scotland, let me knawthis 
Monunday at nycht ; for hie must depart on 
Tyisday." MS. p. 271. The same person seems 
to be meant in the following extract from an- 
other letter : " My brother hath communicat 
his haill hart with me ; and I persave the 
mychtie operation of rod. And sa lat us be 
establissit in his inhnit gudnes and maistsure 
promissis." MS. 266. 

William Knox aft-rwards became a preach- 
er, and was minister of Cockpen, in Mid-Lo« 
thian, after the establishment of the Reforma- 
tion in Scotland. No fewer than fourteen 
ministers of the Church of Scotland are num- 
bered amongst his descendants. --Genealogical 
Account of the Knoxes, apud Scott's History 
of the Reformers in Scotland, p. 152. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



53 



and even dangerous to prefer an accusation against him on 
that ground, they watched for an opportunity of catching 
at something in his discourses or behaviour, which they 
might improve to his disadvantage. He had long observed 
with great anxiety the impatience with which the Papists 
submitted to the present government, and their eager de- 
sires for any change which might lead to the overthrow of 
the Protestant religion ; desires which were expressed by 
them in the north, without that reserve which prudence 
dictated in places adjacent to the seat of authority. He 
had witnessed the joy with with which they received the 
news of the Protector's fall, and was no stranger to the 
satisfaction with which they circulated prognostications as 
to the speedy demise of the king. In a sermon preached 
by him about Christmas 1552, he gave vent to his feelings 
on this subject; and lamenting the obstinacy of the Pa- 
pists, asserted, that such as were enemies to the gospel 
then preached in England, were secret traitors to the crown 
and commonwealth, thirsted for nothing more than his Ma- 
jesty's death, and cared not who should reign over them, 
provided they got their idolatry again erected. This free 
speech was immediately laid hold of by his enemies, and 
transmitted, with many aggravations, to some great men 
about court, secretly in their interest, who thereupon pre- 
ferred a charge against him, for high offences, before the 
Privy Council.* 

In taking this step, they were not a little encouraged by 
their knowledge of the sentiments of the Duke of Northum- 
berland, who had lately come down to his charge as War- 
den General of the Northern Marches, f This ambitious 
and unprincipled nobleman had employed his affected zeal 
for the reformed religion as a stirrup to mount to the high- 
est preferment in the state, which he had recently secured 
by the ruin of the Duke of Somerset, the Protector of the 
kingdom. Knox had offended him by publicly lamenting 

* MS. Letters, p. 193. Knox's Admonition General of the Northern Marches in Oct. 1.551. 

to the Professors of the Truth in England, p. But having important objects to secure at 

61; apud History, Edin. 1G44, 4to. Court, he excused himself from going north 

f The Earl of Warwick, now created Duke until June, 1552. Strype's Memor. of the 

of Northumberland, was appointed Warden- Reformation, ii. 282, 359. 



54 



LIFE OF JOHN KNJX 



the fall of Somerset as threatening danger to the Reforma- 
tion, of which he had always shewn himself a zealous friend, 
whatever his faults might have been in other respects.* Nor 
could the freedom which the preacher used, in reproving 
from the pulpit the vices of great as well as small, fail to 
be displeasing to a man of Northumberland's character. 
On these accounts, he was desirous to have Knox removed 
from that quarter, and had actually applied for this, by a 
letter to the Council, previous to the occurrence just men- 
tioned ; alleging, as a pretext, that great numbers of Scots- 
men resorted unto him : as if any real danger was to be 
apprehended from this intercourse with a man, of whose 
fidelity the existing government had so many strong pledges, 
and who uniformly employed all his influence to remove the 
prejudices of his countrymen against England, f 

In consequence of the charges exhibited against him to 
the Council, he received a citation to repair immediately to 
London, and answer for Ins conduct. The following ex- 
tract of a letter, addressed to Miss Bowes,t will shew the 
state of his mind upon receiving this summons. <( Urgent 
necessity will not suffer that I testify my mind unto you. 
My Lord of Westmoreland § has written unto me this Wed- 
nesday, at six of the clock at night, immediately thereafter 
to repair unto him, as I will answer at my peril. I could 
not obtain license to remain the time of the sermon upon 
the morrow. Blessed be God who does ratify and confirm 
the truth of his word from time to time, as our weakness 
shall require ! Your adversary, sister, doth labour that you 
should doubt whether this be the word of God or not. If 

* MS. Letters, p. 112,173. Knox consider- say with certainty. One letter has this super- 

ed that the Papists had a secret hand in fo- scription, " To Mariorie Bowes, who was his 

menting those dissensions which led to the first wife." In it he addresses her by the name 

condemnation and execution of the Protector, of Sister, and at the close says, " I think this 

His suspicions were not ill founded. See be the tirst letter that ever I wrait to you." 

Strype's Memor. of the Reform, ii. 306-7. MS. p. 335. But there is no date by which to 

f The Duke's letter was dated Nov. 23, compare it with other letters. 

1552. Hayne's State Papers, i. 136. Brand's § Henry Nevyl, Earl of Westmoreland, was, 

History of Newcastle, p. 304. Redpath's Bor- by the interest of the Duke of Northumber- 

der History, p. 577. land, admitted a member of the Privy Coun- 

£ A great, number of his letters in the MS. cil, anno 1552. He was also a member of the 

are saperscribed To his Sister." It appears Council for the North, and Lord Lieutenant 

from internal evidence that this was a daugh- of the bishopric of Durham. His private cha- 

ter of Mrs. Bowes, but whether the young lady racter was indifferent. Strype's Memor. oi 

whom he married, or a sister of hers, I cannot the Reform, ii. 401, 457-9. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



55 



there had never been testimonial of the uu doubted truth 
thereof before these our ages, may not such things as we 
see daily come to pass prove the verity thereof? Doth it 
not affirm, that it shall be preached, and yet contemned and 
lightly regarded by many ; that the true professors thereof 
shall be hated by father, mother, and others of the contrary 
religion ; that the most faithful shall be persecuted ? And 
cometh not all these things to pass in ourselves? Rejoice, 
sister, for the same word that forespeaketh trouble doth 
certify us of the glory consequent. As for myself, albeit 
the extremity should now apprehend me, it is not come un- 
looked for. But alas ! I fear that yet I be not ripe nor able 
to glorify Christ by my death ; but what lacketh now, God 
shall perform in his own time. — Be sure I will not forget 
you and your company, so long as mortal man may re- 
member any earthly creature."* 

Upon reaching London, he found that his enemies had 
been imcommonly industrious in exciting prejudices against 
him, by transmitting the most false and calumnious infor- 
mation. But the Council, after hearing his defences, were 
convinced of their malice, and honourably acquitted him. 
He was employed to preach before the Court, and gave 
great satisfaction, particularly to his Majesty, who con- 
tracted a favour for him, and was very desirous to have him 
promoted in the Church. f It was resolved by the Council 
that he should preach in London and the southern coun- 
ties, during the year 1553 ; but he was allowed to return 
for a short time to Newcastle, either to settle his affairs, or 
as a public testimony of his innocence. In a letter to his 
sister, (Miss Bowes. N ' dated Newcastle. '23d March. 1553, 
we rind him writing as follows : " Look farther of this 
matter in the other letter, % written unto you at such time 
as many thought I should never write after to man. Hein- 
ous were the delations laid against me, and many are the 
lies that are made to the Council. But God one day shall 
destroy all lying tongues, and shall deliver his servants 



* MS. Letters, p. 267-9. ± The letter last quoted. MS. p. 273-4. 

t Ibid. p. 1 12. Meichior Adam, Vit. Ert. compared with p. 26S. 
Theol. p. 137. 



56 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



from calamity. I look but one day or other to fall In their 
hands ; for more and more rageth the members of the devil 
against me. This assault of Satan has been to his confu- 
sion, and to the glory of God. And therefore, sister, 
eease not to praise God, and to call for my comfort ; for 
great Is the multitude of enemies, whom every one the 
Lord shall confound. I intend not to depart from New- 
castle before Easter." 

The vigour of his constitution had been greatly impair- 
ed by his confinement in the French galleys, which, toge- 
ther with his labours in England, had brought on a gravel. 
In the course of the year 1553, he endured several violent 
attacks of this acute disorder, accompanied with severe 
pain in his head and stomach. 66 My daily labours must 
now increase, (says he, in the letter last quoted,) and 
therefore spare me as much as you may. My old malady 
troubles me sore, and nothing is more contrarious to my 
health than writing. Think not that I weary to visit you ; 
but unless my pain shall cease, I will altogether become 
unprofitable. Work, O Lord, even as pleaseth thy infi- 
nite goodness, and relax the troubles, at thy own pleasure, 
of such as seeketh thy glory to shine, Amen."* In ano- 
ther letter to the same correspondent, he writes : " The 
pain of my head and stomach troubles me greatly. Daily 
I find my body decay ; but the providence of my God shall 
not be frustrate. I am charged to be at Widdrington up- 
on Sunday, where I think I shall also remain Monday. 
The Spirit of the Lord Jesus rest with you. Desire such 
faithful as with whom ye communicate your mind, to pray 
that, at the pleasure of our good God, my dolour, both of 
body and spirit, may be relieved somewhat ; for presently 
it is very bitter. Never found I the spirit, I praise my 
God, so abundant where God's glory ought to be declared ; 
and therefore I am sure there abides something that yet 
we see not."f " Your messenger (says he, in another let- 
ter) found me in bed, after a sore trouble and most dolor- 
ous night • and so dolour may complain to dolour when we 



* MS. p. 276. 



f MS. p. 260-1. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



57 



two meet. But the infinite goodness of God, who nevei 
despiseth the petitions of a sore troubled heart, shall, at his 
good pleasure, put end to these pains that we presently 
suffer, and in place thereof shall crown us with glory and 
immortality for ever. But, dear sister, I am even of mind 
with faithful Job, yet most sore tormented, that my pain 
shall have no end in this life. The power of God may, 
against the purpose of my heart, alter such things as ap- 
pear not to be altered, as he did unto Job ; but dolour and 
pain, with sore anguish, cries the contrary. And this is 
more plain than ever I spake, to let you know ye have a 
fellow and companion in trouble : and thus rest in Christ, 
for the head of the serpent is already broken down, and he 
is stinging us upon the heel."* 

About the beginning of April, 1553, he returned to Lon- 
don. In the month of February preceding, Archbishop 
Cranmer had been desired by the Council to present him 
to the vacant living of All- Hallows, in that city.f This 
proposal, which originated in the personal favour of the 
young King, was very disagreeable to Northumberland, 
who exerted himself privately to hinder his preferment. 
The interference of the Duke was, however, unnecessary 
on the present occasion ; for when the living was offered 
to him, Knox declined it, and when questioned as to his 
reasons, readily acknowledged, that he had not freedom in 
his mind to accept of a fixed charge in the present state of 
the English Church. His refusal, with the reason assigned, 
having given offence, he was, on the 14th of April, called 
before the Privy Council. There were present the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, Goodrick Bishop of Ely and Lord 
Chancellor, the Earls of Bedford, Northampton and Shrews- 
bury, the Lords Treasurer and Chamberlain, with the two 
Secretaries. They asked him, Why he had refused the 
benefice provided for him in London ? He answered, that 
he was fully satisfied that he coidd be more useful to the 
Church in another situation. Being interrogated, If it was 
his opinion, that no person could lawfully serve in ecclesi- 
astical ministrations, according to the present laws of that 



* MS. p. 262. 



t Strype's Cranmer, p. 292. 



53 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



realm ? he frankly replied, That there were many things 
which needed reformation, without which, ministers could 
not, in his opinion, discharge their office conscientiously 
in the sight of God; for no minister, according to the 
existing laws, had power to prevent the unworthy from 
participating of the sacraments, which was " a chief point 
of his office." He was asked. If kneeling at the Lord's 
table was not indifferent? He replied, that Christ's ac- 
tion on that occasion was most perfect, and in it no such 
posture was used ; that it was most safe to follow his ex- 
ample ; and that kneeling was an addition and inven- 
tion of men. On this article, there was a smart dispute 
between him and some of the Lords of the Council. After 
long reasoning, he was told, that they had not sent for him 
with any bad design, but were sorry to understand that he 
was of a contrary judgment to the common order. He 
said, he was sorry that the common order was contrary to 
Christ's institution. The Council dismissed him 'with soft 
speeches, advising him to endeavour to bring his mind tc 
communicate according to the established rites, and to use 
all means for removing the scruples he entertained for some 
of the forms of their Church.* 

If honours and emoluments could have biassed the inde- 
pendent mind of our countryman, he must have been in- 
duced to become a full conformist to the English Church. 
At the special request of Edward VI. and with the concur- 
rence of his Council, he was offered a bishopric ; but the 
same reasons which prevented him from accepting the liv- 
ing of All- Hallows, determined him to reject this still more 
tempting offer. The fact is attested by Beza, who adds, 
that his refusal was accompanied with a censure of the 
episcopal office, as destitute of divine authority, and not 
even exercised, in England, according to the ecclesiastical 
canons. | Knox himself speaks, in one of his treatises, of 
the " high promotions" offered to him by Edward; % and 

* The account of this examination before f Bezae Icones, Ee. iij. Verbeideni Effigies, 

the Council is taken from a letter of Knox, the p. 92, 93. Melch. Adam. p. 137. 
substance of which l.&s been inserted in Cal- 

derwood's MS . and by Strype (Memor. of the + MS - Letters, p. 73. 
Reform, vol.ii- p. 400.) 



PERIOD THIRD. 



59 



we shall find him, at a later period of his life, expressly 
asserting: that he had refused a bishopric.* 

It may be proper, in this place, to give a more particular 
account of Knox's sentiments respecting the English Church. 
It is well known, that the Reformation of religion was con- 
ducted in England in a very different way from what was 
afterwards adopted in Scotland, both as to worship and 
ecclesiastical polity. In England, the papal supremacy 
was transferred to the prince ; the hierarchy, being sub- 
jected to the civil power, was suffered to remain, and the 
principal forms of the ancient worship, after removing the 
grosser superstitions, were retained ; whereas, in Scotland, 
all of these were discarded, as destitute of divine authority, 
unprofitable, burdensome, or savouring of Popery ; and the 
worship and government of the Church were reduced to 
the primitive standard of scriptural simplicity. The infra- 
ence of Knox in recommending this establishment to his 
countrymen, is universally allowed ; but, as he officiated 
for a considerable time in the Church of England, and on 
this account was supposed to have been pleased with its 
constitution, it has been usually said that he contracted a 
dislike to it during his exile on the continent, and having 
then imbibed the sentiments of Calvin, carried them along 
with him to his native country, and organized the Scottish 
Church after the Geneva model. This statement is inaccu- 
rate. His objections to the English liturgy were increased 
and strengthened during his residence on the Continent, but 
they existed before that time. His judgment respecting 
ecclesiastical government and discipline was matured during 
that period, but his radical sentiments on these heads were 
formed long before he saw Calvin, or had any intercourse 
with the foreign reformers. At Geneva he saw a Church, 
which, upon the whole, corresponded with his idea of the 
divinely authorized pattern ; but he did not mch^criminateiy 

* Tonstal being sequestrated upon a charge and it is not improbable that Knox -was in- 

of misprison of treason, the Council had come tended for the latter. "He vras offered a 

to a resolution, about this time, to divide his bishopric {says Brand.) probably the new- 

extensive diocese into two bishoprics, the seat founded one at Newcastle, -which be refused 

oc one of which was to be at Durham, and of — revera noiuit episcopari. " History- of New . 

the other at Newcastle. Ridley. Bishop of casUe, p. 304. Surtees's Durham, i. p. 79. 
London, was to be translated to the former, 



60 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



approve, nor servilely imitate either that, or any other ex- 
isting establishment.* 

As early as the year 1547, he taught, in his first sermons 
at St. Andrew's, that no mortal man could be head of the 
Church ; that there were no true bishops, but such as 
preached personally without a substitute ; that in religion 
men are bound to regulate themselves by divine laws ; and 
that the sacraments ought to be administered exactly ac- 
cording to the institution and example of Christ. We have 
seen that, in a solemn disputation in the same place, he 
maintained that the Church has no authority, on pretext of 
decorating divine service, to devise ceremonies, and impose 
significations of their own upon them.f This position he 
also defended in the year 1550 at Newcastle, and in his 
subsequent appearance before the Privy Council at Lon- 
don. It was impossible that the English Church, in any 
of the shapes which it assumed, could stand the test of these 
principles. The ecclesiastical supremacy, the various orders 
and dependencies of the hierarchy, crossing in baptism, and 
kneeling in the eucharist, with other ceremonies ; the the- 
atrical dress, the mimical gestures, the vain repetitions used 
in religious service, were all cashiered and repudiated by 
the cardinal principle, to which he steadily adhered, namely, 
that in the Church of Christ, and especially in the acts ot 
worship, every thing ought to be arranged and conducted, 
not by the pleasure and appointment of men, but accord- 
ing to the dictates of inspired wisdom and authority. 

He rejoiced that liberty and encouragement were given 
to preach the pure word of God throughout the extensive 
realm of England ; that idolatry and gross superstition were 
suppressed ; and that the rulers were disposed to support 
the Reformation, and even to carry it farther than had yet 
been done. Considering the character of the greater part 
of the clergy, the extreme paucity of useful preachers, and 
other hindrances to the introduction of the primitive order 



* The Churches of Geneva and Scotland 
did not agree in all points. Holidays have al- 
ways been, except at the commencement of 
the Reformation, observed by the former, but 
were rejected by the latter, from the very tirst 



establishment of the Reformation. Other 
things in which they differed might easily be 
mentioned. 

f Knox, Historie, p. 72-74. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



61 



and discipline of the Church, he acquiesced in the authority 
exercised by a part of the bishops, under the direction of 
the Privy Council, and endeavoured to strengthen their 
hands, in the advancement of the common cause, by diligent 
preaching in the stations which were assigned to him. But 
he could not be induced to contradict or conceal his decided 
sentiments, and cautiously avoided coming under engage- 
ments, by which he must have approved of what he was 
convinced to be unlawful, or injurious to the interests of 
religion. Upon these principles, he never submitted to the 
imlimited use of the liturgy, during the time that he was in 
England,* refused to become a bishop, and declined accept- 
ing a fixed charge. When he perceived that the progress 
of the Reformation was arrested, by the influence of a Po- 
pish faction and the dictates of a temporizing policy ; that 
abuses, which had formerly been acknowledged, began to 
be vindicated and stiffly maintained ; above all, when he 
saw, after the accession of Elizabeth, that a retrograde 
course was taken, and a yoke of ceremonies, more grievous 
than that which the most sincere Protestants had formerly 
complained of, was imposed and enforced by arbitrary sta- 
tutes, he judged it necessary to speak in a tone of more de- 
cided and severe reprehension. 

Among other things which he censured in the English 
ecclesiastical establishment, were the continuing to employ 
a great number of ignorant and insufficient priests, who 
had been accustomed to nothing but saying mass, and sing- 
ing the litany ; the general substitution of the reading of 
homilies, the mumbling of prayers, or the chaunting of 
matins and even-song, in the place of preaching ; the 
formal celebration of the sacraments, unaccompanied with 
instruction to the people ; the scandalous prevalence of 
pluralities ; and the total want of ecclesiastical discipline. 

* Cald. MS. i. 250. During the reign of appointed the communion to be received in 
Edward, and even the first years of his sister the same posture in Coventry ; and the prao 
Ehzabeths, absolute conformity to the li- tice was continued in that town as late, at 
turgy was not pressed ujion ministers. Str> pe's least, as the year 1 60S. Certain demands pro- 
Annals, i. 419, 452. Burnet, iii. 505, 511. pounded unto Kichard. Archbishop of Canter- 
Hutchinson's Antiq. of Durham, i. 453. Arch- bury, &c. p. 45. anno 1605. Removal of Im« 
bishop Parker, in tue beginning of Elizabeth's putations laid upon Ministers of Devon and 
reign, administered the elements to the com- Cornwall, p. 51. anno J6u6. A dispute upon 
municants standing, in the Cathedral Church the Question of Kneeling, p. 151. anno 1 
of Canterbury. Her Majesty's Commissioners 



62 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



He was of opinion that the clergy ought not to be entang- 
led, and diverted from the duties of their offices, by hold- 
ing civil places ; that the bishops should lay aside their 
secular titles and dignities ; that the bishoprics should be 
divided, so that in every city or large town, there might 
be placed a godly and learned man, with others joined with 
him for the management of ecclesiastical matters ; and that 
schools for the education of youth should be universally 
erected through the nation.* 

Nor did the principal persons who were active in effect- 
ing the English Reformation, differ widely from Knox in 
these sentiments ; although they might not have the same 
conviction of their importance, and the expediency of re- 
ducing them to practice. We should mistake exceedingly, 
if we supposed that they were men of the same principles 
and temper with many who succeeded to their places, or 
that they were satisfied with the pitch to which they had 
carried the Reformation of the English Church, and re- 
garded it as a paragon and perfect pattern to other churches. 
They were strangers to those extravagant and illiberal 
notions which were afterwards adopted by the fond ad- 
mirers of the hierarchy and liturgy. They would have 
laughed at the man who could have seriously asserted, that 
the ceremonies constituted any part of " the beauty of ho- 
liness," or that the imposition of the hands of a bishop was 
essential to the validity of ordination ; they would not have 
owned that person as a Protestant who would have ven- 
tured to insinuate, that where these were wanting, there 
was no Christian ministry, no ordinances, no church, and 
perhaps — no salvation ! Many things which their succes- 
sors have applauded, they barely tolerated ; and they would 
have been happy if the circumstances of their time would 
have permitted them to introduce alterations, which have 
since been cried down as puritanical innovations. Strange 
as it may appear to some, I am not afraid of exceeding the 
truth when I say, that if the first English Reformers (in- 
cluding the Protestant Bishops) had been left to their own 

* This statement of his sentiments is drawn History, Edinburgh, 1644, 4to. and from his 

from his Brief Exhortation to England for the letters to Mrs. Locke, dated 6th April, and 

Speedy embracing of Christ's gospel ; printed 15th Oct. 1599, apud Cald. MS. i. 380, 491. 
at Geneva, anno 1559, and at the end of his 



PERIOD THIRD. 



63 



choice, if they had not been held back by the dead weight 
of a large mass of Popishly-affected clergy in the reign of 
Edward, and restrained by the supreme civil authority on 
the accession of Elizabeth, they would have brought the 
government and worship of the Church of England, nearly 
to the pattern of the other Reformed Churches. If the 
reader doubts this, he may consult the evidence produced 
in the notes.* 

Such, in particular, was the earnest wish of his Majesty 
Edward VI. a prince who, besides his other rare qualities, 
had an unfeigned reverence for the Word of God, and a 
disposition to comply with its prescriptions, in preference 
to custom and established usages, who shewed himself uni- 
formly inclined to give relief to his conscientious subjects, 
and sincerely bent on promoting the union of all the friends 
of the Reformed religion at home and abroad. Of his in- 
tentions on this head, there remain the most unquestion- 
able and satisfactory documents, f Had his life been spared, 
there is every reason to think that he would have accom- 
plished the rectification or removal of those evils in the 
English Church, which the most steady and enlightened 
Protestants have lamented. Had his sister Elizabeth been 
of the same spirit with him, and prosecuted the plan which 
he laid down, she would have united all the friends of the 
Reformation, the great supporters of her authority ; she 
would have weakened the interest of the Roman Catholics, 
whom all her accommodating measures could not gain, nor 
prevent frcni repeatedly conspiring against her life and 
crown ; she would have put an end to those dissensions 
among her Protestant subjects which continued dining the 
whole of her reign, which she bequeathed as a legacy to 
her successors, and which, being fomented and exasperated 
by the severities employed for their suppression, at length 
burst forth to the temporary overthrow of the hierarchy, 
and of the monarchy (which patronized its exorbitancies, 
and resisted a reform, which had been previously attempt- 
ed upon sober and enlightened principles :) dissensions 
which subsist to this day, and though softened by the par 



* See Note D Period Third. 



{• See Xote E. — Period Third 



64 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



tial lenitive of a toleration, have gradually alienated from 
the communion of that Church a large proportion of the 
population of the nation ; and which, if a timeous and salu- 
tary remedy be not applied, may ultimately undermine the 
foundations of the English establishment. 

During the time that Knox was in London, he had full 
opportunity for observing the state of the Court ; and the 
observations which he made filled his mind with the most 
anxious forebodings. Of the piety and sincerity of the 
young King, he entertained not the smallest doubt. Per- 
sonal acquaintance heightened the idea which he had con- 
ceived of his character from report, and enabled him to add 
his testimony to the tribute of praise, which all who knew 
that prince have so cheerfully paid to his uncommon vir- 
tues and endowments.* But the principal courtiers, by 
whom he was at that time surrounded, were persons of a very 
different description, and gave proofs, too unequivocal to 
be mistaken, of indifference to all religion, and readiness to 
fall in with and forward the re-establishment of the ancient 
superstition, whenever a change of rulers might afford an 
opportunity of proposing or carrying such a measure. 
The health of Edward, which had long been declining, 
growing gradually worse, so that no hope of his recovery 
remained, they were eager only about the aggrandizing of 
their families, and providing for the security of their places 
and fortunes. 

The royal chaplains were men of a very different stamp 
from those who have usually occupied that place in the 
courts of princes. They were no time-serving, supple, 
smooth-tongued parasites ; they were not afraid of forfeit- 
ing their pensions, or of alarming the consciences, and 
wounding the delicate ears of their royal and no T ole audi- 
tors, by denouncing the vices which they committed, and 
the judgments of heaven to which they exposed themselves. 
The freedom used by the venerable Latimer is well known 
from his printed sermons, which, for their homely honesty, 

* " We had (says he, in his letter to the ledj?e) none of his yeiris did ever mache him, 

faithful in London, Newcastle, and Berwick) in that behalf; gif hie myght haif bene lord 

ane King of sa godlie disposition towavdis ver- of his awn will." MS. Letters, p. 119. He 

tew, and the treuth of God, that nane frome has passed a more full encomium upon this 

the beginning passit him, and (to my knaw- Prince, in his Historie/p. 89. : 



PERIOD THIRD. 



6-5 



artless simplicity, native humour, and genuine pictures 
of the manners of the age, continue still to be read 
with interest, Grindal, Lever, and Bradford, who were 
superior to him in learning, evinced the same fidelity 
and courage. They censured the ambition, avarice, luxu- 
ry, oppression, and irreligion which reigned in the Court. 
As long as their sovereign was able to give personal attend- 
ance on the sermons, the preachers were treated with ex- 
terior decency and respect ; but after he was confined to 
his chamber by a consiunptive cough, the resentment of 
the courtiers vented itself openly in the most contumelious 
speeches and insolent behaviour.* Those who are acquaint- 
ed with our countryman's character, will readily conceive 
that the sermons delivered by him at Court, were not less 
bold and free than those of his colleagues. We may form 
a judgment of them, from the account which he has given 
of the last sermon which he preached before his Majesty, 
in which he directed several piercing glances of reproof at 
the haughty premier, and his crafty relation, the Marquis 
of Winchester, Lord High Treasurer, both of whom were 
among his hearers. f 

On the 6th of July, loo 3, Edward VI. departed this life, 
to the unspeakable grief of all the lovers of learning, vir- 
tue, and the Protestant religion ; and a black cloud spread 
over England, which, after hovering a while, burst into a 
dreadful hurricane that raged during five years with 
the most destructive fury. Knox was at this time in Lon- 
: He received the aMcting tidings of his Majesty's 
decease with becoming fortitude, and resignation to the so- 
vereign will of Heaven. The event did not meet him un- 
prepared : he had long anticipated it, with its probable 
consequences : the prospect had produced the keenest an- 

* SeeX::eF — Perird Tilri. king be deceived, by crafty, covetous, wicked 

^ His text was John xiii. 1 S. '« He that eat- ar d ungodly counsellors ? I am greatly afraid 

eth bread with me hatb lifted up his heel that Achitophel be counsellor, that Judas bear 

against me." It had been often seen, he said, the purse, and that Shebna be scribe, comp- 

that the most excellent and godly princes were troll er, and treasurer " MS. Letters, p. 175- 

■urroonded with false and ungodly officers and 177, and Admonition, p. 52, 54, apud History, 

counsellors. Having enquired into the rea- Edin. 1644. 4to. 

sons of this, and illustrated the fact from the + One of his letters to Mrs. Bowes is dated 

■CU|*me examples of .Achitophel under King London, l 2"d June. 1533. MS. Letters, p. 

David, Shebna under Hezekiah, and Judas 949. And from other letters it acpears he wr 3 

ander Jesus Christ, he added : " What won- still there in the following month, 
der is it, then, that a young and innocent 

F 



66 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



guish in his breast, and drawn tears from his eyes ; and he 
had frequently introduced the subject into his public dis- 
courses, and confidential conversations with his friends. 
Writing' to Mrs. Bowes, some time after this, he says : 
fs How oft have you and I talked of these present days, till 
neither of us both could refrain tears, when no such ap- 
pearance then was seen of man ! How oft have I said 
unto to you, that I looked daily for trouble, and that I 
wondered at it, that so long I should escape it ! What 
moved me to refuse (and that with displeasure of all men, 
even of those that best loved me) those high promotions 
that were offered by him whom God hath taken from us 
for our offences ? Assuredly the foresight of trouble to 
come. How oft have I said unto you, that the time would 
not be long that England would give me bread ! Advise 
with the last letter that I wrote unto your brother-in-law, 
and consider what is therein contained."* 

He remained in London until the 19th of July, when 
Mary was proclaimed Queen, only nine days after the same 
ceremony had been performed in that city, for the amiable 
and unfortunate Lady Jane Grey. He was so affected with 
the thoughtless demonstrations of joy given by the inha- 
bitants at an event which threatened such danger to the 
religious faith which they still avowed, that he could not 
refrain from publicly testifying his displeasure, and warn- 
ing them in his sermons of the calamities which they had 
reason to apprehend, f Immediately after this, he seems 
to have withdrawn from London, and retired to the north, 
being justly apprehensive of the measures which might be 
pursued by the new government. J 

To induce the Protestants to submit peaceably to her 
government, Mary amused them for some time with pro- 
clamations, in which she promised not to do violence to 
their consciences. Though aware of the bigotry of the 
Queen, and the spirit of the religion to which she was de- 
voted, the Protestant ministers reckoned it their duty to 

* MS. p. 73, 74, also p. 250. of joy and ryatous banketting war at the pro- 

+ In his " Letter to the faithful in London, clamation of Marie your quene." MS. p. 112, 

&c." he puts them in mind of the premoni- 113. 

tions which he had given on different occa- % One of his letters is dated j Carlisle, 26th 

sions.and, among others, of "what was spoken July, 1553. MS. p. 270. 
ra Londone in ma places nor ane, when fyreis 



PERIOD THIRD. 



67 



improve this respite. In the month of August, Knox re- 
turned to the south, and resumed his labours. It seems to 
have been at this time that he composed the Confession 
and Prayer, which he commonly used in the congregations 
to which he preached, in which he prayed for Queen Mary 
by name, and for the suppression of such as meditated rebel- 
lion.* While he itinerated through Buckinghamshire, he 
was attended by large audiences, which his popularity and 
the alarming crisis drew together ; especially at Amhers- 
ham, a borough formerly noted for the general reception 
of the doctrines of Wickliffe, the precursor of the Reform- 
ation in England, and from which the seed sown by his 
followers had never been altogether eradicated. Where- 
ever he went, he earnestly exhorted the people to repent- 
ance under the tokens of divine displeasure, and to a steady 
adherence to the faith which they had embraced. He con- 
tinued to preach in Buckinghamshire and Kent during the 
harvest months, although the measures of government daily 
rendered his safety more precarious ; and in the beginning 
of November, returned to London, where he resided in the 
houses of Mr. Locke and Mr. Hickman, two respectable 
merchants of his acquaintance.! 

While the measures of the new government threatened 
danger to all the Protestants in the kingdom, and our 
countryman was imder daily apprehensions of imprison- 
ment, he met with a severe trial of a private nature. I 
have already mentioned his engagements to Miss Bowes. 
At this time, it was judged proper by both parties to avow 
the connexion, and to proceed to solemnize the union. 
This step was opposed by the young lady's father ; and his 
opposition was accompanied with circumstances which gave 
much distress to Knox, as well as to Mrs. Bowes and her 
daughter. His refusal seems to have proceeded from fa- 
mily pride ; but I am inclined to think that it was also in- 
fluenced by religious considerations ; as from different 
hints dropped in the correspondence, Mr. Bowes appears to 
hare been, if not inclined to Popery in his judgment, at 
least resolved to comply with the religion now favoured by 



* See Note G.— Period Third. 



f MS. Letters, p. 2S9, 291. 



68 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



the Court. We find Knox writing to Mrs. Bowes on this 
subject from London, in a letter dated 20th September, 
1553. " My great labours, wherein I desire your daily 
prayers, will not suffer me to satisfy my mind touching' 
all the process between your husband and you, touch- 
ing my matter with his daughter. I praise God heart- 
ily, both for your boldness and constancy. But I be- 
seech you, mother, trouble not yourself too much there- 
with. It becomes me now to jeopard my life for the com- 
fort and deliverance of my own flesh,* as that I will do, by 
God's grace, both fear and friendship of all earthly crea- 
ture laid aside. I have written to your husband, the con- 
tents whereof I trust our brother Harry will declare to you 
and to my wife. If I escape sickness and imprisonment, 
[you may] be sure to see me soon."f 

His wife and mother-in-law were very anxious that he 
should settle in Berwick, or the neighbourhood of it, where 
he might perhaps be allowed to reside peaceably, although 
in a more private way than formerly. But for this pur- 
pose some pecuniary provision was requisite. Since the 
accession of Queen Mary, the payment of the salary allot- 
ted to him by government had been stopped. Indeed, he 
had not received any part of it for the last twelve months. 
His wife's relations were abundantly able to give him a 
sufficient establishment, but their dissatisfaction with the 
marriage rendered them averse. Induced by the impor- 
tunity of his mother-in-law, he applied to Sir Robert Bowes 
at London, (her husband's brother,) and attempted, by a 
candid explanation of all circumstances, to remove any 
umbrage which he had conceived against him, and procure an 
amicable settlement of the whole affair. He communica- 
ted the unfavourable issue of this interview, in a letter to 
Mrs. Bowes, of which the following is an extract : 

" Dear Mother, so may and will I call you, not only for 
the tender affection I bear unto you in Christ, but also for 
the motherly kindness ye have shewn unto me at all times 
since our first acquaintance, albeit such things as I have 
desired, (if it had pleased God,) and ye and others have 



* His wife. 



f MS. Letters, p. 290, 291. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



no 



long desired, are never like to come to pass, yet shall ye 
be sure that my love and care toward you shall never 
abate, so long as I can care for any earthly creature. Ye 
shall understand that this 6th of November, I spake with 
Sir Robert Bowes, on the matter ye know, according to 
your request, whose disdainful, yea despiteful words hath 
so pierced my heart, that my life is bitter unto me. I bear 
a good countenance with a sore troubled heart ; while he, 
that ought to consider matters with a deep judgment, is 
become not only a despiser, but also a taunter of God's 
messengers God be mercifid unto him! Among other 
his most unpleasing words, while that I was about to have 
declared my part in the whole matter, he said, e Away 
with your rhetorical reasons, for I will not be persuaded 
with them.' God knows I did use no rhetoric or coloured 
speech, but would have spoken the truth, and that in most 
simple manner. I am not a good oratour in my own 
cause. But what he would not be content to hear of me, 
God shall declare to him one day to his displeasure, unless 
he repent. It is supposed that all the matter comes by 
you and me. I pray God that your conscience were quiet 
and at peace, and I regard not what country consume this 
my wicked carcase. And were [it] not that no man's un- 
thankfumess shall move me (God supporting my infirmity) 
to cease to do profit unto Christ's congregation, those days 
should be few that England would give me bread. And I 
fear that, when all is done, I shall be driven to that end ; 
for I cannot abide the disdainful hatred of those, of whom 
not only I thought I might have craved kindness, but also 
to whom God hath been by me more liberal than they be 
thankful. But so must men declare themselves. Afflic- 
tion does trouble me at this present ; yet I doubt not to 
overcome by him, who will not leave comfortless his af- 
flicted to the end : whose omnipotent Spirit rest with you. 
Amen."* 

He refers to the same disagreeable affair in another letter, 
written about the end of this year. After mentioning the 
bad state of his health, which had been greatly increased 



* MS. p. 293, 291. 



70 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



by distress of mind, he adds, " It will be after the 12th day 
before I can be at Berwick ; and almost I am determined 
not to come at all. Ye know the cause. God be more 
merciful unto some, than they are equitable unto me in 
judgment. The testimony of my conscience absolves me 
before His face who looks not upon the presence of man."* 
These extracts shew us the heart of the writer ; they dis- 
cover the sensibility of his temper, the keenness of his feel- 
ings, and his pride and independence of spirit struggling 
with a sense of duty, and affection to his relations. 

About the end of November, or beginning of December, 
he returned from the south to Newcastle. The Parliament 
had by this time repealed all the laws made in favour of 
the Reformation, and restored the Roman Catholic religion ; 
but liberty was reserved for such as pleased, to observe the 
Protestant worship, until the 20th of December. After that 
period they were thrown out of the protection of the law, 
and exposed to the pains decreed against heretics. Many 
of the bishops and ministers were committed to prison ; 
others had already escaped beyond sea. Knox could not, 
however, prevail on himself either to flee the kingdom or 
to desist from preaching. Three days after the period 
limited by the statute had elapsed, he says in one of his 
letters, " I may not answer your places of Scripture, nor 
yet write the exposition of the sixth Psalm, for every- 
day of this week must I preach, if this wicked carcase will 
permit."! 

His enemies, who had been defeated in their attempts to 
ruin him under the former government, had now access to 
rulers sufficiently disposed to listen to their informations. 
They were not dilatory in improving the opportunity. In 
the end of December 1553, or beginning of January 1554, 
his servant was seized as he carried letters from him to his 
wife and mother-in-law ; and the letters were taken from 
him, with the view of finding in them some matter of ac- 
cusation against the writer. As they contained merely re- 
ligious advices, and exhortations to constancy in the faith 
which they professed, (which he was prepared to avow be- 



* MS. p. 265. 



f MS. Letters, p. 265. 



PERIOD THIRD. 



71 



fore any court to which he might he called,) he was not 
alarmed at their interception. But, being aware of the 
uneasiness which the report would give to his friends at 
Berwick, he set out immediately with the design of visit- 
ing them. Notwithstanding the secresy with which he 
conducted this journey, the rumour of it quickly spread ; 
and some of his wife's relations who had joined him, per- 
suaded that he was in imminent danger, prevailed on 
him, greatly against his own inclination, to relinquish his 
design of proceeding to Berwick, and to retire to a place 
of safety on the coast, from which he might escape by sea, 
provided the search after him was continued. From this 
retreat he wrote to his wife and mother, acquainting them 
with the reasons of his absconding, and the little prospect 
which he had of being able, at that time, to see them. His 
brethren (he said) had, " partly by admonition, partly by 
tears, compelled him to obey," somewhat contrary to his 
own mind ; for " never could he die in a more honest quar- 
rel," than by suffering as a witness for that truth of which 
God had made him a messenger. Notwithstanding this 
state of his mind, he promised, if Providence prepared the 
way, to " obey the voices of his brethren, and give place 
to the fury and rage of Satan for a time." * 

Having ascertained that the apprehensions of his friends 
were too well founded, and that he could not elude the pur- 
suit of his enemies if he remained in England, he procured 
a vessel, which landed him safely at Dieppe, a port of Nor- 
mandy in France, on the 28th of January, 1554. f 

* MS. p. 264. Hon against Queen Mary. But the Queen 

t Ibid. p. 318. Archibald Hamilton has having marched against the rebels, defeated 

trumped up a ridiculous story, respecting them with great slaughter; upon which Knox, 

Knox's flight from England. He says, that stained with their blood, fled to Geneva, car- 

by teaching the unlawfulness of female go- rying along with him a noble and rich lady' 

vernment, he had excited a dangerous rebel- Dialog, p. 65. 



72 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 

FROM HIS LEAVING ENGLAND, IN 1554, UNTIL HIS RETURN 
TO GENEVA, IN 1556, AFTER VISITING SCOTLAND. 

Providence, which had more important services in reserve 
for Knox, made use of the urgent importunities of his 
friends to hurry him away from the danger to which, had 
he been left to the determination of his own mind, his zeal 
and fearlessness would have prompted him to expose him- 
self. No sooner did he reach a foreign shore, than he be- 
gan to regret the course which he had been induced to 
take. When he thought upon his fellow-preachers whom 
he had left behind him immured in dungeons, and the 
people lately under his charge, now scattered abroad as 
sheep without a shepherd, and a prey to ravening wolves, 
he felt an indescribable pang, and an almost irresistible de- 
sire to return and share in the hazardous but honourable 
conflict. Although he had only complied with the divine 
direction, " when they persecute you in one city, flee ye 
unto another," and in his own breast stood acquitted of 
cowardice, he found it difficult to divest his conduct of the 
appearance of that weakness, and was afraid it might ope- 
rate as a discouragement to his brethren in England, or an 
inducement to them to make sinful compliances with the 
view of saving their lives. 

On this subject we find him unbosoming himself to Mrs. 
Bowes, in his letters from Dieppe. " The desire that I 
have to hear of your continuance with Christ Jesus, in the 
day of this his battle, (which shortly shall end to the con- 
fusion of his proud enemies), neither by tongue nor by pen 
can I express, beloved mother. Assuredly it is such, that 
it vanquish eth and overcometh all remembrance and soli- 
citude which the flesh useth to take for feeding and defence 
of herself. For, in every realm and nation, God will stir 
up some one or other to minister those things that apper- 
tain to this wretched life ; and if men will cease to do their 
office, yet will he send his ravens : so that in every place 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



73 



perchance, I may find some fathers to my body. But, alas ! 
where I shall find children to be begotten unto God, by the 
word of life, that can I not presently consider ; and there- 
fore the spiritual life of such as sometime boldly professed 
Christ, (God knoweth,) is to my heart more dear than all 
the glory, riches, and honour in earth ; and the falling back 
of such men as I hear daily do turn back to that idol again, 
is to me more dolorous than, I trust, the corporal death 
shall [be], whenever it shall come at God's appointment. 
Some will ask then, Why did I flee ? Assuredly I cannot 
tell. But of one thing I am sure, the fear of death was not 
the chief cause of my fleeing. I trust that one cause hath 
been to let me see with my corporal eyes, that all had not 
a true heart to Christ Jesus, that, in the day of rest and 
peace, bare a fair face. But my fleeing is no matter : by 
God's grace I may come to battle before that all the con- 
flict be ended. And haste the time, Lord ! at thy good 
pleasure, that once again my tongue may yet praise thy 
holy name before the congregation, if it were but in the 
very hour of death." — " I would not bow my knee before 
that most abominable idol for all the torments that earthly 
tyrants can devise, God so assisting me, as his holy Spirit 
presently moveth me to write unfeignedly. And albeit that 
I have, in the beginning of this battle, appeared to play the 
faint-hearted and feeble soldier, (the cause I remit to God,) 
yet my prayer is, that I may be restored to the battle again. 
And blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
I am not left so bare without comfort, but my hope is to 
obtain such mercy, that, if a short end be not made of all 
my miseries by final death, (which to me were no small ad- 
vantage), that yet, by Him who never despiseth the sobs 
of the sore afflicted, I shall be so encouraged to fight, that 
England and Scotland shall both know that I am ready to 
suffer more than either poverty or exile, for the profession 
of that doctrine, and that heavenly religion, whereof it has 
pleased his merciful providence to make me, among others, 
a simple soldier and witness-bearer unto men. And there- 
fore, mother, let no fear enter into your heart, as that I, 
escaping the furious rage of these ravening wolves, (that for 
our onthankfulness are lately loosed from their bands,) do 



74 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



repent any thing of my former fervency. No, mother ; for 
a few sermons by me to be made within England, my heart 
at this hour could be content to suffer more than nature 
were able to sustain ; as by the grace of the most mighty 
and most merciful God, who only is God of comfort and con- 
solation through Christ Jesus, one day shall be known."* 

In his present sequestered situation, he had full leisure to 
meditate upon the various and surprising turns of provi- 
dence in his lot, during the last seven years ; his call to the 
ministry and employment at St. Andrew's, his subsequent 
imprisonment and release, the sphere of usefulness in which 
he had been placed in England, with the afflicting manner 
in which he was excluded from it, and driven to seek refuge 
as an exile in that country to which he had formerly been 
carried as a prisoner. This last event seemed in a special 
manner to summon him to a solemn review of the manner 
in which he had discharged the sacred trust committed to 
him, as " a steward of the mysteries of God." It will throw 
light on his character, and may not be without use to such 
as occupy the same station, to exhibit the result of his re- 
flections on this subject. 

He could not, without ingratitude to Him who had called 
him to be his servant, deny that his qualifications for the 
ministry had been in no small degree improved since he 
came to England ; and he had the testimony of his own 
conscience, in addition to that of his numerous auditors, 
that he had not altogether neglected the gifts bestowed on 
him, but had exercised them with some measure of fidelity 
and painfulness. At the same time, he found reason for 
self-accusation on different grounds. Having mentioned, 
in one of his letters, the reiterated charge of Christ to Peter, 
Feed my sheep, feed my lambs, he exclaims, " O alas ! how 
small is the number of pastors that obeys this command- 
ment. But this matter will I not deplore, except that I 
(not speaking of others) will accuse myself that do not, I 
confess, the uttermost of my power in feeding the lambs 
and sheep of Christ. I satisfy, peradveriture, many men 
in the small labours I take ; but I satisfy not myself. I 



* MS. Letters, p. 70, 71, 107, 10S. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



75 



have done somewhat, but not according to my duty."* In 
the discharge of private duties, he acknowledges that shame, 
and the fear of incurring the malignant scandal of the world, 
had hindered him from visiting the ignorant and distressed, 
and administering to them the instruction and comfort which 
they craved. In public ministrations, he had been deficient 
in fervency and fidelity, in impartiality, and in diligence. 
He could not charge himself with flattery, and his " rude 
plainness " had given offence to some ; but his conscience 
now accused him of not having been sufficiently plain in 
admonishing offenders. His custom was to describe the 
vices of which his hearers were guilty, in such colours that 
they might read their own image ; but being " unwilling 
to provoke all men against him," he restrained himself from 
particular applications. Though his 66 eye had not been 
much set on worldly promotion ; " he had sometimes been 
allured, by affection for friends and familiar acquaintances, 
to reside too long in particular places, to the neglect of 
others. At that time, he thought he had not sinned if 
he had not been idle ; now he was convinced that it was 
his duty to have considered how long he should remain in 
one place, and how many hungry souls were starving else- 
where. Sometimes, at the solicitation of friends, he had 
spared himself, and spent the time in worldly business, or 
in bodily recreation and exercise, when he ought to have 
been employed in the discharge of. his official duties. 
" Besides these, (says he,) I was assaulted, yea infected, 
with more gross sins ; that is, my wicked nature desired 
the favours, the estimation, and praise of men : against 
which, albeit that sometimes the Spirit of God did move 
me to fight, and earnestly did stir me (God knoweth I lie 
not) to sob and lament for these imperfections ; yet never 
ceased they to trouble me, when any occasion was offered ; 
and so privily and craftily did they enter into my breast, 
that I could not perceive myself to be wounded, till vain- 
glory had almost got the upperhand. O Lord ! be merci- 
ful to my great offence ; and deal not with me according 
to my great iniquity, but according to the multitude of thy 
mercies."! 



* MS. Letters, p. 308, 309. 



t MS. Letters, p. 165-167. Admonition, 
p. 46-48, ut supra. 



76 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Such was the strict scrutiny which Knox made into his 
ministerial conduct. To many, the offences of which he 
accused himself will appear slight and venial ; others will 
perceive in them nothing- worthy of blame. But they 
struck his mind in a very different light, in the hour of 
adversity and solitary meditation. If he had such reason 
for self-condemnation, whose labours were so abundant as 
to appear to us so excessive, how few are there in the same 
station who may not say, I do remember my faults this 
day. 

He did not, however, abandon himself to melancholy ; 
and unavailing complaints. One of his first cares, after 
arriving at Dieppe, was to employ his pen in writing suit- 
able advices to those whom he could no longer instruct 
by his sermons and conversation. With this view he trans- 
mitted to England two short treatises. The one was an 
exposition of the sixth Psalm, which he had begun to write 
in England, at the request of Mrs. Bowes, but had not 
found leisure to finish. It is an excellent practical dis- 
course upon that portion of Scripture, and will be read, 
with peculiar satisfaction, by those who have been trained 
to religion in the school of adversity. The other treatise 
was a large letter, addressed to those in London and other 
parts of England, among whom he had been employed as 
a preacher. The drift of it was to warn them against de- 
fection from the religion which they had professed, or 
giving countenance to the idolatrous worship erected among 
them. The conclusion is a most impressive and eloquent 
exhortation, in which he addresses their consciences, their 
hopes, their fears, their feelings ; and adjures them by all 
that is sacred, and all that is dear to them, as men, as pa- 
rents, and as Christians, not to start back from their good 
profession, and plunge themselves and their posterity into 
the gulph of ignorance and idolatry." * The reader of this 
letter cannot fail to be struck with its animated strain, when 
he reflects, that it proceeded from a forlorn exile, in a 
strange country, without a single acquaintance, and igno- 
rant where he would find a place of abode, or the means of 
subsistence. 



* See Note C. — Period Fourth. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



77 



On the last day of February, 1554: * he set out from 
Dieppe, like the Hebrew patriarch of old, " not knowing 
whither he went ;"f and " committing his way to God," 
travelled through France, and came to Switzerland, A 
correspondence had been kept up between some of the 
English reformers and the most noted divines of the Hel- 
vetic Church. The latter had already heard, with the 
sincerest grief, of the overthrow of the Reformation in 
England, and the dispersion of its Mends. Upon making 
himself known, Knox was cordially received by them, and 
treated with the most Christian hospitality. He spent 
some time in Switzerland, visiting the particular churches, 
and conferring with the learned men. Certain difficult 
question?, suggested by the present conjuncture of affairs 
in England, which he had revolved in his mind, he pro- 
pounded to them for advice, and was confirmed in his own 
judgment by the coincidence of their views, i 

In the beginning of May he returned to Dieppe, to re- 
ceive information from England — a journey which he 
repeated at intervals as long as he remained on the Conti- 
nent. The kind reception which he had met with, and 
the agreeable company which he enjoyed, during his short 
residence in Switzerland, had helped to dissipate the cloud 
which hung upon his spirits when he landed in France, 
and to open his mind to more pleasing prospects as to the 
issue of the present afflicting events. This appears from a 
letter written by him at this time, and addressed " To his 
afflicted Brethren." After discoursing of the situation of 
the disciples of Christ, during the time that he lay in the 
grave, and the sndden transition from the depth of sorrow 
to the summit of joy, which they experienced upon the re- 

* His exposition of the sixth Psalm concludes I feir not the tyrannic of man, netheryit what 

■with these words : " Upon the very point of the Devill can invent against me. Rejoice, 

mj journey, the last of February, 1555." MS, ye faithfull: for in joy shall w meit, whair 

Letters, p. 109. The reader should recollect, deth may not dissever us." MS. Letters, p. 

that in our Reformer's time, they did not begin 157-158. 

the year until the 25th of March; so that + In a letter dated Dieppe, May 10, 1554, 
" February, 1553," according to the old reck- he says : " My awne estait is this. Since the 
oning, is " February, 1554," according to the 28 of Januar [counting from the time he 
modern. came to France] I have travellit throuch- 
Letters to the Faithful in London, out all the congregationis of Helvetia, and has 
&c. concludes thus : " From ane sore trubel- reasonit with all the pastoris and many other 
lit hart, upon mj departure from Diep, 1553* excellentlie learnit men, upon sic matters as 
whither God knaweth. In God is my trust, now I cannot comit to wrjtting," MS. Let- 
through Jesus Chryst his sone ; and thairfoix ten* P- 318. 



78 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



appearance of their master ; he adds : " The remembrance 
thereof is unto my heart great matter of consolation. For 
yet my good hope is, that one day or other, Christ Jesus, 
that now is crucified in England, shall rise again, in despite 
of his enemies, and shall appear to his weak and sore troub- 
led disciples, (for yet some he hath in that wretched and 
miserable realm,) to whom he shall say, Peace be unto you : 
it is I; be not afraid" * 

His spirit was also refreshed at this time by the informa- 
tion which he received of the constancy with which his 
mother-in-law adhered to the Protestant faith. It appears 
that her husband had supposed that sue and the rest of 
her family had consciences equally accommodating as his 
own. It was not until she had evinced, in the most deter- 
mined manner, her resolution to forsake friends and native 
country rather than sacrifice her religion, that she was re^ 
leased from his importunities to comply with the Roman 
Catholic faith. f Before he went to Switzerland, Knox 
had signified his intention, if his life was spared, of visiting 
his friends at Berwick. J When he returned to Dieppe, 
he had not relinquished the thoughts of this enterprise. § 
His friends, by their letters, would, it is likely, dissuade 
him from this ; and after cool consideration, he resolved to 
postpone an attempt, by which he must have risked his 
life, without any prospect of doing good.|j Wherefore, 
setting out again from Dieppe, he repaired to Geneva. 

It was on this occasion that he first became personally 
acquainted with the celebrated Calvin, and formed that in- 
timate friendship which subsisted between them till the 
death of the latter in 1 584. They were nearly of the same 
age, and there was a striking similarity in their sentiments, 
and in the prominent features of their character. The 
name of Calvin was then known over all Europe by his 
writings ; and by none was he held in greater esteem than 
by the Protestants in England, who had corresponded with 
him, at the desire of Archbishop Cranmer, respecting the 
best method of promoting the Reformation. At Geneva 



* MS. Letters, p. 313-515. 
t Ibid.p 311. 
+ Ibid, p 106. 



§ Ibid.p. 319. 
A Ibid. p. 310 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



79 



hi* labours had been crowned with signal success, and his 
acquaintance was courted by Protestants from every part 
of the Continent, who came to consult him on ecclesiasti- 
cal matters, or to seek an asylum from the persecutions to 
which they were exposed in their own country. The Swiss 
Reformer was highly pleased with the piety and talents of 
Knox, who, in his turn, entertained a greater esteem and 
deference for Calvin than for any other of the reformers. 
As Geneva was an eligible situation for prosecuting study, 
and as he approved much of the religious order estab- 
lished in it, he resolved to make that city the ordinary place 
of his residence during the continuance of Ms exile. 

But no prospect, of personal safety or accommodation 
could banish from his mind the thoughts of his persecuted 
brethren. In the month of July he undertook another jour- 
ney to Dieppe, to inform himself accurately of their situa- 
tion, and learn if he could do any thing for their comfort.* 
On this occasion he received tidings that tore open those 
wounds which had begun to close. The severities used 
against the Protestants of England daily increased, and 
what was still more afflicting to him, many of those who 
had embraced the truth under his ministry, had been in- 
duced to recant and go over to Popery. In the agony of 
his spirit he wrote to them, setting before them the de- 
struction to which they exposed their immortal soids by 
such cowardly desertion, and earnestly calling them to re- 
pent, f Under his present impressions, he repeated his 
former admonitions to his mother-in-law, including his wife, 
over whose religious constancy he was tenderly jealous. 
" By pen will I write (because the bodies are put asunder 
to meet again at God's pleasure) that which, by mouth, and 
face to face, ye have heard. That if man or angel labour 

* One of his letters to Mrs. Bowes i? dated greit part, under pretence that thai may keip 

" At Diep the 20 of July, 1554, after I had faith secreitt in the hart, and vet do as idcia- 

Tisitit Genera and uther partis, and returnit ters do, beginnis now to fall befoir that ido I. 

to Diep to learn the estait of Ingland and Scot- But Oalas! blindit and desavit are thai: as 

land." MS. Letters, p. 255, ^56. Thisisthe thai sail knaw in the Lordis visitatioun, whi'k, 

letter which was published by Knox, along sa assurrediie as our God liveth, shall shorthe 

with his answer to Tvrie, in 1572, after the a jrehend thai baek5tarteri5 amangi< the rc:ci- 

deathof Mrs. Bowes. dis of idolateris." MS. Letters, p. 252. On 

f In the letter mentioned in last note, he the margin of the printed cony is this note, 

refers his mother-in-law to " a izenerali letter " Frequ- nt letters written by Johne Knox :o 

writtin (says he) be me in gr^it an^uiss uf hart decline irom id^ i-iaie." 
to the oongregationis of whome I heir saj a 



80 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



to bring you back from the confession that once you have 
given, let them in that behalf be accursed. If any trouble 
you above measure, whether they be magistrates or carnal 
friends, they shall bear their just condemnation, unless they 
speedily repent. But now, mother, comfort you my heart 
(God grant ye may) in this my great affliction and dolorous 
pilgrimage, continue stoutly to the end, and bow you never 
before that idol, and so will the rest of worldly troubles be 
unto me more tolerable. With my own heart I oft com- 
mune, yea, and as it were comforting myself, I appear to 
triumph, that God shall never suffer you to fall in that re- 
buke. Sure I am that both ye would fear and eshame to 
commit that abomination in my presence, who am but a 
wretched man, subject to sin and misery like to yourself, 
But, O mother ! though no earthly creature should be of- 
fended with you, yet fear ye the presence and offence of 
Him who, present in all places, searcheth the ver}?" heart 
and reins, whose indignation, once kindled against the in « 
obedient, (and no sin more inflameth his wrath than idola- 
try doth,) no creature in heaven nor in earth is able to ap- 
pease."* 

He was in this state of mind when he composed the Ad- 
monition to England, which was published about the end of 
this year. Those who have censured him as indulging in 
an excessive vehemence of spirit and bitterness of language, 
usually refer to this tract in support of their charge. f It 
is true that he there paints the persecuting Papists in the 
blackest colours, and holds them up as objects of human 
execration and divine vengeance. I do not stop here to in- 
quire whether he was chargeable with transgressing the 
bounds of moderation prescribed by religion and the gos- 
pel, in the expression of his indignation and zeal ; or whe- 
ther the censures pronounced by his accusers, and the 
principles upon which they proceed, do not involve a con- 
demnation of the temper and language of the most righteous 
men mentioned in Scripture, and even of our Saviour him- 
self. But I ask, Is there no apology for his severity to be 
found in the characters of the persons against whom he 
wrote, and in the state of his own feelings, lacerated, not 

* MS Letters, p. 251-253. f Collier (Eccle. Hist. ii. 441.), cum multis aliis. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



81 



by personal sufferings, but by sympathy with his suffering 
brethren, who were driven into prisons by their unnatural 
countrymen, " as sheep for the slaughter," to be brought 
forth and barbarously immolated to appease the Roman 
Moloch ? Who could suppress indignation in speaking of 
the conduct of men, who, having raised themselves to 
honour and affluence by the warmest professions of friend- 
ship to the reformed religion under the preceding reign, 
now abetted the most violent proceedings against their 
former brethren and benefactors ? What terms were too 
strong for stigmatizing the execrable system of persecution 
coolly projected by the dissembling, vindictive Gardiner, 
the brutal barbarity of the bloody Bonner, or the unrelent- 
ing, insatiable cruelty of Mary, who, having extinguished 
the feelings of humanity, and divested herself of the ten- 
derness which characterises her sex, issued orders for the 
murder of her subjects, and continued to urge to fresh 
severities the willing instruments of her cruelty, after they 
were sated with blood, until her own husband, bigotted 
and unfeeling as he was, turned with disgust from the 
spectacle ! 

On such a theme 'tis impious to be calm ; 
Passion is reason, transport temper here. — Young. 

*' Oppression makes a wise man mad :" but (to use the 
words of a modern orator,* with a more just application) 
" the distemper is still the madness of the wise, which is 
better than the sobriety of fools. Their cry is the voice of 
sacred misery, exalted, not into wild raving, but into the 
sanctified phrensy of phrophecy and inspiration." 

Knox returned to Geneva, and applied himself to study 
with all the ardour of youth, although his age now bordered 
upon fifty. It was about this time that he seems to have 
made some proficiency in the knowledge of the Hebrew 
language, which he had no opportunity of acquiring in 
early life.f It is natural to enquire, by what funds he was 
supported during his exile. However much inclined his 
mother-in-law was to relieve his necessities, the disposition 



* Mr. Burke. 



t MS. Letters, p. 322. 
G 



82 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



6f her husband seems to have put it greatly out of her 
power. Any small sum which his friends had advanced to 
him, before his sudden departure for England, was ex- 
hausted ; and he was at this time very much straitened for 
money. Being unwilling to burden strangers, he looked 
for assistance to the voluntary contributions of those among 
whom he had laboured. In a letter to Mrs. Bowes, he 
says, " My own estate I cannot well declare ; but God 
shall guide the footsteps of him that is wilsome, and will 
feed him in trouble that never greatly solicited for the world. 
If any collection might be made among the faithful, it 
were no shame for me to receive that which Paul refused 
not in the time of his trouble. But all I remit to His 
providence, that ever careth for his own."* I find from 
his letters, that remittances were made to him by particular 
friends, both in England and Scotland, during his residence 
on the Continent, f 

In the mean time, the persecution growing hot in Eng- 
land, great numbers of the Protestants made their escape, 
and sought refuge in foreign countries. Before the close 
of the year 1554, it was computed that there were no fewer 
than eight hundred learned Englishmen, besides others of 
different conditions, living in exile on the Continent, on ac- 
count of their religion. The foreign Reformed Churches 
exhibited, on this occasion, an amiable proof of the spirit 
of their creed, and amply recompensed the kindness which 
many foreigners had experienced in England, during the 
reign of Edward. They emulated one another in exertions 
to accommodate and alleviate the sufferings of the unfortu- 
nate refugees who were dispersed among them. J The 
principal places in which the English Protestants obtained 
settlements, were Zurich, Basle, Geneva, Arrow, Embden, 
Wezel, Strasburgh, Duysburgh, and Frankfort. 

Frankfort on the Maine was a rich imperial city of Ger- 
many, which, at an early period, had embraced the Re- 

* MS. Letters, p. 256. England into their harbours and towns; be- 

f Ibid. pp. 344-373. cause they differed from them in their sen i- 

^ It is painful to observe, that many of the ments on the sacramental controversy. Melch. 

Lutherans, at this time, disgraced themselves Adami Vitae Exter. Theolog. p. 20. Strype* 

by their illiberal inhospitality, refusing, in dif- Cranmer, p. 353, 361. 
ferent instances, to admit those who fled from 



PERIOD Pv^JRTH 



S3 



formation, and befriended Protestant refugees from all 
countries, as far as this could be done without coming to 
an open breach with the Emperor, who watched their con- 
duct with a jealous eye. There was aire a *y a church of 
French Protestants in that city. On the 14t of July, 1554, 
the English exiles, who had come to Frankfort, obtained 
from the magistrates the joint use of the place of worship 
allotted to the French, with liberty to perform religious 
service in their own language.* This was granted upon 
the condition of their conforming as nearly as possible to 
the form of worship used by the French Church ; a prudent 
precaution which their political circumstances dictated. 
The offer was gratefully accepted by the English, who 
came to a unanimous agreement, that in using the English 
liturgy they would omit the litany, the audible responses, 
the surplice, with certain other ceremonies which, " in 
those Reformed Churches would seem more than strange,' 1 
or which were " superstitious and superfluous." Having 
settled this point in the most harmonious manner, elected 
a pastor and deacons, pro tempore, and agreed upon some 
rules for discipline, they wrote a circular letter to their 
brethren scattered in different places, inviting them to 
Frankfort, to share with them in their accommodations, 
and unite their prayers for the afflicted Church of England. 
The exiles at Strasburgh, in their reply, recommended to 
them certain persons as most fit for the offices of superin- 
tendent and pastors ; a recommendation not asked by the 
congregation at Frankfort, who did not think a superin- 
tendent requisite in their situation, and meant to have two 
or three pastors of equal authority. They accordingly 
proceeded to make choice of three : one of whom was 
Knox, who received information of his election, by the 
following letter from the congregation delivered to him in 
Geneva. 

" We haue receiued letters from oure brethern off Straus- 

* The English exiles were greatly indebted terim, he^had gone to England, and along 

for this favour to the friendly services of the with his congregation, obtained a settlement 

French pastors. One of these was Valerandus at Glastonbury. Upon the death of Edward 

Polanus, a native of Flanders, and minister of he went to Frankfort. Strype's Memor. of 

a congregation in Strasburgh. During the the Reformat, ii. 242 
confusions in Germany occasioned by the In- 



84 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



brough, but not in suche sorte and ample wise as we looked 
for • whereuppon we assembled together in the H. Goaste, 
(we hope,) and have, with one voice and consent, chosen 
yow so particulerly to be one off the ministers off our con- 
gregation here, to preache unto us the moste lively worde 
off God, accordinge to the gift that God hathe geven yow ; 
for as muche as we have here, throughe the mercifull good- 
nes off God, a churche to be congregated together in the 
name of Christe, and be all of one body, and also beinge 
of one nation, tonge, and countrie And at this presente, 
having need of such a one as yow, we do desier yow and 
also require yow, in the name of God, not to deny us, nor 
to refuse theis oure requests : but that yow will aide, helpe, 
and assiste us with your presence in this our good and god- 
lie enterprise, which we have taken in hand, to the glorie 
off God and the profit off his congregation, and the poore 
sheepe off Christ dispersed abroad, who, withe your and 
like presences, woulde come hither and be of one folde, 
where as nowe they wander abroad as loste sheepe withowte 
anie gide. We mistruste not but that yow will joifully ac- 
cepte this callinge. Fare ye well from Franckford this 24. 
of September."* 

Notwithstanding this earnest invitation, Knox was averse 
to undertake the charge, either from a desire to continue 
his studies at Geneva, or from an apprehension of the diffi- 
culties which he might meet with at Frankfort. By tire 
persuasion of Calvinf , however, whose intercession the de- 
puties that brought the letter had employed, he was induced 
to comply with the call, and repairing to Frankfort in the 
month of November, commenced his ministry with the un- 
animous consent and approbation of the congregation. But 
previous to his arrival, the harmony, which at first subsist- 
ed among that people, had been disturbed. The exiles at 
Zurich, in reply to the circular addressed to them, had sig- 

* This letter was subscribed by "John of the transactions at Frankfort is taken from 

Bale," and other twenty. See " A Brieff this book. It was reprinted about the year 

Discours off the troubles begonne at Franck- 1540 ; but I have made use of the first edition, 

ford in Germany, anno Domini, 1554. Abowte The writer was a non-conformist; but his 

the book ofFCommon Prayer, *ic." p. xix. xx. narrative was allowed, by the opposite party, 

Printed anno 1575. To save the repetition of to be correct, 
quotation, I may mention, once for all, that, 

when no other authority is given, my account f Knox, Historie, p. 85. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



85 



nified that they would not come to Frankfort, unless they 
obtained security that the Church there would " use the 
same order of service concerning religion, which was in 
England last set forth by King Edward ;" for they were 
fully determined " to admit and use no other." By depart- 
ing from that service, they alleged, they would give oc- 
casion to their adversaries to charge their religion with im- 
perfection and mutability, and condemn their brethern in 
England, who were now sealing it with their blood. To 
these representations the brethren at Frankfort replied, that 
they had obtained the liberty of a place of worship, upon 
condition of their accommodating as much as possible to 
the form used by the French Church ; that there was a 
number of things in the English service-book which would 
be offensive to the Protestants among whom they resided, 
and had been occasion of scruple to conscientious men at 
home ; that, by the variations which they had introduced, 
no reflection was made upon the ordinances of their late 
sovereign and his council, who had themselves altered many 
things, and had resolved on greater alterations, without 
thinking that they gave any handle to their Popish adver- 
saries ; far less did they detract from the credit of the mar- 
tyrs, who, they were persuaded, shed their blood in con- 
firmation of more important things than mutable ceremonies 
of human appointment. This answer did not satisfy the 
learned men at Zurich, though it induced them to lower 
their tone. Not contented with forming their own resolu- 
tion, they instigated their brethren at Strasburgh to urge 
the same request, and by letters and messengers, fomented 
dissension in the congregation at Frankfort. 

When Knox arrived, he found that the seeds of animo- 
sity had already sprung up among them. From his senti- 
ments respecting the English service-book, we may be sure 
that the eagerness manifested by those who wished to im- 
pose it, was very displeasing to him. But so sensible was 
he of the pernicious and discreditable effects of division 
among brethren exiled for the same faith, that he resolved 
to act as a moderator between the two parties, and to avoid, 
as far as possible, every thing which tended to widen or 
continue the breach. Accordingly, when the congrega- 



60 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



lion had agreed to the order of the Genevan Church,* and 
requested him to proceed to administer the communion ac- 
cording to it ; although in his judgment he approved of 
that form, he declined to use it, until their learned brethren 
in jther places were consulted. At the same time, he sig- 
nified that he had not freedom to administer the sacra- 
ments agreeably to the English liturgy. If he could not 
be allowed to perform this service in a manner more con- 
sonant to Scripture, he requested that some other might 
be employed in this duty, and he would willingly confine 
himself to preaching : if neither of these could be granted, 
he besought them to release him altogether from his charge 
To this last request they would by no means consent. 

Fearing that if these differences were not speedily accom- 
modated, they would burst into a flame of contention, Knox, 
along with some others of the congregation, was employed 
to draw up a summary of the Book of Common Prayer, 
and having translated it into Latin, they sent it to Calvin 
for his opinion and advice. Calvin replied in a letter, dated 
Jan. 20, 1555 ; in which he lamented the unseemly con- 
tentions that prevailed among them ; signified, that he had 
always recommended moderation respecting external cere- 
monies, though he could not but condemn the obstinacy 
of those who would consent to no change of old customs ; 
in the liturgy of England he had found many tolerable 
fooleries, (tolerabiles ineptias,) things which might be tole- 
rated at the beginning of a Reformation, but ought after- 
wards to be removed. He thought that the present condi- 
tion of the English refugees warranted them to attempt 
this, and to agree upon an order more conducive to edifi- 
cation ; and for his part, he could not understand what those 
meant who discovered such fondness for Popish dregs. f 

This letter being read to the congregation, it had a great 
effect in repressing the keenness of such as had urged the 
unlimited use of the liturgy ; and a committee was appoint- 
ed to draw up a form which might reconcile all differences. J 



* This was the order of worship used by the 
Church of Geneva, of which Calvin was mini- 
ster: It had been lately translated into Eng- 
lish. 



+ Calvini Epist. p. 98, apud Oper. torn. ix. 

Amstaslodami. anno 1667. 

£ Previous to the apv<>intment of this com- 
mittee, Knox, Whittingham, Fox, Gilbv, and 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



87 



When this committee met, Knox told them that he was 
convinced it was necessary for one of the parties to re- 
lent before they could come to an amicable settlement ; he 
would therefore state (he said) what he judged most pro- 
per, and having exonered himself, would allow them, with- 
out opposition, to determine as they should answer to God 
and the Church. They accordingly agreed upon a form of 
worship, in which some things were taken from the English 
liturgy, and others added, which were thought suitable to 
their circumstances. This was to continue in force until 
the end of April next ; if any dispute arose in the interval, 
it was to be referred to five of the most celebrated foreign 
divines. This agreement was subscribed by all the mem- 
bers of the congregation ; thanks were publicly returned 
to God for the restoration of harmony ; and the communion 
was received as a pledge of union, and the burial of all 
past offences. 

But this agreement was soon after violated, and the peace 
of that unhappy congregation again broken, in the most 
wanton and scandalous manner. On the 13th of March, 
Dr. Cox, who had been preceptor to Edward VL came from 
England to Frankfort, with some others in his company. 
The first day that they attended public worship after their 
arrival, they broke through the established order, by an- 
swering aloud after the minister in the time of divine ser- 
vice. Being admonished by some of the elders to refrain 
from that practice, they insolently replied, " That they 
would do as they had done in England ; and they would 
have the face of an English Church." " The Lord grant 
it to have the face of Clirist's Church," says Knox, in an 
account which he drew up of these transactions; "and 
therefore I would have had it agreeable, in outward rites and 
ceremonies, with Christian Churches reformed."* On the 
following Sabbath, one of their number intruded himself 
into the pulpit, without the consent of the pastors or the 
congregation, and read the Litany ; Cox and the other ac- 

T. Cole, had composed (what was afterwards Iish Church at Geneva ; and it continued to 
called) The Order of Geneva ; but it did not be used in the Church of Scotland, for a con- 
met t the views of all concerned. This was siderable time after the establishment of the 
different from the order of the Genevan Reformation. 
Church, mentioned in the preceding page. It * Cald MS. i. 249. 
vi> so called, because first used by the Eng- 



83 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 



complices echoing the responses. This offensive behaviour 
was aggravated by the consideration, that some of them,, 
before leaving England, had been guilty of compliances 
with Popery, for which they had as yet given no satisfac- 
tion to the Church. 

Such an insult upon the whole body, and outrage upon 
all decency and order, could not be passed over in silence. 
It was Knox's turn to preach on the afternoon of the Sab- 
bath when this interruption occurred. In the course of 
lecturing through Genesis, he had come to the narration of 
the behaviour of Ham to his father Noah when he lay ex- 
posed in his tent. Having discoursed from this of the in- 
firmities of brethren which ought to be concealed, he re- 
marked that there were other things, which, as they tended 
to the open dishonouring of God, and disquieting of His 
Church, ought to be disclosed and publicly rebuked. He 
then reminded them of the contention which had existed in 
the congregation, and of the happy manner in which, after 
long and painful labour, it had been ended, to the joy of 
all, by the solemn agreement which had been that day fla- 
grantly violated. This, he said, it became not the proud- 
est of them to have attempted. Nothing which was desti- 
tute of a divine warrant ought to be obtruded upon any 
Christian Church. In that book, for which some entertain- 
ed such an overweening fondness, he would undertake to 
prove publicly, that there were things imperfect, impure, 
and superstitious ; and if any would go about to burden a 
free congregation with such things, he would not fail, as 
often as he occupied that place, (provided his text afforded 
occasion,) to oppose their design. As he had been forced 
to enter upon that subject, he would say further, that, in 
his judgment, slackness in reforming religion, when time 
and opportunity were granted, was one cause of the divine 
displeasure against England. He adverted to the trouble 
which Bishop Hooper had suffered for refusing some of the 
ceremonies, to the want of discipline, and to the well-known 
fact that three, four, or five benefices had been occupied by 
one man, to the depriving of the flock of Christ of their 
necessary food. 

This free reprimand was much resented by those against 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



89 



whom it was levelled, especially by such as had held plu- 
ralities in England, who alleged that the preacher had 
slandered their mother church, and ought to be called to 
account. Loud complaints being made against the sermon, 
a special meeting was appointed to consider them ; but in- 
stead of prosecuting their complaints, the friends of the 
Liturgy began with insisting, that Dr. Cox and his party 
should* be admitted to a vote. This was resisted by the 
great majority ; because they had not yet subscribed the 
discipline of the Church, nor given satisfaction for their 
late disorderly conduct, and for their sinful compliances in 
England. The behaviour of our countryman on this oc- 
casion, was more remarkable for moderation and magnani- 
mity than for prudence. Although aware of their hostility to 
himself, and that they sought admission chiefly to overpower 
him by numbers, he was so confident of the justice of his 
cause, and anxious to remove prejudices, that he entreated 
and prevailed with the meeting to yield, and admit them 
presently to a vote.* This disinterestedness was thrown 
away on the opposite party. No sooner were they admit- 
ted, and had obtained a majority of voices, than Cox (al- 
though he had no authority in the congregation) discharged 
Knox from preaching, and from all interference in the con- 
gregational affairs, f 

The great body of the congregation were indignant at 
these proceedings, and there was reason to fear that their 
mutual animosity would break out into some disgraceful 
disorder. A representation of the circumstances having 
been made by some of the members to the magistrates of 
Frankfort, the latter, after in vain recommending a private 
accommodation, issued an order that the congregation 
should conform exactly to the worship used by the French 
Church, as nothing but confusion had ensued since they de- 
parted from it ; if this was not complied with, they threat- 

* Knox's -words on the above occasion -were : f Collier (ii, 395.) says that Knox manifest- 

" I know that your earnest desire to be receiv- ed in this instance, " a surprising compliance." 

ed at this instant within the number of the But it appears, even from the account given 

congregation, is, that by the multitude of your by that historian, that in the whole of the 

voices ye may overthrow my cause. Howbeit Frankfort affair, he displayed the greatest mo- 

the matter is so evident, that ye shall not be deration and forbearance, while the conduct 

able to do it. I fear not your judgment ; and of his opponents was marked throughout with 

therefore, do require that ye might be admit- violence and want of charity, 
ted." Cald. MS. i. 252. 



90 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



ened to shut up their place of worship. To this peremp- 
tory injunction the Coxian faction pretended a cheerful 
submission, while they clandestinely concerted measures 
for obtaining its revocation, and enforcing their favourite 
Liturgy upon their reclaiming brethren. 

Perceiving the influence which our countryman had in 
the congregation, and despairing to carry their plan into 
execution, as long as he was among them, they determined 
in the first place to get rid of him. To accomplish this, 
they had recourse to one of the basest and most unchristian 
arts ever employed to ruin an adversary. Two of them, 
in concurrence with others, went privately to the magis- 
trates, and accused Knox of high treason against the Em- 
peror of Germany, his son Philip, and Queen Mary of 
England ; putting into their hands a copy of a book which 
he had lately published, wherein the passages upon which 
the charge was founded were marked ! " O Lord God ! " 
says Knox, when narrating this step, " open their hearts 
to see their wickedness ; and forgive them, for thy mani- 
fold mercies. And I forgive them, O Lord, from the bot- 
tom of mine heart. But that thy message sent by my mouth 
may not be slandered, I am compelled to declare the cause 
of my departing, and to utter their follies, to their amend- 
ment, I trust, and the example of others, who in the same 
banishment can have so cruel hearts as to persecute their 
brethren."* 

The book which the accusers left with the magistrates 
was his Admonition to England; and the passage upon 
which they principally fixed, as substantiating the charge 
of treason against the Emperor, was the following, orginally 
spoken to the inhabitants of Amersham in Buckingham- 

* Cald. MS. i. 254. Knox, upon his return omitted them, after the example of Knox, in 

to Geneva, committed to -writing an account the notice which he has taken of the affair, in 
of the reasons of his retiring from Frankfort, his Historie of the Reformatioun, p. 85. 
He intended to have published it in his vindi- Mr. Strype has not discovered his usual im- 
cation ; but upon mature deliberation, he re- partiality or accuracy in his short account of 
solved to suppress it, and leave his own cha- this affair. He says that Knox had " publish- 
racter to suffer, rather than expose his breth- ed some dangerous principles about govern- 
ren and the common cause in which they were ment,*' and that the informers " thought it 
engaged. His narrative has been preserved fit for their own security to make an open 
by Calderwood, and has furnished me with complaint against him." Memor. of the Re- 
several facts. It contains the names of the format, iii. 242. Even Collier himself does 
persons who accused him to the senate of not pzetend such an excuse foi the actors. 
Frankfort, with their advisers; but I have 



PERIOD FC LTRTH. 



91 



shire, on occasion of the rumoured marriage of Queen 
Mary with Philip, the son and heir of Charles V. a match 
which was at that time dreaded even by many of the Eng- 
lish Catholics. ** England, England, if thou obstinately 
wilt return into Egypt, that is, if thou contract marriage, 
confederacy, or league with such princes as do maintain 
and advance idolatry ; such as the Emperor (who is no less 
enemy to Christ than ever was Nero) : if, for the pleasure 
of such princes, thou return to thy old abominations before 
used under Papistry, then assuredly, O England, thou shalt 
be plagued and brought to desolation, by the means of those 
whose favour thou seen est." The other passages related 
to the cruelty of Queen Mary of England ; but in none of 
these was the language of our Reformer stronger or more 
intemperate than had been employed by the sticklers for the 
English forms, in speaking of their own Popish sovereign, 
or against foreign princes who maintained the power of 
Anti-Christ.* 

The magistrates, in consequence of this accusation, sent 
for Whittingham, a respectable member of the English con- 
gregation, and interrogated him concerning Knox's charac- 
ter. He told them that he was " a learned, grave, and 
godly man." They then acquainted him with the serious 
accusation which had been lodged against him by some of 
his countrymen, and giving him the book, charged him, sub 
poena pads , to bring them an exact Latin translation of the 
passages which were marked. This being done, they com- 
manded Knox to desist from preaching, until their pleasure 
should be known. " Yet, (says he, in his narrative,) being 
desirous to hear others, I went to the church next day, not 
thinking that my company would have offended any. But 

as soon as my accusers saw me, they, with and others, 

departed from the sermon ; some of them protesting with 
great vehemence, that they would not tarry where I was." 
The magistrates were extremely perplexed how to act in 
this delicate business : on the one hand, they were satisfied 
of the malice of Knox's accusers ; on the other, they were 
afraid that information of the charge would be conveyed to 



* See Note B — .Period Fourth. 



92 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



the Emperor's Council, which sat at Augsburgh, and that 
they might be obliged' to deliver up the accused to them, 
or to the Queen of England. In this dilemma, they de- 
sired Whittingham to advise his friend privately, to retire 
of his own accord from Frankfort. At the same time, they 
did not dissemble their detestation of the unnatural con- 
duct of the informers, who, having waited upon them to 
know the result of their deliberations, were dismissed from 
their presence with frowns. 

On the 25th of March, Knox delivered a very consola- 
tory discourse to about fifty members of the congregation, 
who assembled at his lodgings in the evening. Next day 
they accompanied him some miles on his journey from 
Frankfort, and with heavy hearts and many tears, com- 
mitted him to God, and took their leave. 

No sooner was Knox gone, than Cox, who had privately 
concerted the plan with Dr. Glauberg, a civilian, and 
nephew of the chief magistrate, procured an order from 
the Senate for the unlimited use of the English liturgy, by 
means of the false representation that it was now univer- 
sally acceptable to the congregation. The next step was the 
abrogation of the order of discipline, and then the appoint- 
ment of a bishop or superintendent over the pastors. Hav- 
ing accomplished these important improvements, they could 
now boast that they had the " face of an English Church." 
Yes ! they could now raise their heads above all the re- 
formed churches which had the honour of entertaining them ; 
and which, though they might have all the office-bearers 
and ordinances instituted by Christ, had neither bishop, 
nor litany, nor surplice ! They could now lift up their faces 
in the presence of the Church of Rome nerself, and claim 
some affinity with her! — But let me not forget, that the 
men of whom I write were at this time suffering exile for 
the Protestant religion, and that they really detested the 
body of Popery, though childishly and superstitiously at- 
tached to its attire, and gestures, and language. 

The sequel of the transactions in the English congrega- 
tion at Frankfort, does not properly belong to this memoir. 
I shall only add that, after some ineffectual attempts to 
obtain satisfaction for the breach of the church's peace, and 



PERIOD FOURTH. 93 

the injurious treatment of their minister, a considerable 
number of the members left the city. Some of them, as 
Fox the celebrated martyrologist, repaired to Basil ; but 
the greater part went to Geneva, where they obtained a 
place of worship, and lived in great harmony and love, 
until the storm of persecution in England blew over, at 
the death of Queen Mary ; while those who remained at 
Frankfort, as if to expiate their offence against Knox, con- 
tinued a prey to endless contention. Cox and his learned 
colleagues, having accomplished their favourite object, soon 
left them to compose the strife which they had excited, and 
provided themselves elsewhere with a less expensive situa- 
tion for carrying on their studies.* 

I have been the more minute in the detail of these trans- 
actions, not only because of the share which the subject of 
this memoir had in them, but because they throw light upon 
the controversy between the conformists and non-conform- 
ists, which runs through the succeeding period of the eccle- 
siastical history of England. " The troubles at Frankfort," 
present, in miniature, a striking picture of those contentious 
scenes which were afterwards exhibited on a larger scale 
in the mother country. The issue of that affair augured ill 
as to the prospect of an amicable adjustment of the litigated 
points. It had been usual to urge conformity to the ob- 
noxious ceremonies, from the respect due to the authority by 
which they were enj oined. But here there was no authority 
enjoining them, but rather the contrary. If they were urged 
with such intolerant importunity in a place where the laws 



* Cox was afterwards made to feel a little of 
the galling yoke which he strove to impose on 
his brethren. Upon the accession of Eliza- 
beth,that stately princess, still fonder of pomp- 
ous and Popish equipage than her clegry, kept 
a Crucifix in her chapel, and ordered her chap- 
lains to perform divine service before it. Dr. 
Cox was the only one of the refugees who com- 
plied with this, but his conscience afterwards 
remonstrating against it, he wrote a letter to 
the Queen, requesting to be excused from con- 
tinuing the practice. In this letter, it is ob- 
servable, that he employs the great argument 
whichKnox had used against other ceremonies, 
while he prostrates himself before his haughty 
mistress with a submission to which our Re- 
former would never have stooped. " I ought 
(says he) to do nothing touching religion which 



may appear doubtful, whether it pleasethGod 
or not ; for our religion ought to be certain, 
and grounded upon God's word and will. — 
Tender my sute, I beseech you, in visceribus 
Jesu Christi, my dear Sovereign, and most 
gracious Queen Elizabeth." Burnet, ii. Ap- 
pend. 294. The Crucifix was removed at 
this time, but again introduced about 1570. 
Strype's Parker, p. 310. Dr. Cox afterwards 
fell under the displeasure of his " dear Sove- 
reign," for maintaining rather stiffly some of 
the revenues of his bishopric. Strype's An- 
nals, ii. 579. It is but justice, however, to thi* 
learned man to say, that I do not find him tak- 
ing a very active part against the non-con- 
formists, after his return to England : he even 
made some attempts for the removal of the 
obnoxious ceremonies. 



94 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



and customs were repugnant to them, what was to be ex- 
pected in England, where law and custom were on their 
side ? The divines, who were advanced in the Church, at 
the accession of Elizabeth, professed that they desired the 
removal of those grounds of strife, but could not obtain it 
from the Queen ; and I am disposed to give many of them 
credit for the sincerity of their professions. But as they 
showed themselves so stiff and unyielding when the matter 
was wholly in their own power ; as some of them were so 
eager in wreathing a yoke about the consciences of their 
brethren, that they urged reluctant magistrates to rivet it ; 
is it any wonder that their applications for relief were cold 
and ineffectual, when made to rulers who were disposed to 
make the yoke still more severe, and to 66 chastise with 
scorpions those whom they had chastised with whips ?" I 
repeat it ; when I consider the transactions at Frankfort, 
I am not surprised at the defeating of every subsequent 
attempt to advance the Reformation in England, or to 
procure relief to those who scrupled to yield conformity to 
some of the ecclesiastical laws. I know it is pleaded, that 
the things complained of are matters of indifference, not 
prohibited in scripture, not imposed as essential to religion, 
or necessary to salvation, matters that can affect no well 
informed conscience ; and that such as refuse them, when 
enacted by authority, are influenced by unreasonable scru- 
pulosity, conceited, pragmatical, opinionative, and what 
not. This has been the usual language of a ruling party, 
when imposing upon the consciences of the minority. But 
not to urge here the danger of allowing to any class of 
rulers, civil or ecclesiastical, a power of enjoining in- 
different things in religion ; nor the undeniable fact, that 
the burdensome system of ceremonial observances, by 
which religion was corrupted under the Papacy, was gra- 
dually introduced under these and similar pretexts ; nor 
that the things in question, when complexly and formally 
considered, are not really matters of indifference ; not to 
insist at present, I say, upon these topics, the answer to the 
above plea is short and decisive. " These things appear 
matters of conscience and importance to the scruplers ; you 
say they are matters of indifference. Why then violate the 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



95 



sacred peace of the Church, and perpetuate division ; why 
silence, deprive, harass, and starve men of acknowledged 
learning and piety, and drive from communion a sober 
and devout people ; why torture their consciences, and en- 
danger their souls by the imposition of things which, in 
your judgment, are indifferent, not necessary, and un- 
worthy to become subjects of contention ?" 

Upon retiring from Frankfort, Knox went directly to 
Geneva. He was cordially welcomed back by Calvin. As 
his advice had great weight in disposing Knox to comply 
with the invitation from Frankfort, he felt much hurt at the 
treatment which had obliged him to leave it. In reply to an 
apologetic epistle which he received from Dr. Cox, Calvin, 
although he restrained himself from saying anything which 
might revive or increase the flame, could not conceal his 
opinion that Knox had been used in an unbrotherly, un- 
christian manner ; and that it would have been better for 
the accuser to have remained at home, than to have come 
as a fire-brand into a foreign country to inflame a peace- 
able society.* 

It appeared from the event, that Providence had disen- 
gaged Knox from his late charge, to employ him on a more 
important service. From the time that he was carried 
prisoner into France, he had never lost sight of Scotland, 
nor relinquished the hope of again preaching in his native 
country. His constant employment, during the five years 
which he spent in England, occupied his rrund, and lessened 
the regret which he felt at seeing the great object of his 
desire apparently at as great a distance as ever. Upon 
leaving that kingdom, his attention was more particularly 
directed to the state of his brethren in Scotland, with whom 
he had contrived to carry on an epistolary correspondence ; f 
and soon after returning from Frankfort, he was informed 
that matters began to assume a more favourable appear- 
ance there than they had worn for a number of years. 
Encouraged by these assurances, he resolved to pay a visit 
to his native country, where various events had occurred 

* Calvini Epistolae, p. 98, ut supra. This Pridie Idus Junii, 155.5. Knox was at Geneva 
letter is addressed " Cnoxo, (by mistake of the vrhen Calvin wrote that letter, 
publisher, instead of Coxo,) et Gregalibus. f One main objects of his journey to Dieppe* 

■was to receive their letter*. 



98 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



since he quitted it, of which it will be necessary to offer a 
brief recapitulation. 

After the surrender of the Castle of St. Andrew's, and 
the banishment of the Protestants who had taken refuge in 
it, an irrecoverable blow seemed to have been given to the 
reformed cause in Scotland. The clergy triumphed in their 
victory, and flattered themselves that they had stifled the 
voice of opposition.* There were still many Protestants 
in the kingdom ; but they satisfied themselves with retain- 
ing their sentiments in secret, without exposing their lives 
to certain destruction by avowing them, or exciting the 
suspicions of their enemies by private conventicles. The 
Regent, after the alarm of the invasion of the kingdom 
under the Duke of Somerset had subsided, began to treat 
all who had embraced the Reformed doctrines with great 
severity. Many of the barons and gentry, whom it would 
have been unpopular to charge with heresy, were accused 
and brought to trial for alleged crimes against the State, 
under pretext of holding correspondence with the English, 
or secretly favouring their interests. On these false charges 
Sir John Melville of Raith, a loyal and pious man, was 
condemned and beheaded. Cockburn of Ormiston, and 
Crichton of Brunston, were banished, and had their estates 
forfeited. Adam Wallace, who had officiated for some time 
as tutor in the family of Ormiston, was tried for heresy 
and burnt on the Castle- Hill of Edinburgh. A similar fate 
would have awaited George Winchester of Kinglassie, had 
he not contrived to make his escape, f In 1551 the Par- 
liament renewed the laws in support of the Church, and 
issued fresh interdicts against the publication of heretical 
ballads and tragedies. At the same time, various attempts 
were made to correct the more glaring corruptions of Po- 
pery, and amend the dissolute lives of the clergy ; especially 
prohibiting them from living in concubinage, and confer- 
ring titles and benefices on their illegitimate children. The 

* The following lines were commonly used at that time, in allusion to Leslie, and those whs 
suffered exile after the murder of Cardinal Beatoun : 

Prestis, content you now, prestis, content you now, 

For Normond and his cornpanie hes fillit the gallayis fow. 

f Knox, Hist. pp. 80, 82, 87. Buchan. Opera, i. 302. Spotsw. 90-91. 



# 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



97 



bishops, in conformity with, the act of the Council of Trent, 
were ordained to preach personally at least four times a-year, 
unless prevented by lawful causes ; and such of them as 
were unfit for this duty., from want of practice, were re- 
quired to employ " learned divines " for instructing them.* 
While these and other regulations concerning the duties of 
the clergy and the more regular supply of public preach- 
ing, were made by the provincial councils held at Edin- 
burgh in 1549, 1551, and 1552, means were not neglected 
for suppressing heretical books and opinions, especially 
profane songs intended to bring the clerical order and the 
authority of the Church into contempt. The efforts of the 
councils, however well meant, produced little benefit in the 
way of reformation, the execution of their canons being 
intrusted to the very persons who were interested in perpe- 
tuating the evils against which they were directed. f But 
the severe measures adopted against the Protestants were 
not without their effect, aided as they were by the favour 
of the government and the activity of the prelates ; and we 
find the Council, which met in 1551, boasting, " that he- 
resy., which had formerly spread through the kingdom, was 
now repressed, and almost extinguished." 

While the progress of the Reformation in Britain was 
thus obstructed by a variety of adverse causes, two events 
occurred which proved the means of reviving it in Scot- 
land. These were the accession of Mary to the throne of 
England, and the elevation of the Queen-Dowager to the 
regency of Scotland, in 1554. The latter, at an early pe- 
riod, had shewn favour to the Protestants ; and having re- 
ceived their support in her recent struggle to wrest the 
government from the hands of Arran, she found it neces- 
sary, from policy as well as gratitude, to screen them from 
the violence of the prelates, in order that they might be a 
check on the influence of the primate, who espoused the in- 
terest of his brother the ex-Regent. The coolness which 
had taken place between the Queen-Dowager and Mary of 
England, emboldened the Protestants still more to make 
public avowal of their sentiments. Several of those who 



• Wilkins* Concil. torn. iy. pp. 46, 48, 65, 



f Note C — Period Fourtti. 



98 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



were driven from the sister kingdom by persecution, took 
refuge in this country, and were overlooked, in consequence 
of the security into which the Scottish clergy had been 
lulled by success. Travelling from place to place, they 
instruc ted many, and fanned the latent zeal of those who 
nad formerly received the knowledge of the trutho 

William Harlow, whose zeal and knowledge of the doc- 
trines of the Gospel compensated for the defects of his edu- 
cation, was the first preacher that came at this time to 
Scotland. He had followed the trade of a tailor in Edin- 
burgh ; but having become a convert to the Reformed faith, 
he retired to England, where he received deacon's orders, 
and was employed as a preacher during the reign of Ed- 
ward VI. On his return to Scotland, he continued to preach 
in Ayrshire, and different parts of the country, until the 
Reformation was established, when he was admitted mini- 
ster of St Cuthbert's, near Edinburgh.* 

After him arrived John Willock, in summer 1555. Wil- 
lock became afterwards the chief coadjutor of Knox, who 
entertained the highest esteem and affection for him. The 
union of their talents and peculiar qualities was of great 
advantage to the Reformation. Willock was not inferior 
to Knox in learning ; and although he did not equal him 
in intrepidity and eloquence, he surpassed him in affability, 
prudence, and address ; by which means he was sometimes 
able to maintain his station and accomplish his purposes, 
when his colleague could not act with safety or success. 
He was a native of Ayrshire, and had worn the Franciscan 
habit ; but at an early period, he embraced the Reformed 
opinions, and fled to England. During the severe perse- 
cution for the six articles, in 1541, he was thrown into the 
prison of the Fleet. He was afterwards chaplain to the 
Duke of Suffolk, the father of Lady Jane Grey ; and upon 
the accession of Queen Mary, he retired to Embden, where 
he practised as a physician, and had the good fortune to be 
introduced to Anne, Duchess of Friesland, who favoured 

* Episcopal writers have sometimes up* tian than an ignorant superstitious priest, 

braided the Scottibh Church, as reformed by Nay, the Church of England herself, after try- 

tvadesmen and mechanics. They have, how- ingthoseof the latter class, was glad to betake 

ever, no reason to talk in this strain ; for a herself to tbe former. Strype's Annals, i. 176, 

sensible religious tradesman is surely more 177. Keith, Append, p. 90. Hist. p. 498. 

qualified for communicating religious instruc- Cald. MS. i. 256. 



PERIOD rOURTH. 



99 



the Reformation, and who entertained so high an opinion 
of his talents and integrity, as to intrust him with a com- 
mission to the Queen- Reg*ent of Scotland, (in 1555,) to 
effect certain arrangements respecting the trade carried on 
between the two countries.* 

Although Knox did not know what it was to fear danger, 
and was little accustomed to consult his personal ease, when 
he had the prospect of being useful in his Master's sendee, 
none of his enterprises were undertaken rashly, and without 
serious deliberation upon the call which he had to engage 
in them. On the present occasion, he felt at first averse to 
a journey into Scotland, notwithstanding some encouraging 
circumstances in the intelligence which he had received 
from that quarter. He had been so much tossed about of 
late, that he felt a peculiar relish in the learned leisure 
which he at present enjoyed, and which he was desirous to 
prolong. His anxiety to see his wife, after an absence of 
nearly two years, and the importunity with which his 
mcther-in-law, in her letters, urged him to visit them, de- 
termined him at last to undertake the journey. f Setting 
out from Geneva in the month of August, 1555, he came 
to Dieppe, and sailing from that port, landed on the east 
coast, near the boundaries between Scotland and England, 
about the end of harvest.!: He repaired immediately to 
Berwick, where he had the satisfaction of finding his wife 
and her mother in comfortable circumstances, enjoying the 
happiness of religious society with several individuals in 
that city, who, like themselves, had not " bowed the knee" 
to the established idolatry, nor submitted to 66 receive the 
mark" of antichrist. § 

Having remained some time with them, he set out se- 
cretly to visit the Protestants at Edinburgh ; intending, 
after a short stay, to return to Berwick. But he found 
employment which detained him beyond his expectation. 
In Edinburgh he lodged with James Syme, ^ respectable 

* Fox, 1099. Spottswood, 93 Smetoni O ' Deus, O .' quales juvenes ? Quo pnncipe 

Respons- ad A. Hamiltonum. p. 95. Strype*s digni ? 

Annals, ii. App. 46. Parkhurst, Bishop of His tua luminibus splendet domus. 

Nonsich, celebrates him in these lines : f MS. Letters, p. 542. 

Quid memrrem quanta Wiloeus. Skinerui et ± Discourse of the Troubles at Franckford, 

Haddon. p. l v . hx Knox, Historic, p. 9U. 

JSlmerusque tuos ornarint luce penatos ? § MS. Letters, p. 543. 



100 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



and religious "burgess, to whose house the friends of the 
Reformation, as soon as they were informed of his arrival, 
repaired to attend his instructions. Among these were 
John Erskine of Dun, whose name has been already men- 
tioned as one of the early patrons of literature and the 
Reformed doctrines ; and William Maitland, younger of 
Lethington, afterwards Secretary to Mary Queen of Scots. 
Besides these, a number of other persons had been attracted 
from different parts of the country to hear him. John 
Willock was also in Edinburgh at that time.* Those who 
heard Knox, being exceedingly gratified with his discourses, 
brought their friends and acquaintances along with them, 
and his audiences daily increased. Being confined to a 
private house, he was obliged to preach to successive 
assemblies ; and was almost unremittingly employed by 
night as well as by day, in communicating instruction to 
persons who demanded it with extraordinary avidity. The 
following letter written by him to Mrs. Bowes, to excuse 
himself for not returning so soon as he had proposed, will 
convey the best idea of his employment and feelings on this 
occasion : — 

" The wayis of man ar not in his awn power. Albeit 
my journey toward Scotland, belovit mother, was maist 
contrarious to my awn judgement, befoir I did interpryse 
the same ; yet this day I prais God for thame wha was the 
cause external] of my resort to these quarteris ; that is, I 
prais God in yow and for yow, whome hie maid the instru- 
ment to draw me frome the den of my awn eas, (you allane 
did draw me from the rest of quyet studie,) to contemplat 
and behald the fervent thrist of oure brethrene, night and 
day sobbing and gronyng for the breid of lyfe. Gif I had 
not seine it with my eis, in my awn contry, I culd not have 
beleveit it ! I praisit God, when I was with you, perceav- 
ing that, in the middis of Sodome, God had mo Lottis than 
one, and ma faithfull dochteris than tua. But the fervencie 
heir dioth fer exceid all utheris that I have seen. And 
thairfoir ye sail pacientlie bear, altho' I spend heir yet sum 
dayis ; for depart I cannot unto sic tyme as God quenche 



* He soon after returned to Embden. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



101 



thair thrist a litill. Yea, mother, thair fervencie doith sa 
ravische me, that I can not but accus and condemp my 
sleuthfnll coldness. God grant thame thair hartis desire ; 
and I pray vow adverteis [me] of your estait, and of thingis 
that have occurit sence your last wrytting. Comfort your 
self in Godis promissis, and be assureit that God steiris up 
mo friendis than we be war of. My commendation to all 
in your company. I commit you to the protectioim of the 
omnipotent. In great haist ; the 4. of November, 1555. 
From Scotland. Your sone, Johne Knox."* 

When he arrived in Scotland, he found that the friends 
of the reformed doctrine, in general, continued to attend 
the Popish worship, and even the celebration of mass ; 
principally with the view of avoiding the scandal which 
they would otherwise incur. This was very disagreeable 
to Knox, who, in his sermons and conversation, disclosed 
the impiety of that service, and the danger of symbolizing 
with it. As some of the Protestants in the city entertained 
doubts on this subject, a meeting was appointed for the 
express purpose of discussing the question. Maitland de- 
fended the practice with all that ingenuity and learning for 
which he was distinguished ; but his arguments were so 
satisfactorily answered by Knox that he yielded the point 
as indefensible ; and agreed with the rest of his brethren, 
to abstain for the future from such temporising conduct. 
Thus was a formal separation made from the Popish Church 
in Scotland, which may justly be regarded as an important 
step in the Reformation. f 

Mr. Erskine prevailed on Knox to accompany him to his 
family seat of Dun, near Montrose, where he continued a 
month, preacMng every day. The principal persons in 
that neighbourhood attended his sermons. After he re- 
turned to the South, he resided for the most part in Calder- 
House,with Sir James Sandilands,i who had long supported 
the cause of the Reformation, and contributed greatly to 

* MS. Letters, p. 342, 543. dated from the present visit of knoxtoScot 

+ Knox, Historie, p. 91. land; for we have already seen that he ad- 

i On the back of a picture of our Reformer, ministered the ordinance in the Castle of St. 

which hangs in one of the rooms of Lord Tor- Andrew's, anno 1547 The account given by 

phichen's house at Calder, is this inscription : Knox in his History of the Reformation, ' v p. 

The Rev. John Knox — The first sacrament 92,) seems to imply that he performed this 

cf the super given in Scotland after the Re- service in the west country, before he did it 

formation, was dispensed in this hail." The in Calder House. 

commencement of the Reformation is here 



102 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



its promotion in that part of the country.* Here he was 
attended by Lord Lorn, (afterwards Earl of Argyle,) the 
Master of Mar, (afterwards Earl of Mar,) and Lord James 
Stewart, natural son of James V. and prior of St. Andrew's, 
(afterwards Earl of Murray ;) the two last of whom Knox 
lived to see Regents of Scotland. These noblemen were 
highly pleased with the doctrine which he taught. In the 
beginning of the year 1556, he was conducted by Lockhart 
of Bar, and Campbell of Kineancleugh, to Kyle, the antient 
receptacle of the Scottish Lollards, where there were a 
number of adherents to the Reformed doctrine. He preached 
in the houses of Bar, Kineancleugh, Carnell, Ochiltree, and 
Gadgirth, and in the town of Ayr. In several of these places 
he also dispensed the sacrament of our Lord's Supper. A 
little before Easter, the Earl of Glencairn sent for him to 
his manor of Finlayston, in which, besides preaching, he 
also dispensed the sacrament, the Earl, his lady, and two 
of their sons, with some friends participating of the sacred 
feast, f From Finlayston he returned to Calder House, and 
soon after paid a second visit to Dun, during which he 
preached more openly than before. Most of the gentlemen 
of Mearns did at this time make profession of the Reformed 
religion, by sitting down at the Lord's table ; and entered 
into a solemn and mutual bond, in which they renounce d 
the Popish communion, and engaged to maintain the true 
preaching of the gospel, according as Providence should 
favour them with opportunities. This seems to have been 
the first of those religious bonds or covenants, by which the 
confederation of the Protestants in Scotland was so fre- 
quently ratified.^ 

The dangers to which Knox and his friends had been 

* So early as 1548, he had appointed to the people (says the minister in his statistical ac- 
parsonage of Calder, John Spottiswood, who count of the parish) respect them much for 
had imbibed the Reformed doctrines from their antiquity, as well as for the solemnity 
Archbishop Cranmer, and was afterwards attending them in former and latter times " 
made superintendent of Lothian. By this Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 279. 
means the Protestant religion was diffused This writer thinks they had been originally 
among the parishioners, and preached to the candlesticks, and converted to this use on the 
nobility and gentry who frequented Calder emergent occasion: the hollow bottom re- 
House. Knox, Hist. p. 91, 118. Spotswood, versed, forming the mouth of the cup, and the 
p. 90. Keith, p. 550. middle, after the socket was screwed out, be- 

t The silver cups which were used on that ing cenverted into the foot. But it is not 

occasion are still carefully preserved by the likely, that the family of Glencairn were so 

family of Glencairn at Finlayston. The parish destitute of silver cups, as to need to have re- 

of Kilmalcolm is favoured wit h the use of them course to this expedient, 

at the time of dispensing the sacrament. " The £ Knox, Historie, p. 92. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



103 



accustomed, had taught them to conduct matters with such 
secrecy, that he had preached for a considerable time and 
in different places, before the clergy knew that he was in 
the kingdom. Concealment was, however, impracticable 
after his audiences became so numerous. His preaching in 
Ayr was reported to the Court, and formed the topic of 
conversation in the presence of the Queen Regent. Some 
affirmed that the preacher was an Englishman ; a prelate 
not of the least pride (Beatoun, Archbishop of Glasgow,) 
said, " Nay ; no Englishman, but it is Knox that knave' — 
se It was my Lord's pleasure (says Knox) so to baptize a poor 
man ; the reason whereof, if it should be required, his 
rochet and mitre must stand for authority. What further 
liberty he used in defining things like uncertain to him, to 
wit, of my learning and doctrine, at this present I omit. 
For what hath my life and conversation been, since it hath 
pleased God to call me from the puddle of Papistry, let my 
very enemies speak ; and what learning I have, they may 
prove when they please."* Interest was at this time made 
by the bishops for his apprehension ; but the application 
was unsuccessful, t 

After his last journey to Angus-shire, the friars flocked 
from all quarters to the bishops, and instigated them to 
adopt speedy and decisive measures for checking the alarm- 
ing effects of his preaching. In consequence of this, Knox 
was summoned to appear before a convention of the clergy, 
in the Church of the Black-friars at Edinburgh, on the 15th 
of May. This diet he resolved to keep, and with that view 
came to Edinburgh, before the day appointed, accompanied 
by Erskine of Dun, and several other gentlemen. The 
clergy had never dreamed of his attendance ; but being 
apprised of his design, and afraid to bring matters to ex- 
tremity, whilst unassured of the Regent's decided support ; 
they met before hand, annulled the summons under pre- 
tenee of some informality, and deserted the diet against 
him. On the day on which he should have appeared as a 
pannel, Knox preached in the bishop of Dunkeld's large 
lodging, to a far greater audience than had before attended 



* Letter to the Lady Mary, Regent of Scot- 
land, apud Historie, p. 417. 



t Ibid. p. 416, 417. 



104 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



him in Edinburgh. During 1 the ten follovvdng days, he 
j reached in the same place, forenoon and afternoon ; none 
of the clergy making the smallest attempt to disturb him. 
In the midst of these labours, he wrote the following hasty 
line to Mrs. Bowes : — 

" Belovit mother, with my maist hartlie commendation in 
the Lord Jesus, albeit I was fullie purpoisit to have visitit 
yowbefoir this tyme, yet hath God laid impedimentis, whilk 
I culd not avoyd. They ar suche as I dout not ar to his 
glorie, and to the comfort of many heir. The trumpet 
blew the aid sound thrie dayis together, till private houssis, 
of indifferent largenes, culd not conteane the voce of it. God, 
for Chryst his Sonis sake, grant me to be myndfull, that 
the sobbis of my hart hath not bene in vane, nor neglectit, 
in the presence of his majestic O ! sweet war the death 
that suld follow sic fourtie dayis in Edinbrugh as heir I have 
had thrie. Rejose, mother; the tyme of our deliverance 
approacheth : for, as Sathan rageth, sa dois the grace of the 
Hailie Spreit abound, and daylie geveth new testimonyis 
of the eyerlasting love of oure mercifull Father. I can 
wryt na mair to you at this present. The grace of the 
Lord Jesus rest with you. In haste— this Monunday. Your 
sone, John Knox.* 

About this time, the Earl Marishal, at the desire of the 
Earl of Glencairn, attended an evening exhortation de- 
livered by Knox. He was so much pleased with it, that 
he joined with Glencairn, in urging the preacher to write 
a letter to the Queen Regent, which they thought might 
have the effect of inclining her to protect the reformed 
preachers, if not also to lend a favourable ear to their doc- 
trine. With this request he was induced to comply. 

As a specimen of the manner in which this letter was 
written, I shall give the following quotation, in the origi- 
nal language. " I dout not, that the rumouris, whilk haif 
cumin to your Grace's earis of me, haif bene such, that (yf 
all reportis wer trew) I wer unworthie to live in the earth. 
And wonder it is, that the voces of the multitude suld not 
to have inflamed your Grace's hart with just hatred of such 



* MS. Letters, p. 343, 344. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



105 



a one as I am accuseit to be, that all acces to pitie suld 
have bene schute up. I am traduceit as ane heretick, 
accusit as a fals teacher, and seducer of the pepill, besydis 
uther opprobries, whilk (affirmit be men of warldlie honour 
and estimatioun) may easelie kendill the wrath of majes- 
tratis, whair innocencie is not knawin. But blissit be God, 
the Father of our Lord Jesus Chryst, who, by the dew of 
his heavenlie grace, hath so quenchit the fyre of displeasure 
as yit in your Grace's hart, (whilk of lait dayis I have un- 
derstaud) that Sathan is frustrat of his interpryse and pur- 
pois. Whilk is to my hart no small comfort ; not so muche 
(God is witnes) for any benefit that I can resave in this 
miserable lyfe, by protectioim of any earthlie creature, (for 
the cupe whilk it behoveth me to drink is apoyntit by the 
wisdome of him whois consallis ar not changeable) as that 
I am for that benefit whilk I am assurit your Grace sail 
resave : yf that ye continew in lyke moderatioun and cle- 
mencie towardis utheris, that maist unjustlie ar and sal be 
accusit, as that your Grace hath begun towardis me, and 
my most desperat cause." An orator (he continued) might 
justly require of her Grace a motherly pity towards her 
subjects, the execution of justice upon murderers and oppres- 
sors, a heart free from avarice and partiality, a mind stu- 
dious of the public welfare, with other virtues which heathen 
as well as inspired writers required in riders. But, in his 
opinion, it was vain to crave reformation of manners, when 
religion was so much corrupted. He could not propose, 
in the present letter, to lay open the sources, progress, and 
extent of those errors and corruptions which had overspread 
and inundated the Church ; but, if her Majesty would grant 
him an opportunity and liberty of speech, he was ready to 
undertake this task. In the mean time, he could not refrain 
from calling her attention to this important subject, and 
pointing out to her the fallacy of some general prejudices, 
by which she was in danger of being deceived. She ought 
to beware of thinking, that the care of religion did not be- 
long to Magistrates, but was devolved wholly on the clergy ; 
that it was a thing incredible that religion should be so 
universally depraved ; or that true religion was to be judged 



106 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



of by the majority of voices, custom, the laws and deter- 
minations of men, or any thing but the infallible dictates 
of inspired Scripture. He knew that innovations in reli- 
gion were deemed hazardous ; but the urgent necessity and 
immense magnitude of the object, ought, in the present 
case, to swallow up the fear of danger. He was aware that 
a public reformation might be thought to exceed her au- 
thority as Regent : but she could not be bound to maintain 
idolatry and manifest abuses, nor to suffer the fury of the 
clergy to cause the murder of innocent men, merely be- 
cause they worshipped God according to his word. 

Though Knox's pen was not the most smooth nor deli- 
cate, and he often irritated by the plainness and severity of 
his language, the letter to the Queen Regent is far from 
being uncourtly. It seems to have been written with great 
care ; and in point of language, it may be compared with 
any composition of that period, for simplicity and forcible 
expression. * Its strain was well calculated for stimulating 
the inquiries, and confirming the resolutions of one who 
was impressed with a conviction of the reigning evils in the 
Church ; or who, though not resolved in judgment as to the 
matters in controversy, was determined to preserve modera- 
tion between the contending parties. Notwithstanding 
her imposing manners, the Regent was not a person of this 
description. The Earl of Glencairn delivered the letter 
into her hand ; she glanced it with a careless air, and gave 
it to the Archbishop of Glasgow, saying, Please you, my 
Lord, to read a pasquil. f The report of this induced 
Knox, after he retired from Scotland, to publish the letter, 
with additions, in which he used a more pointed and severe 
style. " As charitie," says he, 66 persuadeth me to interpret 
thinges doubfully spoken in the best sence, so my dutie to 
God, (who hath commanded me to flatter no prince in the 
earth,) compelleth me to say, that if no more ye esteme the 
admonition of God, nor the Cardinalles do the scoffing of 
pasquilles, then he shall shortly send you messagers, with 

* This is more evident from the letter, in doms have been used, and the language is 

its original language, which is now before me not a little enfeebled by the insertion of un- 

in manuscript. In the copies of it which have meaning or unnecessary expletives, 

been published along with his history, free- f Historie, p. 92, 425. 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



107 



whome ye shall not be able on that maner to jest. I did 
not speak unto you, Madame, by my former lettre, nether 
yet do I now, as Pasquillus doth to the Pope, in behalf of 
such as dare not utter their names ; but I come, in the 
name of Jesus Christ, affirming that the religion which ye 
maintain is damnable idolatrie : the which I offre myselfe 
to prove by the most evident testimonies of Goddis scrip- 
tures. And, in this quarrelle, I present myself againste all 
the Papistes within the realme, desiring none other armore 
but Goddis holie worde, and the libertie of my tonge."* 

While he was thus employed in Scotland, he received 
letters from the English congregation at Geneva, stating 
that that they had made choice of him as one of their pas- 
tors, and urging him to come and take the inspection of 
them, f He judged it his duty to comply with this invita- 
tion, and began immediately to prepare for the journey. 
His wife and mother-in-law had by this time joined him at 
Edinburgh ; and Mrs. Bowes, being now a widow, resolved 
to accompany her daughter and her husband to Geneva. 
Having sent them before him in a vessel to Dieppe, Knox 
again visited and took his leave of the brethren in the dif- 
ferent places where he had preached. Campbell of Kin- 
eancleugh conducted him to the Earl of Argyle, and he 
preached for some days in Castle Campbell. J Argyle and 
the Laird of Glenorchy urged him to remain in Scotland, 
but he resisted all their importunities. " If God so blessed 
their small beginnings (he said), that they continued in god- 
liness, whensoever they pleased to command him, they 
should find him obedient. But once he must needs visit that 
little flock, which the wickedness of men had compelled 
Mm to leave.'' Accordingly, in the month of July, 1556, he 
left Scotland, and having arrived at Dieppe, he proceeded 
with his family to Geneva. § 

No sooner did the clergy understand that he had quitted 

* Letter, &c. apud Historic p. 425, 426. dlately above the village of Dollar. In the 

f This congregation, (which consisted of civil war that raged in the north between the 

those who had withdrawn from Frankfort), as friends and opponents of the Covenant, it was 

early as September, 1555, "chose Knox and burnt and destroyed by Montrose, in 1645. All 

Goodman for their pastor, and Gilby requested that now remains is a picturesque ruin, on the 

to supplie the rome till Knox returned owte south side of which a sloping green is still 

off France." Troubles at Franckford, p. lix. pointed out as the spot where Knox preached 

i A lomantic seat belonging to the family, and dispensed the sacrament. 
Ijing in the bosom of the Ochil hills, imme- § Historic p. 93. 



108 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



the kingdom, than they, in a dastardly manner, renewed 
the summons against him, which they had deserted during 
his presence ; and upon his failing to appear, they passed 
sentence against him, adjudging his body to the flames, and 
his soul to damnation. As his person was out of their reach, 
they caused his effigy to be ignominiously burned at the 
cross of Edinburgh. Against this sentence, he drew up his 
Appellation, which he afterwards published, with a suppli- 
cation and exhortation, directed to the nobility and com- 
monality of Scotland. 

It may not be improper here to subjoin his summary of 
the doctrine taught by him, during his late visit to Scotland, 
which was declared to be so execrable, and subjected the 
preacher to such horrible penalties. He taught, that there 
was no other name by which men could be saved but that 
of Jesus, and that all reliance on the merits of any other 
was vain and delusive ; that He, having by his one sacri- 
fice, sanctified and reconciled to God those who should in- 
herit the promised kingdom, all other sacrifices which men 
pretended to offer for sin were blasphemous ; that all men 
ought to hate sin, which was so odious before God, that no 
other sacrifice than the death of his Son could satisfy for 
it ; that they ought to magnify their heavenly Father, who 
did not spare Him who is the substance of his glory, but 
gave him up to suffer the ignominious and cruel death of 
the Cross for us ; and that those who have been washed 
from their former sins are bound to lead a new life, fighting 
against the lusts of the flesh, and studying to glorify God 
by good works. In conformity with the certification of his 
Master, that he would deny and be ashamed of those who 
should deny and be ashamed of him and his words before 
a wicked generation, he further taught, that it was incum- 
bent on those who hoped for life everlasting, to avoid idol- 
atry, superstition, and all vain religion ; in one word, every 
mode of worship which was destitute of authority from the 
word of God. This doctrine he did believe so conformable 
to God's holy scriptures, that he thought no creature could 
have been so impudent as to deny any point or article of it ; 
yet had the false bishops and ungodly clergy condemned 
him as an heretic, and his doctrine as heretical ; pronoun- 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



109 



cing against him the sentence of death, in testimony of 
which they had burned his image : from which sentence he 
appealed to a lawful and general council, to be held, agree- 
ably to ancient laws and canons ; humbly requiring the 
nobility and commons of Scotland, until such time as these 
controversies were decided, to take him, and others accu- 
sed and persecuted, under their protection, and to regard 
this his plain Appellation as of no less effect, than if it had 
been made with the accustomed solemnity and ceremonies.* 

The late visit of our Reformer to his native country, was 
of vast consequence. The foundations of that noble edi- 
fice which he was afterwards so instrumental in rearing, 
were, on this occasion, properly laid, and a separation ef- 
fected between the adherents of the Protestant religion and 
that corrupt communion which they had forsaken. Some 
may be apt to blame him for relinquishing, too precipitate- 
ly, an undertaking which he had so auspiciously begun, 
But, without pretending to ascertain the train of reflections 
which occurred to his own mind, we may trace, in his de- 
termination, the wise arrangement of that Providence 
which watched over the infant Reformation, and guided the 
steps of the Reformer. His absence was now no less con- 
ducive to the preservation of the cause, than his presence 
and personal labonrs had lately been to its advancement. 
Matters were not yet ripened for a general Reformation in 
Scotland ; and the clergy would never have suffered so zea- 
lous and able a champion of the new doctrines to live in 
the country. By timely withdrawing, he not only saved 
his own life, and reserved his labours to a more fit oppor- 
tunity, but he averted the storm of persecution from the 
heads of his brethren. Deprived of their teachers, their 
adversaries became less jealous of them; while, in their 
private meetings, they continued to confirm one another in 
the doctrine which they had received, and the seed lately 
sown had time to take root and to spread. 

Before he took his departure, Knox was careful to give 
his brethren such directions as he judged most necessary 
for them, particularly for promoting mutual edification, 



* Appellation, &c. apud Historie, p. 428. 



110 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



when they were deprived of the benefit of pastors. Not 
satisfied with communicating* these orally, he committed 
them to writing in a common letter, which he either left 
behind him, or sent from Dieppe, to be circulated in the 
different quarters where he had preached. In this letter, 
he warmly recommended the frequent reading of the Scrip- 
tures, as well as the exercises of worship and religious in- 
struction in every family. He exhorted the brethren to meet 
together, if possible, once every week, and that in these 
assemblies they should begin with confession of sins, and 
invocation of the divine blessing. After a portion of Scrip- 
ture had been read, if any brother had any exhortation, in- 
terpretation, or doubt, he might speak ; but this ought to 
be done with modesty, and a desire to edify, or to be edi- 
fied ; " multiplication of words, perplexed interpretation, 
and wilfulness in reasoning," being carefully avoided. If 
any difficulties, which they could not solve, occurred in the 
course of reading or conference, he advised them to commit 
these to writing, before they separated, that they might 
submit them to the judgment of the learned. He signified 
his own readiness to give them his advice and opinion, 
whenever it should be required, and directed their assem- 
blies always to be closed, as well as opened, by prayer. * 
There is every reason to conclude that these instructions 
were punctually complied with ; this letter may, therefore, 
be viewed as an important document regarding the state of 
the Protestant Church in Scotland, previous to the estab- 
lishment of the Reformation, and shall be inserted at large- 
in the Notes, f 

Among his subsequent letters are several answers to 
questions which they had transmitted to him for advice. 
The questions are such as might be supposed to arise in 
the minds of serious persons lately made acquainted with 
Scripture, perplexed with particular expressions, and at a 
loss how to apply some of its directions to their situation. 
They discover an inquisitive and conscientious disposition ; 
and at the same time, illustrate the disadvantages under 



* MS. Letters, p- 352-359. hie bad bene quyat amang thame and bean 

f Note D. — Period Fourth. The letter is date " 7. of July, 1556.^ 
inscribed " To his Brethren in Scotland efter 



PERIOD FIFTH, 



111 



which ordinary Christians labour when deprived of the as- 
sistance of learned teachers. Our Reformer's answers dis- 
play an intimate acquaintance with Scripture, dexterity in 
expounding it, with prudence in giving advice in cases of 
conscience, so as not to encourage a dangerous laxity on 
the one hand, nor scrupulosity and excessive rigidity on the 
other.* 

Knox reached Geneva before the end of harvest, and 
took upon him the charge of the English congregation 
there,^ among whom he laboured during the two following 
years. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



FROM HIS RETURN TO GENEVA. IN 155S, TO HIS SETTLEMENT AS 
MINISTER OF EDINBURGH, ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE 
REFORMATION IN 1560. 

The short period of Knox's labours in Geneva at this time, 
was the most quiet of his life. In the bosom of his own 
family, he experienced that soothing care to which he had 
hitherto been a stranger, and which his frequent bodily ail- 
ments now required. There two sons were born to him. 
The greatest cordiality among themselves, and affection to 
their pastor, subsisted in the small flock under his charge. 
With his colleague, Christopher Goodman, he lived as a 
brother ; and was happy in the friendship of Calvin and 
the other Reformed preachers at Geneva. So much was he 
pleased with the purity of religion established in that city, 

* Among the questions proposed -were the Apostle Peter respecting dress (1st Ep. ch. 

following: Whether the baptism administered iii. 3.) to be obeyed ? In what sense is God 

by the Popish priests was valid, and did not said to repent ? 

require repetition? Whether all the things f The congregation seem to have delayed 
prohibited in the decree of the Apostles and the final settlement of their order of worship 
Elders at Jerusalem (Acts xv.) were still and discipline until Knox's arrival; for the pre- 
tmlawful ? Whether the prohibition of the face to" The Order of Geneva," is dated " the 
Apostle John (2d Ep. v. 10) extended to com- 10th of February, anno 15. r ;6," i. e. 1557, unless 
mon salutation of those viho taught erroneous they followed the Geneva mode of reckoning- 
doctrine ? How were the directions of the Dunlop's Collection of Confessions, ii. 401. 



112 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



that he warmly recommended it to his persecuted acquain- 
tances in England, as the best Christian asylum to which 
they could flee. " In my heart (says he, in a letter to his 
friend Mr Locke,) I could have wished, yea, and cannot 
cease to wish, that it might please God to guide and con- 
duct yourself to this place, where I neither fear nor eshame 
to say, is the most perfect school of Christ that ever was in 
the earth, since the days of the Apostles. In other places 
I confess Christ to be truly preached ; but manners and re- 
ligion so sincerely reformed, I have not yet seen in any 
other place beside." * 

But neither the enjoyment of personal accommodations, 
nor the pleasure of literary society, nor the endearments of 
domestic happiness, could subdue our Reformer's ruling 
passion, or unfix his determination to return to Scotland, 
as soon as an opportunity should offer for advancing the 
Reformation among his countrymen. In a letter written 
to some of his friends in Edinburgh, March 16, 1557? we 
find him expressing himself thus : — " My own motion and 
daily prayer is, not only that I may visit you, but also that 
with joy I may end my battle among you. And assure 
yourself of that, that whenever a greater number among you 
shall call upon me than now hath bound me to serve them, 
by His grace it shall not be the fear of punishment, neither 
yet of the death temporal, that shall impede my coming to 
you."f A certain heroic confidence and assurance of ulti- 
mate success, have often been displayed by those whom 
Providence has raised up to achieve great revolutions in the 
world ; by which they have been borne up under discour- 
agements which would have overwhelmed men of ordinary 
spirits, and emboldened to face dangers from which others 
would have shrunk appalled. This enthusiastic heroism (I 
use not the epithet in a bad sense) often blazed forth in the 
conduct of the great German Reformer. Knox possessed 
no inconsiderable portion of the same spirit. " Satan, I 
confess, rageth (says he, in a letter nearly of the same date 
with that last quoted) ; but potent is He that promised to 
be with us, in all such enterprises as we take in hand at his 



* MS. Letters, p. 377 



f Ibid. p. 408. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



lit 



commandment, for the glory of his name, and for mainten- 
ance of His true religion. And therefore the less fear we 
any contrary power : yea, in the boldness of our God. we 
altogether contemn them, be they kings, emperors, men, 
angels, or devils. For they shall be never able to prevail 
against the simple truth of God which we openly profess : by 
the permission of God. they may appear to prevail against our 
bodies : but our cause shall triirmph in despite of Satan."* 

Very shortly after he wrote the letter last quoted but 
one. James Syine, who had been his host at Edinburgh, 
and James Barron, another burgess of the same city, ar- 
rived at Geneva with a letter and credentials from the 
Earl of Glencairn, Lords Lorn, Erskine, and James Stew- 
art, informing him that those who had professed the Re- 
formed doctrine remained stedfast, that its adversaries were 
daily losing credit in the nation, and that those who pos- 
sessed the supreme authority, although they had not yet 
declared themselves friendly, still refrained from persecu- 
tion ; and inviting him in their own name, and in that of 
their brethren, to return to Scotland, where he would find 
them all ready to receive him, and to spend their lives and 
fortunes in advancing the cause which they had espoused?! 

This letter Knox laid before his congregation, and also 
submitted it to Calvin, and the other ministers of Geneva, 
who delivered it as their opinion, " that he could not refuse 
the call, without shewing himself rebellious to God, and 
unmerciful to his country.*' His congregation agreed 
to sacrifice their particular interest to the greater good of 
the Church ; and his own family silently acquiesced, Upon 
this, he returned an answer to the invitation of the nobility, 
signifying that he meant to visit them with all reasonable 
expedition. Accordingly, after seeing the congregation 
agreeably provided with a pastor in his room,; and having 

* MS. Letters, p. 3TS. vin, He was one cf the translators cf the 

t Knox. Historic, p. 97, 98. Geneva Bible, and composed several cf the 

1 This wis William. Wh :::r;h3ni. He was m:-tr:cai psalms which =c:.\-r.par.:ed it. He 

the son of William Whirtingham, Esq. of fell under the displeasure of Queen Elizabeth, 

Holmeside, in the county of Chester, was born on account of a com mendatory preface which 

anno 1524, educated at Oxford, and held in he wrote to Christopher Goodman's book 

great reputation for his learning. Upon the on Obedience to Superior powers, in which 

accession of Queen Mary, he went first to am rag other free sentiments, the government 

Frankfort, and afterwards to Geneva, where of wemen was condemned. But he enjoyed 

he married Catherine, the sister of John Cai the protection of some of the principal coax- 



114 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



settled bis other affairs, he took an affectionate leave of his 
friends at Geneva, and proceeded to Dieppe, in the begin- 
ning of October. While he waited there for a vessel, he 
received letters from Scotland, written in a very different 
strain from the former. These informed him that new 
consultations had been held among the converts in that 
country ; that some began to repent of the invitation which 
they had given him to return to Scotland ; and that the 
greater part seemed irresolute and faint-hearted. 

This intelligence exceedingly disconcerted and embar- 
rassed him. He instantly despatched a letter to the nobility 
who had invited him, upbraiding them for their timidity 
and inconstancy. The information, which he had just re- 
ceived, had (he said) confounded and pierced him with 
sorrow. After taking the advice of the most learned and 
godly in Europe, for the satisfaction of his own conscience 
and theirs respecting this enterprise, the abandonment of 
it would reflect disgrace upon either him or them : it would 
argue either that he had been marvellously forward and 
vain, or else that they had betrayed great imprudence and 
want of judgment in their invitation. To some, it might 
appear a small matter that he had left his poor family des- 
titute of a head, and committed the care of his small but 
dearly beloved flock to another ; but, for his part, he could 
not name the sum that would induce him to go through 
the like scene a second time, and to behold so many grave 
men weeping at his departure. What answer could he give, 
on his return, to those who enquired, why he did not pro- 
secute his journey ? He could take God to witness, that the 
personal inconveniences to which he had been subjected, or 
the mortification which he felt at the disappointment, was 
not the chief causes of his grief. But he was alarmed at 

tiers. In 1560, he accompanied the Earl of ordained in a better manner than even the 

Bedford in an embassy to France, and, in Archbishop himself;" and the Lord President 

1562, and in 1563, acted as chaplain to the said, he could not in conscience agree to " al- 

Earl of Warwick, during the defence of Havre- low of the Popish massing priests in our mi- 

de-Giace. That brave nobleman was at a nistry, and to disallow of ministers made in a 

loss for words to express his high esteem for Reformed Church." Whittingham never con- 

him. In 15S3 he was made Dean of Durham, formed fully to the English Church, and died 

I havealready mentioned (p. 31.) that an un- in 1579. Hutchinson's History and Antiqui- 

successful attempt was made to invalidate the ties of the county Palatine of Durham, ii. 1 13- 

ordination which he received at Geneva. On 152, 378. Forbes* State Papers, ii. 207, 418 

that occasion, Dr. Hutton, Dean of York, told 487. 
Archbishop Sandys, that Whittingham " was 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



115 



the awful consequences which would ensue, at the bondage 
and misery, spiritual and temporal, which they would en 
tail upon themselves and their children, their subjects and 
their posterity, if they neglected the present opportunity of 
introducing the gospel into their native country. In con- 
science, he could except none that bare the name of nobil- 
ity in Scotland from blame in this matter. His words might 
seem sharp and indiscreet; but charity would construe 
them in the best sense, and wise men would consider that a 
true friend cannot flatter, especially in a case which invol- 
ved the salvation of the bodies and souls, not of a few per- 
sons, but of a whole realm. " What are the sobs, and 
what is the affliction of my troubled heart, God shall one 
day declare. But this will I add to my former rigour and 
severity ; to wit, if any persuade you, for fear of dangers 
to follow, to faint in your former purpose, be he esteemed 
never so wise and friendly, let him be judged of you both 

foolish, and your mortal enemy I am not ignorant that 

fearful troubles shall ensue your enterprise ; as in my for- 
mer letters I did signify unto you. But, O ! joyful and 
comfortable are those troubles and adversities which man 
sustaineth for accomplishment of God's will revealed in his 
word. For how terrible that ever they appear to the judg- 
ment of natural men, yet are they never able to devour nor 
utterly to consume the sufferers ; for the invisible and in- 
vincible power of God sustaineth and preserveth, accord- 
ing to his promise, all such as with simplicity do obey him. 
— No less cause have ye to enter in your former enterprise, 
than Moses had to go to the presence of Pharaoh ; for your 
subjects, yea your brethren, are oppressed; their bodies 
and souls holden in bondage : and God speaketh to your 
consciences, (unless ye be dead with the blind world), that 
ye ought to hazard your own lives, be it against kings or 
emperors, for their deliverance. For, only for that cause 
are ye called princes of the people, and receive honour, 
tribute, and homage at God's commandment, not by rea- 
son of your birth and progeny, (as the most part of men 
falsely do suppose,) but by reason of your office and duty ; 
which is, to vindicate and deliver your subjects and bre- 



116 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



thren from all violence and oppression, to the uttermost of 
your power."* 

Having sent off this letter, with others written in the 
same strain, to Erskine of Dun, Wishart of Pittarow, and 
some other gentlemen of his acquaintance, he resolved to 
spend some time in the interior of France, hoping soon to 
receive more favourable accounts from Scotland.! The 
Reformed doctrine had been early introduced into the king- 
dom of France ; it had been watered with the blood of 
many martyrs ; and all the violence and barbarity which 
had been employed, had not been able to extirpate it, or 
prevent it from spreading among all ranks. The Parisian 
Protestants were at present smarting under the effects of 
one of those massacres, which so often disgraced the Ro- 
man Catholic religion in that country, before as well as 
after the commencement of the Civil Wars. Not satisfied 
with assaulting them when peaceably assembled for wor- 
ship in a private house, and treating them with great bar- 
barity, their adversaries, in imitation of their pagan prede- 
cessors, invented the most diabolical calumnies against 
them, and circulated every where that they were guilty of 
committing the most abominable and flagitious crimes in 
their assemblies.^ The innocent sufferers had drawn up 
an apology, vindicating themselves from this atrocious 
charge, and Knox having got a copy of this, translated it 
into English, and wrote a preface and additions to it, intend- 
ing to publish it for the use of his countrymen. § 

* Knox, Historie, p. 98-100. bedis wer preparit. When in verie deid in 

f I find him, about this time, addressing a that place whair they did convene, (except 

letter to one of his correspondents from Lyons, a table for the Lord's Supper to have been 

MS. Letters, p. 346. This letter is subscribed ministered, a chayr for the preicher, and bankis 

" John Sinclair." and stullis for the easement of the auditors) 

% Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 425, 426. Anno no preparation nor furniture was abill to be 

1597. Folio. The Cardinal of Lorrain, uncle proved, not even be the verie enemyis." MS. 

to Mary the young Queen of Scotland, was in- Letters, pp. 445, 446. 

dustrious in propagating this vile calumny ; a § MS. Letters, pp. 442-500. The apology 

circumstance which no doubt contributed to of the Parisian Protestants was published ; but 

increase Knox's bad opinion cf that most de- I do not know that ever Knox's translation and 

termined enemy of the Reformation. This is additions appeared in print. The writer of 

mentioned by him in his preface to the Pari- the Life of Knox, prefixed to the edition of his 

sian Apology. " This was not bruited be the History, 1732, page xxi. has fallen into several 

rude and ignorant pepil ; but a Cardinall blunders in speaking of this subject. There 

(whais ipocrisie nevertheless is not abil to are no letters to the French Protestants in the 

cover his awn filthine^) escharnit not opinlie MS. to which he refers ; and the apology was 

athistabill to affirme that maist impudent written by the Parisians themselves, and only 

and manifest lie; adding moreover (to the translated partly by Knox, but " the mostpart 

further declaratioun whais sone he was) that, by another, because of his other labours, 
in the hous whair thay wer apprehendit, 8 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



117 



Having formed an acquaintance with many of the French 
Protestants, and acquired their language, he occasionally 
preached to them in passing through the country. It seems 
to have been on the present occasion, that he preached in 
the city of Rochelle, when, having introduced the subject 
of his native country, he told his audience that he expected, 
within a few years, to preach in the church of St. Giles, in 
Edinburgh.* There is nothing in our Reformer's letters 
from which I can learn that he found any Protestants in 
Dieppe, a place which he so often visited during his exiles 
It is probable he did ; for at an early period of the follow- 
ing century they had a very numerous church in that town.f 

Having received no intelligence of an encouraging na- 
ture, Knox determined to relinquish for the present his 
design of proceeding to Scotland. This resolution does 
not accord with the usual firmness of our Reformer, and is 
not sufficiently accounted for in the common histories. The 
Protestant nobles had not retracted their invitation ; the 
discouraging letters which he had received, were written 
by individuals without any commission from their bre- 
thren ; and if their zeal and courage had begun to flag, 

* " Having particularly declared to me was present in a congregation at Dieppe when 
(says Row) by those who heard him say, when 5000 people were assembled. --Note cf the most 
he was in Rochel, in France, that within two Remarkable Particulars in a MS. account of 
or three years he hoped to preach the Gospel Mr. Robert Trail, written with his own hand, 
publicly in St. Giles* kirk in Fdmburgh. But anno 1669, p. 4. MS. penes me Though 
the persons who heard him say it, being Pa- Knox does not mention in his Letters whether 
pists for the time, and yet persuaded by a there were any Protetants in Dieppe, when he 
nobleman to hear him preach privately, and first visited it, he now found with great satis- 
see him baptize a bairn, that was carried many faction, that a number of the inhabitants had 
miles to him for that purpose, thought that embraced the Reformed doctrines, which had 
such a thing could never come to pass, and been imported from Geneva about the year 
hated him for so speaking; yet, coming home to 1357. a short time before the arrival of Knox, 
Scotland, and through stress of weather likely by a travelling merchant named Venables. In 
to perish, they began to think of his preach- course of the summer, a congregation was 
ing, and allowed of every part of it, and vowed formed in the town, which was superintended 
to God, if he would preserve their lives, that by Delaporte, one of the Pastors of the Church 
they would forsake Papistry, and fellow the of Rouen. Knox was appointed his colleague, 
calling of God; whilk they did, and saw and and under their ministry the Reformation 
heard John Knox preach openly in the kirk of m3de great progress. By the labours of the 
Edinburgh, at the time whereof he spoke to Reformed preachers, several of the principal 
them." Row's History, MS. pp, 8, 9. The inhabitants of the place were induced to re- 
same fact is mentioned by Pierre de la Roque, nounce the errors of Popery, and a very general 
a French author, in Recueil des Dernieres, improvement began to appear in their lives 
Heures Edifiantes, apud Wodrow, MSS No. and manners ; so that, as has just been stated 
15. Advocates' Library. above, at an early period of the following cen- 

+ Mr. Robert Traill, minister first at r ly, tury, the Protestants had a numerous and 

and afterwards of Greyfriars, Edinburgh, when flourishing Church there.— Irving's Lives, voL 

he was in France, between 1625 and 1630, i. p. 52. 



118 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



there was the more need of his presence to recruit them. 
His private letters to his familiar acquaintances, enable me 
to state more fully the motives by which he was actuated 
in taking this retrograde step. He was perfectly aware of 
the struggle which would be necessary for effectuating the 
Reformation in Scotland ; that his presence would excite 
the rage of the clergy, who would make every effort to 
crush their adversaries, and maintain the lucrative system 
of corruption ; and that civil discord, confusion, and blood- 
shed might be expected to ensue. The prospect of these 
things rushed into his mind f and (regardless of public tran- 
quillity as some have pronounced him to be) staggered his 
resolution in prosecuting an undertaking which his judgment 
approved as lawful, laudable, and necessary. <c When," 
says he, " I heard such troubles as appeared in that realm, 
I began to dispute with myself as folio weth : Shall Christ, 
the author of peace, concord, and quietness, be preached 
where war is proclaimed, sedition engendered, and tumults 
appear to rise ? Shall not his evangel be accused as the 
cause of all this calamity, which is like to follow ? What 
comfort canst thou have to see the one half of the people 
rise up against the other, yea, to jeopard the one, to mur- 
der and destroy the other ? But, above all, what joy shall 
it be to thy heart, to behold with thy eyes thy native coun- 
try betrayed in [to] the hands of strangers, which to no 
man's judgment can be avoided; because that those who 
ought to defend it, and the liberty thereof, are so blind, 
dull, and obstinate, that they will not see their own destruc- 
tion?"* To " these and more deep cogitations," which 
continued to distract his mind for several months after he 
returned to Geneva, he principally imputed his abandon- 
ment of the journey to Scotland. At the same time, he was 
convinced that they were not sufficient to justify his desist- 
ing from an undertaking, recommended by so many power- 
ful considerations. " But, alas ! (says he) as the wounded 
man, be he never so expert in physic or surgery, cannot 
suddenly mitigate his own pain and dolour ; no more can 
I the fear and grief of my heart, although I am not igno- 



* MS. Letters, p. 349. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



119 



rant of what is to be done. It may also be. that the doubts 
and cold writing of some brethren did augment my dolour, 
and somewhat discourage me that before was more uor 
feeble. But nothing do I so much accuse as myself." What- 
ever were the secondary causes of this step, I cannot but 
again direct the reader's attention to the wisdom of Provi- 
dence, in throwing impediments in his way, by which his 
return to Scotland was protracted to a period, before which 
it might have been injurious, and at which it was calcu- 
lated to be in the highest degree useful to the great cause 
which he had at heart. 

Before he left Dieppe, he transmitted two long letters to 
Scotland: the one, dated 1st December 1557. was ad- 
dressed to the Protestants in general : the other, dated the 
17th of the same month, was directed to the nobility. In 
judging of Knox's influence in advancing the Reformation, 
we must take into view not only his personal labours, but 
also the epistolary correspondence which he maintained 
with his countrymen. By this, he instructed them in his 
absence, communicated his own advice, and that of the 
learned among whom he resided, upon every difficult case 
which occurred, and animated them to constancy and per- 
severance. The letters which he wrote at this time deserve 
particular attention in this view. In both of them he pru- 
dently avoids any reference to his late disappointment. 

In the first letter he strongly inculcates purity of morals, 
and warns all who professed the Reformed religion against 
those irregularities of life, which were improved to the dis- 
paragement of their cause, by two classes of persons : by 
the Papists, who, although the same vices prevailed in a far 
higher degree among themselves, represented them as the 
native fruits of the Protestant doctrine ; and by a new sect, 
who were enemies to superstition, and had belonged to the 
Reformed communion, but having deserted it, had become 
scarcely less hostile to it than the Papists. The principal 
design of this letter was to put the people of Scotland on 
their guard against the arts of this latter class of persons, 
and to expose their leading errors. 

The persons to whom he referred were those who went 
under the general name of Anabaptists, a sect which sprung 



120 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



lip in Germany soon after the commencement of the Re- 
formation under Luther, broke out into the greatest ex- 
cesses, and produced the most violent commotions in dif- 
ferent places. Being suppressed in Germany, it spread 
through other countries, and secretly made converts by 
high pretensions to seriousness and Christian simplicity ; 
the spirit of turbulence and wild fanaticism, which at first 
characterized the sect, gradually subsiding after the first 
effervescence. Ebullitions of a similar kind have not un- 
frequently accompanied great revolutions, when the minds 
of men, dazzled by a sudden illumination, and released from 
the galling fetters of despotism, civil or ecclesiastical, have 
been disposed to fly to the opposite extreme of anarchy and 
extravagance. Nothing proved more vexatious to the ori- 
ginal Reformers than this ; it was improved by the defend- 
ers of the old system, as a popular argument against all 
change ; and many who had declared themselves friendly 
to reform, alarmed, or pretending to be alarmed at this 
hideous spectre, drew back, and sheltered themselves within 
the infallible pale of the Catholic Church. 

The radical error of this sect, according to the more im- 
proved system held by them at the time of which I write, 
was a fond conceit of a certain ideal perfection and spiritu- 
ality that belonged to the Christian Church, by which 
they imagined it differed essentially from the Jewish, which 
they looked upon as a carnal, worldly society. From this 
they were naturally led to abridge the rule of faith and 
manners, by confining themselves almost entirely to the 
New Testament, and to adopt their other opinions concern- 
ing the unlawfulness of infant baptism, civil magistracy, 
national churches, oaths, and defensive war. But besides 
these notions, the Anabaptists were, at this period, gene- 
rally infected with the Arian and Pelagian heresies, and 
united with the Papists in loading the doctrines maintained 
by the Reformers respecting predestination and grace, with 
the most odious charges.* 

* The Careles by Necessitie, as reprinted in that the great body of those who, in the pre- 

Knox's Answer to an Anabaptist, 1 560. Span- sent day, oppose the baptism of infants, do not 

hemii (Paths Disput.) Theol. Miscell. Gene- hold a number of the tenets specified above. 

va, 1652, Spanhemii (Filii) Opera, torn. iii. They are decidedly hostile to the Arian and 

p. 771-798. — It is scarcely necessary to add Pelagian errors, and friendly to the doctrines 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



121 



Oar Reformer had occasion to meet with some of these 
sectarians, both in England and on the Continent, and had 
ascertained their extravagant and dangerous principles.* 
When he was in London, in the year 1553, one of them 
came to his lodging, and after requiring of him great se- 
crecy, gave him a book, written by one of the party, which 
he pressed him much to read. Upon looking into it, he 
perceived the following proposition, that <£ God made not 
the world, nor the wicked creatures in it ; but these were 
made by the devil, who is therefore called the God of this 
world.'" Knox immediately warned the man against such 
gross doctrine, and began to explain to him the sense in 
which the devil is called " the God of this world" in Scrip- 
ture. " Tush for your written word (answered the enthu- 
siast) ; we have as good and as sure a word and veritie that 
teacheth us this doctrine, as ye have for you and your opi- 
nion." — Knox adds, that he knew others of that sect, who 
maintained the old heresy of the Manicheans.* 

Being apprised that these enthusiasts were creeping into 
Scotland, and afraid that they would insidiously instil their 
poison into the minds of some of his brethren, he refuted 
their opinion respecting church communion, by shewing 
that they required such purity as was never found in the 
Church, either before or since the completion of the canon 
of Scripture. In opposition to their Pelagian tenets, he gave 
the following statement of his sentiments. " If there be 
any thing which God did not predestinate and appoint, then 
lacked he wisdom and free regimen ; or if any thing was 
ever done, or yet after shall be done in heaven or in earth, 
which he might not have impeded, (if so had been his godly 
pleasure,) then he is not omnipotent ; which three proper- 
ties, to wit, wisdom, free regimen, and power denied to be 
in God, I pray you what rests in his godhead ? The wisdom 
of our God we acknowledge to be such, that it compelleth 
the very malice of Satan, and the horrible iniquity of such 
as be drowned in sin, to serve to his glory and to the profit 

of Grace. So far from denying the lawfulness * Answer to the Blasphemous Cavillations 
of magistracy among Christians, they have in written by an Anabaptist, p 405, 407. Anno 
general (at least in Scotland) adopted the 1560. 
principles of non-resistance to civil rulers in 
all cases. 



122 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



of his elect. His power we believe and confess to be infi- 
nite, and such as no creature in heaven or earth is able to 
resist. And his regimen we acknowledge to be so free, 
that none of his creatures dare present them in judgment, 
to reason or demand the question, why hast thou done this 
or that ? But the fountain of this their damnable error, 
(which is, that in God they can acknowledge no justice 
except that which their foolish brain is able to comprehend,) 
at more opportunity, God willing, we shall entreat."* 

He assigns his reasons for warning them so particularly 
against the seduction of these erroneous teachers. Under 
the cloak of mortification, and the colour of a godly life, 
they " supplanted the dignity of Christ," and " were be- 
come enemies to free justification by faith in his blood." 
The malice of their Popish adversaries was now visible to 
all the world. The hypocrisy of mercenary teachers and 
ungodly professors, would soon discover itself. Seldom was 
open tyranny able to suppress the true religion, when once 
earnestly embraced by the body of any nation or province. 
" But deceivable and false doctrine is a poison and venom, 
which, once drunken and received, with great difficulty 
can afterward be purged." Accordingly, he obtested them 
to " try the spirits" which came unto them, and to suffer 
no man to take the office of preacher upon him, of his own 
accord, without trial, and to assemble the people in privy 
conventions ; else Satan would soon have his emissaries 
among them, who would " destroy the plantation of our 
heavenly Father." * His admonitions, on this head, were 
not without effect ; and the Protestants of Scotland were 
not distracted with these opinions, but remained united in 
their views, as to doctrine, worship, and discipline. 

His letter to the Protestant lords breathes a spirit of ar- 
dent and noble piety. He endeavours to purify their minds 
from selfish and worldly principles ; to raise, sanctify, and 
Christianize their motives, by exhibiting and recommend- 
ing to them the spirit and conduct of the princes and he- 
roes, celebrated not in profane but sacred story. The glory 

* This he afterwards accomplished in the and vindicates it against the cavils and mis- 
book referred to in the preceding note, in representations of its adversaries, 
which he largely explains the doctrine of pre- * MS. Letters, p 408-424. 
destination, as held by the Reformed Churches, 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



123 



of God, the advancement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, 
the salvation of themselves and their brethren, the emanci- 
pation of their country from spiritual and civil thraldom , 
these, and not their own honour and aggrandisement, or 
the revenging of their petty private quarrels, were the ob- 
jects which they ought to keep steadily and solely in view. 

In this letter, he also communicates his advice on the 
delicate question of resistance to supreme rulers They 
had consulted him on this question, and he had submitted 
it to the judgment of the most learned on the Continent. 
Soon after the marriage of their young Queen to the Dau~ 
phin of France, the Scots began to be jealous of the de- 
signs of the French court against their liberties and indepen- 
dence. Their jealousies increased after the Regency was 
transferred to the Queen- Do wager, who was wholly de- 
voted to the interest of France, and had contrived, under 
different pretexts, to keep a body of French troops in the 
kingdom. It was not difficult to excite to resistance the 
independent and haughty barons of Scotland, accustomed 
to yield but a very limited and precarious obedience, even 
to their native princes. They had lately given a proof 
of this, by their refusal to co-operate in the war against 
England, which they considered as undertaken merely for 
French interests. How did our Reformer act upon this 
occasion ? Did he lay hold on these occurences, and at- 
tempt to inflame the irascible minds of the nobility ? Did 
he persuade them to join with the Earl of Arran and others, 
who were discontented with the measures of government, 
and intriguing to recover the ascendancy they had lost ? 
No ; on the contrary, he wrote, that rumours were circu- 
lated on the Continent, that a rebellion was intended in 
Scotland ; and he solemnly charged all that professed the 
Protestant religion to avoid all accession to it, and to be- 
ware of countenancing those who, for the sake of worldly 
promotion and other private ends, sought to disturb the 
government. The nobility were the guardians of the na- 
tional liberties, and there were limits beyond which sub- 
jects were not bound to obedience ; but recourse ought not 
to be had to resistance, until matters were tyrannically 



124 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



driven to extremity. It was incumbent on them to be very 
circumspect in all their proceedings, that their adversaries 
might have no reason to allege, that they covered a sedi- 
tious and rebellious design under the cloak of religious re- 
formation. His advice to them therefore was, that by 
dutiful and cheerful obedience to all lawful commands of 
the Queen- Regent, and by humble and repeated requests, 
they should endeavour to recommend themselves to her fa- 
vour ; and if they could not procure her interest in promot- 
ing their cause, they might at least obtain protection against 
persecution. If all their endeavours failed, and the Regent 
refused to consent to a public reformation of religion, they 
ought to provide that the Gospel should be preached, and 
the sacraments administered to themselves and their bre- 
thren ; and if attempts were made to crush them by tyran- 
nical violence, it was lawful for them, nay, it was a duty 
incumbent upon them in their high station, to stand up in. 
defence of their brethren. " For a great difference there 
is betwixt lawful obedience, and a fearful flattering of 
princes, or an unjust accomplishment of their desires, in 
things which be required, or devised, for the destruction of 
a commonwealth." * Such are the views and advices ten- 
dered by our Reformer to the Protestant nobility of Scot- 
land, in his correspondence with them as to their public and 
private conduct in this critical juncture. That these ad- 
monitions were not without their effect in arousing the zeal 
of some, and restraining the impetuosity of others, will ap- 
pear in the sequel. 

Knox returned to Geneva early in 1558. During that 
year, he was engaged, along with several learned men of 
his congregation, in making a new translation of the Bible 
into English ; which, from the place where it was composed 
and first printed, obtained the name of The Geneva Bible.] 
It was at this time that he published his Letter to the Queen- 
Regent, and his Appellation and Exhortation; both of 



* MS. Letters, p. 424-458. 

f Strype's Mem. of Parker, p. 205. This 
translation was often re-printed in Britain. 
The freedom of remark, used in the notes, 
gave offence to Queen Elizabeth, and her suc- 
cessor James; the last of whom said, that it 
■was the worst translation which he had seen. 



Notwithstanding this expression of disappro- 
bation, it is evident that the translators, ap- 
pointed by his authority, made great use of it; 
nor would our translation havp been, upon the 
whole, worse, if they had followed it more. 
The late Dr. Geddes had a very different opi- 
nion of it from the royal critic. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



which were transmitted to Scotland, and contributed not a 
little to the spread of the Reformed opinions. I have al- 
ready given an account of the first of these tracts, which 
was chiefly intended for removing the prejudices of Roman 
Catholics. The last was more immediately designed for 
instructing and animating such as were friendly to the Re- 
formed religion. Addressing himself to the nobility and 
estates of the kingdom, he shews that the care and refor- 
mation of religion belonged to civil rulers, and constituted 
one of the primary duties of their office. This was a dic- 
tate of Nature as well as Revelation ; and he would not in- 
sist long upon that topic, lest he should seem to suppose 
them " lesse careful over God's true religion, than were the 
Ethnickes * over their idolatrie." Inferior magistrates, 
within the sphere of their jurisdiction, the nobles and estates 
of a kingdom, as well as kings and princes, were bound to 
attend to this high duty. He then addresses himself to the 
commonalty of Scotland, and points out their duty and in- 
terest, with regard to the important controversy in agita- 
tion. They were rational creatures, formed after the image 
of God ; they had souls to be saved ; they were account- 
able for their conduct ; they were bound to judge of the 
truth of religion, and to make profession of it, as well as 
kings, nobles, or bishops. If idolatry was maintained, if 
the Gospel was suppressed, if the blood of the innocent was 
shed, how could they be exculpated, when they kept silence, 
and did not exert themselves to prevent these evils ? f 

But the most singular treatise published this year by 
Knox, and that which made the greatest noise, was " The 
First Blast of the Trumpet against the monstrous Regimentf 
of Women in which he attacked, with great vehemence, 
the practice of admitting females to the government of na- 
tions. There is some reason to think that his mind was 
struck with the incongruity of this practice, as early as 
Mary's accession to the throne of England. § This was 
probably one of the points on which he had confsrred with 
the Swiss divines in 1554. || It is certain, from a letter 



* i. e. heathen. 

+ Appellation, apud Historie, pp. 434-440, 
4i)3, 454. 



$ i. e. regimen, or government. 

§ First Blast, apud Historie, p. 478. 

11 MS. Letteis,pp. SIS, 319. 



126 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



by him in 1556, that his sentiments respecting it were then 
fixed and decided.* He continued, however, to retain 
them to himself; and out of deference to the opinions of 
others, refrained for a considerable time from publishing* 
them. But at last, provoked by the tyranny of the Queen 
of England, and wearied out with her increasing cruelties, 
he applied the Trumpet to his mouth, and uttered a terrible 
blast. " To promote a woman to bear rule, superiority, 
dominion, or empire, above any realm, nation, or city, is 
repugnant to nature, contumely to God, a thing most con- 
trarious to his revealed will and approved ordinance ; and, 
finally, it is the subversion of all equity and justice." Such 
is the first sentence and principal proposition of the work. 
The arguments by which he endeavours to establish it are, 
that nature intended the female sex for subjection not su- 
periority to the male, as appears from their infirmities, cor- 
poreal and mental (he excepts, however, such as God, " by 
singular privilege, and for certain causes, exeemed from 
the common rank of women") ; that the divine law, an- 
nounced at the creation of the first pair, had expressly as- 
signed to man the dominion over women, and commanded 
her to be subject to him • that female government was not 
permitted among the Jews ; is contrary to Apostolical in- 
junctions ; and leads to the perversion of government, and 
many pernicious consequences. 

Knox's theory on this subject was far from being novel. 
In confirmation of his opinion, he could appeal to the con- 
stitutions of the free states of antiquity, and to the autho- 
rity of their legislators and philosophers, f In the kingdom 
of France, females were, by an express law, excluded from 
succeeding to the crown. Edward VI. some time before 
his death, had proposed to the Privy Council the adoption 
of this law in England, but the motion, not suiting the 
ambitious views of the Duke of Northumberland, was over- 
ruled. X Though his opinion was sanctioned by such high 

* MS. Letters, pp. 322, 323. oominatur ; in tantum, non modo a libertate, 

f Tacitus has expressed his contempt of sed etiam a servitute degenerant." De Mor. 

those who submit to female government, with Germ. c. 45. 

his usual emphatic brevity, in the account £ Warner's Eccles. History of England, ii, 

which he gives of the Sitones, a German tribe. 305. 
'* Caetera similes, uno differunt, quod faemina 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



1-27 



authorities, Knox was by no means sanguine in his expec- 
tations as to the reception of this performance. He tells 
us, in his preface, that he laid his account not only with the 
indignation of those interested in the support of the repro- 
brated practice, but with the disapprobation of such gentle 
spirits among the learned, as would be alarmed at the bold- 
ness of the attack. He did not doubt, that he would be 
called "curious, despiteful, a sower of sedition, and one 
day perchance attainted for treason ;" but, in uttering a 
truth of which he was deeply convinced, he was determined 
to u cover his eyes and shut his ears 51 * from these dangers 
and obloquies. He was not mistaken in his apprehensions. 
It exposed him to the resentment of two queens, during 
whose reign it was his lot to live ; the one his native prin- 
cess, and the other exercising a sway in Scotland, scarcely 
inferior to that of any of its monarchs. Several of the 
exiles approved of his opinion, * and few of them would 
been displeased at seeing it reduced to practice, at the 
time when the Blast was published. But Queen Mary 
dying soon after it appeared, and her sister Elizabeth suc- 
ceeding her, they raised a great outcry against it. John 
Fox wrote a letter to the author, in which he expostulated 
with him in a very friendly manner as to the impropriety 
of the publication, and the severity of its language. Knox, 
in his reply, did not excuse his " rude vehemencie and in- 
considerate affirmations, which might appear rather to pro- 
ceed from choler than of zeal and reason ;" but signified, 
that he was still persuaded of the principal proposition 
which he had maintained.f 

His original intention was to blow his Trumpet thrice, 
and to publish his name with the last Blast, to prevent the 
odium from falling on any other person. But finding that 
it gave offence to many of his brethren, and being desir- 
ous to strengthen rather than invalidate the authority of 
Elizabeth, he relinquished the design of prosecuting the 

* Christopher Goodman adopted the senti- of St. Andrew's, and Sir David Lindsay. Bu- 
ment, and commended the publication of his chanani Hist. lib. xii. p. 221-224. Rudim. 
colleague, in his book on Obedience to Supe- Chalmers' Lindsay, iii. 175. 
rior Powers. Whittingham and Gilby did the f Strype's Annals, i. 127. Strype premised 
tame. I might also mention countrymen of to insert Knox's letter at large in the Appen- 
ds own, who agreed with Knox on this head; dix, but did not find room for it. Fox's letter 
as James Kennedy, the celebrated Archbishop was written before the death of Queeu Mary. 



128 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



subject. * He retained his sentiments to the last, but ab- 
stained from any further declaration of them, and from 
replying to his opponents ; although he was provoked by 
their censures and triumph, and sometimes hinted in his 
private letters, that he would break silence if they did not 
study greatermoderation. 

In the course of the following year, an answer to the 
Blast appeared, under the title of An Harbor ow for Faith- 
ful Subjects, f Though anonymous, like the book to which 
it was a reply, it was soon declared to be the production of 
John Aylmer, one of the English refugees on the Conti- 
nent, who had been Archdeacon of Stowe, and tutor to 
Lady Jane Grey. It was not undertaken until the acces- 
sion of Elizabeth, and was written (as Aylmer's biographer 
informs us) " upon a consultation holden among the exiles, 
the better to obtain the favour of the new Queen, and to 
take off any jealousy she might conceive of them, and of 
the religion which they professed. " % This, with some other 
circumstances, led Knox to express his suspicion, that the 
author had accommodated his doctrine to the times, and 
courted the favour of the reigning princess, by flattering 
her vanity and love of power. § It is certain, that if Knox 
is entitled to the praise of boldness and disinterestedness, 
Aylmer carried away the palm for prudence : the latter 
was advanced to the bishopric of London ; the former could, 
with great difficulty, obtain leave to set his foot again upon 
English ground. As Knox's Trumpet would never have 
sounded its alarm, had it not been for the tyranny of Mary, 
there is reason to think that Alymer's " Harborow " would 
never have been opened " for faithful subjects," but for the 
auspicious succession of Elizabeth. 

* The heads of the intended Second Blast % Strype's Life of Aylmer, p. 16. 
were published at the end of his Appellation. § The same suspicion seems to have been 
+ " An Harborowe forFaithfull andTrewe entertained by some of Elizabeth's courtiers. 
Subjectes, against the late blowne Blaste Ibid. p. 20. Aylmer himself says, that if the 
concerning the Government of Wemen, &c. author of the Blast had not " swerved from the 
Anno MD. lix. At Strasborowe the 26. of particular question to the general ;— if he had 
Aprill. The Blast drew forth several defen- kept him in that particular person, he could 
ces of female government besides this; and have said nothing too much, nor in such wise 
among the rest, two by Scotsmen. Bishop as to have offended any indifferent man ;" 
Lesly's tract on this subject was printed along and he allows that Queen Mary's government 
with his defence of Queen Mary's honour, was " unnatural, unreasonable, unjust, and 
David Chalmers, one of the Lords of Session, unlawful." Harborowe, B. Strype says, con- 
published his " Discours de la legitime succes- trary to the plain meaning of the passage, that 
9ion des femmes," after he retired from Scot- Aylmer speaks here of " the Scotch Queen 
!and. Lord Hailes's Catal. of the Lords of Ses- Mary. " Life of Aylmer, p. 230. 
ii»»n, note 23. Mackenzie's Lives., iii. 388, 392* 



PERIOD FIFTH, 



129 



This, however, is independent of the merits of the ques- 
tion, which I do not feel inclined to examine minutely. The 
change which has taken place in the mode of administer- 
ing government, in modern times, renders it of less practi- 
cal importance than it was formerly, when so much depended 
upon the personal talents and activity of the reigning 
prince. It may be added, that the evils incident to a female 
reign will be less felt under a constitution such as that of 
Britain, than under a pure and absolute monarchy. This 
last consideration is urged by Aylmer ; and here his rea- 
soning is most satisfactory.* The Blast bears the marks 
of hasty composition, f The Harborow has been written 
with great care ; it contains a good collection of historical 
facts bearing on the question ; and though more distin- 
guished for rhetorical exaggeration than logical precision, 
the reasoning is ingeniously conducted, and occasionally 
enlivened by strokes of humour. % It is upon the whole, a 
curious as well as rare work. 

After all, it is easier to vindicate the expediency of con- 
tinuing the practice, where it has been established by laws 
and usuage, than to support the affirmative, when the ques- 
tion is propounded as a general thesis on government. It 
may fairly be questioned if Aylmer has refuted the princi- 
pal arguments of his opponent ; and had Knox deemed it 
prudent to rejoin, he might have exposed the fallacy of his 
arguments in different instances. In replying to the argu- 
ment from the Apostolical canon (1 Tim. 11 — 14), the 
Archdeacon is not a little puzzled. Distrusting his distinc- 
tion between the greater office, " the ecclesiastical func- 
tion," and the less " extern policy ;" he argues that the 
Apostle's prohibition may be considered as temporary, and 
peculiarly applicable to the women of his own time ; and 
he insists that his clients shall not, in toto, be excluded from 

* See Note A Period Fifth. wardens saide, ' Neighboures '. this gear must 

f The copies of " the Blast," printed along be emended. Heare is Eli twice in the book ■ 

with Knox's History, are all extremely incor- I assure you. tf my L. [the Bishop] of Eiie 

rect : whole sentences are often omitted. come this wave and see it, he will have the 

± In his answer to Knox's argument from book. Therefore, by mine advice, we shall 

Isaiah iii. 12. he concludes thus : "Therefore scrape it out, and put in our own towne's 

the argumente arise ; h from wrong understand- name, Trumpington, Trumpington, lamah 

inge. Asthevicarof Trumpenton understode zabactani.' They consented, and he cLd so, 

' Eli, Eli, lama-zabatani,' when he read the because he understode no grewe." Harbo 

Passion on Palme Sunday. When he came to rowe, G. 3, G. 4. 
th3t place> he stopped, and calling the church- 

K 



130 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



teaching 1 , and ruling in the Church, any more than in the 
State. " Me thinke, (says he, very seriously,) even in this 
poynte, we must use i7rtiiKii<x,) a certain moderation, not 
absolutely, and in every wise, to debar him herein (as it 
shall please God) to serve Christ. Are there not, in Eng- 
land, women, think you, that for their learninge and wis- 
dom, could tell their householde and neighbouris as good a 
tale as the best Sir Johne there ?"* Who can doubt, that 
the learned Lady Elizabeth, who could direct the Dean of 
her chapel to " keep to his text," was able to make as good 
a sermon as any of her clergy ? or that she was better 
qualified for the other parts of the duty, when she composed 
a book of prayers for herself, while they were obliged to 
use one made to their hands ? In fact, the view which the 
Archdeacon gave of the text was necessary to vindicate the 
authority of his Queen, who was head, or supreme gover- 
nor of the Church as well as the State. She who, by law, 
had supreme authority over all archbishops, bishops, &c. 
in the land, with power to superintend, suspend, and con- 
troul them in all their ecclesiastical functions ; who, by her 
injunctions, could direct the primate himself when to preach, 
and how to preach ; who could license and silence minis- 
ters at her pleasure, had certainly the same right to assume 
the personal exercise of the office, if she choose to do so ; 
and must have been bound, very moderately indeed, by the 
Apostolical prohibition, " I suffer not a woman to teach, 
nor to usurp authority over the man, but to be in silence, "f 
There are some things in the Harbor -ow which might 
have been unpalatable to the Queen, if the author had not 
taken care to sweeten them with that personal flattery, 
which was as agreeable to Elizabeth as to others of her sex 
and rank ; and which he administered in sufficient quanti- 
ties before concluding his work. The ladies will be ready 
to excuse a slight slip of the pen in the good Archdeacon, 
in consideration of the handsome manner in which he has 
defended their right to rule ; but they will scarcely believe 
that the following description of the sex could proceed from 
him:—" Some women (says he) be wiser, better learned, 



* Harborowe, G. 4. H. 



t See Note B.«»Period Fifth. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



13 



discreater, constanter, than a number of men." But others, 
(his biographer says, "the most part") he describes* as 
" fond, foolish, wanton, flibbergibs, tatlers, triffling, waver- 
ing, witles, without counsel, feable, carles, rashe, proud, 
daintie, nise, tale-bearers, eves-droppers, rumour-raisers, 
evil-tongued, worse-minded, and, in every wise, doitified 
with the dregges of the devil's doungehill ! ! ! " The rude 
author of the monstrous Blast never spake of the sex in 
terms half so disrespectful as these. One would suppose 
that Aylmer had already renounced the character of advo- 
cate of the fair sex, and recanted his principles on that 
head ; as he did respecting the titles and revenues of bishops, 
which he inveighed against before his return from exile, 
but afterwards accepted with little scruple ; and when re- 
minded of the language which he had formerly used, apo- 
logised for himself, by saying, " When I was a child, I 
thought as a child ; but when I became a man, I put away- 
childish things."! — But it is time to return, from this de- 
gression, to the narrative. 

Our Reformer's letter to the Protestant Lords in Scot, 
land, produced its intended effect in reanimating their droop- 
ing courage. At a consultative meeting held at Edinburgh, 
in December 1557, they unanimously resolved to adhere 
to one another, and exert themselves for the advancement 
of the Reformation. Having subscribed a solemn bond of 
mutual assurance, they renewed their invitation to Knox ; 
and being afraid that he might hesitate on account of their 
former irresolution, they wrote to Calvin to employ his 
influence to induce him to comply. Their letters did not 
reach Geneva until November, 1558. % By the same con- 
veyance Knox received from Scotland letters of a later date, 
communicating the most agreeable intelligence respecting 
the progress which the Reformed cause had made, and the 
flourishing appearance which it continued to wear. 

Through the exertions of our Reformer, during his re- 
sidence among them in the beginning of the year 1556, 
and in pursuance of the instructions which he left behind 
him, the Protestants had formed themselves into congrega 



* Harborowe, G. 3. Life of Aylmer/p. 279. 
{ Life of Aylmer, p. 269. 



± Knox, Historie, p. 101. 



132 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



tions, which met in different parts of the country, with 
greater or less privacy according to the opportunities which 
they enjoyed. Having come to the resolution of withdraw- 
ing from the Popish worship, they endeavoured to provide 
for their religious instruction and mutual edification, in the 
best manner that their circumstances permitted. As there 
were no ministers among them, they continued for some 
time to be deprived of the dispensation of the sacraments ;* 
but certain intelligent and pious men of their number were 
chosen to read the Scriptures, exhort, and offer up prayers, 
in their assemblies. Convinced of the necessity of order 
and discipline in their societies, and desirous to have them 
organized, as far as within their power, agreeably to the 
institution of Christ, they next proceeded to choose elders, 
for the inspection of their manners, to whom they promised 
subjection ; and deacons, for the collection and distribution 
of alms to the poor, f Edinburgh was the first place in 
which this order was established ; Dundee the first town 
in which a Reformed Church was completely organized, 
provided with a regular minister, and the dispensation of 
the sacraments. 

During the war with England, which began in Autumn 
1556, and continued through the following year, the Pro- 
testants ejijoyed considerable liberty; and as they im- 
proved it with the utmost assiduity, their numbers rapidly 
increased. William Harlow, John Douglas, Paul Meth- 
ven, and John Willock, who had again returned from Emb- 
den, now began to preach with greater publicity, in dif- 
ferent parts of the country. J The Popish clergy were not 
indifferent to these proceedings, and wanted not inclina- 
tion to put a stop to them. They prevailed on the Queen- 

* Ninian Winget says, that " sum Lordis derwood places his account of this under the 

and gentilmen " administered the sacrament year 1.555; but I think that date too early, 

of the supper" to thair awin houshal-d servan- It -was rather in the end of 1556, or in the 

dis and tenantis.*' If only one instance of this course of 1557. The names of the first eldera 

kind occurred, the Papists would exaggerate in Edinburgh were George Smail, Michael 

it. The same writer adds, that Knox blamed Robertson, Adam Craig, John Cairns, and 

the persons who did it, saying, that they had Alexander Hope. There were at first two 

"gretumhefailzeit." Winzet's Buke of Four- assemblies in Edinburgh ; but Erskine of Dun 

scoir Three Questionis, apud Keith, Append, persuaded them to unite into one, which met 

p. 239. Comp. Knox, p. 117- sometimes in the houses of Robert Wilson and 

•J- Cald. MS. i. 257. " The Electioun of Elda- James Barron, and sometimes in the abbey, 
ris and Deaconis in the Church of Edinburgh," £ Knox, pp. 94, 102, 117, 1 18. Spotswood 

apud Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 635, 636. Cal- p. 94-97. Keith, pp. 64, 65. App. 90. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



133 



Regent to summon the Protestant preachers ; but the inter- 
position of the gentlemen of the west country, especially 
of the Earl of Argyle, obliged her to abandon the process 
against them.* At length the clergy, unable to induce the 
nobility and barons to withdraw their protection from the 
preachers, determined to revive those cruel measures which, 
since the year 1550, had been suspended by the political 
circumstances of the kingdom, more than by their clemency 
or moderation. On the 28th of August, 1558, the Arch- 
bishop of St. Andrew's committed to the flames W alter Milne, 
an aged priest, of the most inoffensive manners,! and sum- 
moned several others to appear, on a charge of heresy, be- 
fore a convention of the clergy of Edinburgh. 

This barbarous and illegal execution produced effects of 
the greatest importance. It raised the horror of the nation 
to an incredible pitch ; and as it was believed, at that time, 
that the Regent was not accessory to the deed, their indig- 
nation was directed wholly against the clergy. Throwing 
aside all fear, and those restraints which prudence, or a 
regard to established order had hitherto imposed on them, 
the people now assembled openly to join in the Reformed 
worship, and avowed their determination to adhere to it at 
all hazards. The Protestant leaders having assembled at 
Edinburgh in the month of July, laid their complaints, in 
a regular and respectful manner, before the Regent ; and 
repeated their petition that she would, by her authority, 

* Knox, Historie, p. 94. This seems to dewtie also not onlie to thole this, bot in lite 

have taken place during the year 1557, or the maner to do the same. This is all, my lord, 

beginning of 1558. The Earl of Argyle hav- that I varie in my age, andna uther thing bot 

ing taken under his protection a Carmelite that I knew not befoir these offences to be 

Friar, named John Douglas, a convert to the abhominable to God, and now, knawing his 

Reformed doctrines, the Archbishop of St. will by manifestatioun of his word, abhorres 

Andrew's wrote a letter to that nobleman, re- thame." Knox, Hist. p. 106-7. 

presenting the danger of entertaining Douglas, f When fastened to the stake, he said, " I 

and entreating him to dismiss such a pestilent trust in God I shall be the last that shall suf- 

heretic from his house. To this the Earl fer death, in this land, for this cause." — Lind- 

made the following reply : — "He preiches say's MS. apud Petrie, part ii. 191. The se- 

against idolatrie, I remit to your lordschip's cular judge refused to take any hand in the 

conscience, gif it be heresie or not ; — he business, and the Archbishop substituted one 

preiches against adultrie and fornicatioun, I of his own servants in his place. At the time 

referre that to your lordschip's conscience; of his martyrdom, Milne was eighty-two years 

he preichis against hypocrisie, I referre that to of age. He was parish priest of Lunan in 

your lordschip's conscience; he preiches Angus-shire, and had been condemned as a 

against all maner of abuses and corruptioun heretic in the time of Cardinal Beatoun, but 

of Christi's sincere religioun, I refer that to having made his escape, he continued to 

joarlordschip's conscience. My lord, I exhort preach in different parts of the country until 

yow, in Christi's name, to wey all thir affairis discovered by one of the Archbishop's spies. — 

in your conscience, and considder if it be your Lindsay, ut sup. Knox, 1 22. 



134 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



and in concurrence with the Parliament, restrain the ty- 
rannical proceedings of the clergy, correct the flagrant and 
insufferable abuses which prevailed in the Church, and 
grant to them and their brethren the liberty of religious 
instruction and worship, at least according to a restricted 
plan which they laid before her, and to which they were 
willing to submit until such time as their grievances were 
deliberately examined and redressed.* The Regent's re- 
ply was such as to persuade them that she was friendly to 
their proposals : she promised that she would take mea- 
sures for carrying them legally into effect, as soon as it was 
in her power ; and that, in the mean time, they might de- 
pend on her protection, f 

It did not require many arguments to persuade Knox to 
comply with an invitation, which was accompanied with 
such gratifying intelligence ; and he began immediately to 
prepare for his journey to Scotland. The future settlement 
of the congregation under his charge occupied him for 
some time. Information being received of the death of 
Scary Queen of England,:]: and the accession of Elizabeth, 
the Protestant refugees hastened to return to their native 
country. The congregation at Geneva, having met to ren- 
der thanks to God for this deliverance, agreed to send one 
of their number with letters to their brethren in different 
places of the Continent, particularly at Frankfort ; con- 
gratulating them on the late happy change, and request- 
ing a confirmation of the mutual reconciliation which had 
already been effected, the burial of all past offences, with 
a brotherly co-operation in endeavouring to obtain such a 
settlement of religion in England as would be agreeable to 
all the sincere well-wishers of the Reformation. A favour- 

* This plan may be seen at large in Knox's bratis, et sacramenta quoque habeant rite 

Historie, p. 119 — 124. Keith, p. 78-— 82. administrata, impuris antichristi cerernoniis 

See also Note C, Period Fifth. abjectis. Nunc Regina cogitat Reformation- 

+ Knox, Historie, p. 122. Bishop Bale, em religionis, indicto die quo conventus fiat 

who was then at Basle, inserted, in a work he totius regni," &c — Scriptor. Illustr. Major, 

was just publishing, a letter sent him at this Britannia? Poster. Pars. Art. Knoxus, 

time, by Thomas Cole, an English refugee re- £ " God would not suffer her to reign long, 

siding at Geneva, communicating this in- (says a Catholic writer,) either on account of 

formation : " Heri enim (says Cole) D. Knoxus the sins of her father, or on account of the sins 

ex Scotia nova certissima de immutata reli- G f her people, who were unworthy of a prin- 

gione accepit : Christum publice per totum il- ce ss so holy, so pious, and endued with such 

lud regnum doceri; et ita demum hominum divine and rare disposition'-" — Laing, de Vita 

corda occupasse, ut omnia metu posito aude- Hseretic. fol. 28. 
ant pubiicis precibus interesse sua lingua cele- 



PERIOD FITTH. 



135 



able return to their letters being obtained,* they took leave 
of the hospitable city, and set out for their native country. 
By them Knox sent letters to some of his former acquaint- 
ances, who were now in the court of Elizabeth, requesting 
permission to travel through England, on his way to Scot- 
land. 

In the month of January, 1559, our Reformer took his 
leave of Geneva, for the last time.t In addition to former 
marks of respect, the republic, before his departure, con- 
ferred on him the freedom of the city. J He left his wife 
and family behind him, until he should ascertain that they 
could live with safety in Scotland. Upon his arrival at 
Dieppe, in the middle of March, he received information 
that the English government had refused to grant him liberty 
to pass through their dominions. The request had appeared 
so reasonable to his own mind, considering the station 
which he had held in that country, and the object of his 
present journey, that he once thought of proceeding to 
London, without waiting a formal permission ; yet it was 
not without some difficulty that those who presented his 
letters escaped imprisonment. 

This impolitic severity was occasioned by the informa- 
tions of some of the exiles, who had not forgotten the old 
quarrel at Frankfort, and had accused of disloyalty and 
disaffection to the Queen, not only Knox, but all those who 
had been under his charge at Geneva, whom they repre- 
sented as proselytes to the opinion which he had published 
against female government. There was not an individual 
who could believe that Knox had the most distant eye to 
Elizabeth, in publishing the obnoxious book . nor a person 



* Troubles at Franckford, pp. 1S9, 190. 
f Cald. MS. i, 380. 

$ Histoire Litteraire de Geneve, par Jean 
Senebier, tome i. 375. Genev. I7S5. It ii 
somewhat singular, that Calvin did not ob- 
tain this honour until December, 1559. "II 
n'y a cependant point de citoyen (says Sene- 
bier) qui ait achete ce titre honorable aussi 
cherement que lui par ses services, et je ne 
croispas qull y en ait beaucoup qui l'aient 
autant merite, et qui le rendrent aussi cele- 
bre." Ibid, pp. 230, 231. 

Our Reformer obtained another public tes- 
timony of esteem at this time, from Bishop 
Bale, who dedicated his work on Scottish 



• to him and Alexander Aless. The 
praise -which he bestows on him deserves the 
more notice, because the bishop had been one 
of his opponents at Frankfort. " Te vero, 
Knoxe, frater amantissime, conjunxit rnihi 
Angi'ta et Germania. imprimis autem doctri- 
nae nostra in Christo Domino fraterna consen- 
sio. Nemo est enim qui tuam nderc. constan- 
tiam. patientiam, tot erumnis, tanta persecu- 
tione, exiiicque diuturno et gravi testatum, 
non collaudet, et non admiretur, non amp!ec- 
tatur." Ealei Script. Illus, Maj. Brit poster, 
pars. p. 175, 176. Basiliae, ex rrfficina Joan. 
Operini, 1559. Mense Februario. 



136 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



of judgment who could seriously think that her govern- 
ment was exposed to the slightest danger from him or his as- 
sociates, who felt no less joy at her auspicious accession than 
the rest of their brethren.* If he had been imprudent in 
that publication, if he had " swerved from the particular 
question to the general," his error (to use the words of his 
respondent) " rose not of malice, but of zeal, and by look- 
ing more to the present cruelty, than to the inconveniencies 
that after might follow and it was the part of generosity 
and policy to overlook the fault. Instead of this, Eliza- 
beth and her counsellors took up the charge in a serious 
light ; and the accused were treated with such harshness 
and disdain, that they repented of leaving their asylum to 
return to their native country. This conduct was the more 
inexcusable, as numbers who had been instrumental in the 
cruelties of the preceding reign, were admitted to favour, 
or allowed to remain unmolested ' and even Bonner was 
allowed to present himself at court* and to retire with a 
simple frown, f 

The refusal of his request, and the harsh treatment of 
his flock, touched to the quick the irritable temper of our 
Reformer ; and it was with some difficulty that he suppressed 
the desire which he felt rising in his breast, to prosecute a 
controversy which he had resolved to abandon. " My first 
Blast," says he, in a letter dated Dieppe, 6th April, 1559, 
" hath blown from me all my friends in England. My 
conscience bears record, that yet I seek the favour of my 
God, and so I am in the less fear. The second Blast, I fear, 

* The exiles of Geneva dedicated, in Fe- same strain in the dedication of their Transla- 

bruary, 1559, their metrical version of the tion of the Bible, published anno 156(X 
Psalms to Queen Elizabeth. In the dedication f In the first Parliament of Elizabeth, one 

they join their congratulations, with those of Dr. Story, who had been a chief instrument of 

all their brethren, for her accession to the the cruelties under the former reign, had the 

throne, and profess their loyalty in the warm- effrontery to make a speech in the House of 

est terms. "When we heard (say they) that Commons, in which he justified and boasted 

the almightie and most mercyfull God had no of his cruelty : said, " that he saw nothing to 

less myraculously preferred you to that excel- be ashamed of, or sorry for : wished that he 

lent dignitie, than he had aboue all mens ex- had done more, and that he and others had 

pectations preserued you from the furie of been more vehement in executing the laws;" 

such as sought your blood; with most joyful and said " that it grieved him that they had la- 

myndes and great diligence we endeavoured boured only about the young and little twigs, 

our selves, to set foorth and dedicate this most whereas they should have struck at the root;" 

excellent booke of the Psalmes vntoyour grace by which he was understood to mean Queen 

as a speciall token of our seruice and good Elizabeth. Yet it does not appear that he suf- 

will, till the rest of the Byble, which, praysed fered any thing for his speech. Strype's An 

be God, is in good readinesse, may be accom- nals, i. 79, 536. 
plished and presented." They speak in the 



PERIOD FirTH. 



137 



shall sound somewhat more sharp, except that men be more 

moderate than I hear they are England hath refused me ; 

but because, before, it did refuse Christ Jesus, the less do 
I regard the loss of this familiarity. And yet have I been 
a secret and assured friend to thee, England, in cases 
which thyself could not have remedied."* But greater 
designs occupied his mind, and engrossed his attention. It 
was not for the sake of personal safety, nor from vanity of 
appearing at court, that he desired to pass through Eng- 
land. He felt the natural wish to visit his old acquaint- 
ances in that country, and was anxious for an opportunity 
of addressing once more those to whom he had preached, 
especially at Newcastle and Berwick. But there was ano- 
ther object which he had still more at heart, in which the 
welfare of both England and Scotland was concerned. 

Notwithstanding the flattering accounts which he re- 
ceived from his countrymen, of the favourable disposition of 
the Queen-Regent towards the Protestants, and the direc- 
tions which he sent them to cultivate this, he always enter- 
tained suspicions of the sincerity of her professions. But since 
he left Geneva, these suspicions had been confirmed ; and 
the information which he had procured, in travelling through 
France, conspired, with the intelligence which he had lately 
received from Scotland, in convincing him that the imme- 
diate suppression of the Reformation in his native country, 
and its consequent suppression in the neighbouring king- 
dom, were intended. The plan projected by the gigantic 
ambition of the princes of Lorrain, brothers of the Queen- 
Regent of Scotland, has been developed and described with 
great accuracy and ability by a celebrated modern histo- 
rian, f Suffice it to say here, that the Court of France, 
under their influence, had resolved to set up the claim of 
the young Queen of Scots to the crown of England : to 
attack Elizabeth, and wrest the sceptre from her hands as 
a bastard and a heretic ; and as Scotland was the only 
avenue by which this attack could be successfully made, to 
begin by suppresing* the Reformation, and establishing their 
power in that country. Knox, in the course of his journies 



• Cald. MS. i. 384. See alio Knox's Histo- f Robertson's History of Scotland, B. ii, ?.d 
xie, p. 204-207. arm. 1559. 



138 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



through France, had formed an acquaintance with some 
persons about the Court ; and by their means had gained 
some knowledge of the plan. * He was convinced that the 
Scottish Reformers were unable to resist the power of France, 
which was to be directed against them ; and that it was the 
interest as well as the duty of the English Court, to afford 
them the most effectual support. But he was afraid that 
a selfish and narrow policy might prevent them from doing 
this, until it was too late ; and was therefore anxious to 
call their attention to this subject at an early period,, and 
to put them in possession of the facts that had come to his 
knowledge. The assistance which Elizabeth granted to 
the Scottish Protestants in 1559 and 1560, was dictated by 
the soundest policy. It baffled and defeated the designs of 
her enemies at the very outset ; it gave her an influence 
over Scotland, which all her predecessors could not obtain 
by the terror of their arms, nor the influence of their money ; 
it secured the stability of her government, by extending and 
strengthening the Protestant interest, the principal pillar 
on which it rested. And it reflects not a little credit on our 
Reformer's sagacity, that he had formed this plan in his 
mind at so early a period, was the first person who propo- 
sed it, and persisted (as we shall see) to urge its adoption, 
until his endeavours were crowned with success. 

Deeply impressed with these considerations, he resolved, 
although he had already been twice repulsed, to brook the 
mortification, and make another attempt to obtain an inter- 
view with some confidential agent of the English govern- 
ment. With this view he, on the 10th of April, wrote a 
letter to Secretary Cecil, with whom he had been personally 
acquainted during his residence in London. Adverting to 
the treatment of the exiles who had returned from Geneva, 

* Knox, Historie, p. 206, 214, 260. He had before. Cotton MSS. Caligula, B. ix. f. 38, 
an opportunity of receiving a confirmation of 74. Sadler's State Papers, i. 463, 688. Keith, 
this intelligence during his voyage to Scot- Ap. p. 38, 42. The English certainly suffered 
land. In the same ship in which he sailed, themselves to be amused at the treaty of Cha- 
there was sent by the French Court, to the teau Cambrensis, while the Courts of France 
Queen Regent, a Staff of State, with a great and Spain concerted measures dangerous to 
seal, on which were engraved the arms of England, and the whole Protestant interest. 
France, Scotland, and England. This was Dr. Wotton, one of the commissioners, corn- 
shewn to him in great secrecy. The English plains, in a letter to Cecil, of want of in- 
Court, after they were awakened from their telligence, and that the English had no spies 
lethargy, and convinced of the hostile designs on the Continent. Forbes's State Papers, i. 
of France, applied to Knox for that informa- 23. 
tion which they might have had six months 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



139 



he exculpated them from all responsibility as to the offen- 
sive book which he had published, and assured him that he 
had not consulted with one of them previous to its publi- 
cation. As for himself, he did not mean to deny that he 
was the author, nor was he yet prepared to retract the lead- 
ing sentiment which it contained. But he was not, on that 
account, less friendly to the person and government of Eliza- 
beth, in whose exaltation he cordially rejoiced, although 
he rested the defence of her authority upon grounds dif- 
ferent from the common. This was the third time that he 
had craved liberty to pass through England. He had no 
desire to visit the court, nor to remain long in the country ; 
but he was anxious to communicate to him, or some other 
trusty person, matters of importance, which it was not pru- 
dent to commit to writing, nor to entrust to an ordinary 
messenger. If his request was refused, it would turn out 
to the disadvantage of England.* 

The situation in which he stood at this time with the 
Court of England, was so well known that it was with dif- 
ficulty he could find a messenger to carry the letter ; f and 
either despairing of the success of his application, or hast- 
ened by intelligence received from Scotland, he sailed from 
Dieppe on the 2 2d of April, 1do9, and landed safely at 
Leith in the beginning of May.t 

On his arrival, he found matters in the most critical state 
in Scotland. The Queen-Regent had thrown off the mask 
which she had long worn, and avowed her determination 
forcibly to suppress the Reformation. As long as she stood 
in need of the assistance of the Protestants to support her 
authority against the Hamiltons, and procure the matrimo- 
nial crown for her son-in-law, the Dauphin of France, she 
courted their friendship, listened to their plans of reform, 
professed dissatisfaction with the corruption and tyranny 
of the ecclesiastical order, and her desire of correcting them 

* Knox, Historie, p. 204, 206. Nicolas Throkmorton, the English Ambas*a- 

+ The person whom he at last persuaded to dor at the Court of France, and obtained his 

take his letter was Richard Harrison. But sanction and safe-conduct before conveying it 

the honest spy, (for such was his employment to London. Letter from Throkmorton to Ce- 

at that time) dreading that Knox had made cil, 15th of May, 1559. Forbes's StatePapers, 

him the bearer of another "Blast," whichif it i. 90, 91. 

did not endanger the throne of Elizabeth, ± Cal<L MS. 592, 393. Knox, Historie, p. 

might blow up his credit with the court, pru- 127, 207. 
dently carried the suspicious packet to Sir 



140 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



as soon as a fit opportunity offered, and flattered them, if 
not with the hopes of her joining their party, at least with 
assurances that she would shield them from the fury of the 
clergy. So completely were they duped by her consum- 
mate address and dissimulation, that they complied with 
all her requests, restrained some of their preachers from 
teaching in public, and desisted from presenting to the late 
Parliament a petition which they had prepared ; nor would 
they believe her insincere, even after different parts of her 
conduct had afforded strong grounds for suspicion. But 
having accomplished the great objects which she had in 
view, she at last, in conformity with instructions from 
France, and secret engagements with the clergy, adopted 
measures which completely undeceived them, and discover- 
ed the gulph into which they were ready to be precipitated.* 
As early as July, 1558, she had held consultations with 
Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, as to the course 
which should be adopted for checking the progress of the 
Reformation. The result of these counsels was a determina- 
tion to bring to trial certain individuals, who had offended 
the Romish clergy by expounding Scripture in private 
meetings ; and accordingly, about the end of December, 
the primate, who had received from the Regent positive as- 
surance of her support in his exertions for maintaining the 
authority of the Church, summoned the Reformed preach- 
ers to appear before him at St. Andrew's on the 2d of Feb- 
ruary following, to answer for their conduct in dissemi- 
nating heretical doctrines. The boldness of the Protestants, 
however, who waited on the Regent, and told her they would 
repair to St. Andrew's and see justice done to their preach- 
ers, prevented this step from being carried into effect, and 
in consequence the trial was prorogued. Meantime a con- 
vention of the nobility, and a provincial council of the 
clergy, were summoned to be held at Edinburgh early 
in March, to advise upon the most proper measures for 
settling the religious differences which had so long agitat- 
ed the nation. The Protestants on their part, appointed 
commissioners to lay before these meetings certain prelimi- 



* See Note D Period Fifth. 



PERIOD FIITH. 



141 



nary articles of Reformation, craving that the religious ser- 
vice should be performed in the vernacular tongue, that 
unfit pastors should be removed from their benefices, and 
measures adopted for preventing immoral and ignorant per- 
sons from being employed in ecclesiastical functions. To 
these proposals the Council not only refused to agree, but 
they ratified, in the strongest terms, all the Popish doctrines 
denied by the Reformers. They ordered that strict in- 
quisition should be made after such as absented themselves 
from the mass, and that those who administered or received 
the sacrament of the supper or baptism after the Protest- 
ant form, should be excommunicated. Proclamation to this 
effect was immediately issued by the Regent, commanding 
all her subjects to prepare to celebrate the ensuing feast of 
Easter according to the rites of the Romish Church. To 
this ordinance, the Reformed preachers, who had quitted 
Edinburgh on finding themselves deserted by the Court, and 
all their hopes of negotiation fruitless, paid little regard ; 
and, consequently, the Regent determined on taking deci- 
sive steps to enforce obedience by bringing the defaulters 
to justice. Accordingly, John Willock, Paul Methven, 
William Harlaw, and John Christison, were summoned to 
stand trial before the Justiciary Court at Stirling, on the 
10th of May, for usurping the ministerial office, for admi- 
nistering, without the consent of their ordinaries, the sacra- 
ment of the altar in a manner different from that of the 
Catholic Church, during three several days of the late feast 
of Easter, in the burghs and boundaries of Dundee, Mon- 
trose, and various other places in the sheriffdoms of Forfar 
and Kincardine, and for convening the subjects in these 
places, preaching to them, seducing them to their erro- 
neous doctrines, and exciting seditions and tumults. As 
the preachers were resolved to make their appearance, 
George Lovell, burgess of Dundee, became surety for Meth- 
ven, John Erskine of Dun for Christison, Patrick Murray 
of Tibbermuir for Harlaw, and Robert Campbell of Kin- 
yeancleugh for Willock. When the Earl of Glencairn and 
Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon waited on the Queen to re- 
monstrate against these harsh proceedings, and intercede in 
oehalf of their preachers, she told them in plain terms that, 



142 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



" in spite of them, they should be all banished from Scot- 
land, although they preached as truly as ever St. Paul 
did ;" and when they reminded her of the repeated promises 
of protection that she had given them, she unblushingly 
replied, that " it became not subjects to burden their princes 
with promises, farther than they pleased to keep them." 
They told her that, if she violated the engagements which 
she came under to her subjects, they would consider them- 
selves as released from allegiance to her, and warned her 
very freely of the dangerous consequences ; upon which she 
adopted milder language, and engaged to suspend the trial. 
But soon after, upon hearing that France and Spain had 
concluded a treaty for the extirpation of heresy, and that 
the exercise of the Reformed religion had been introduced 
into the town of Perth, she renewed the process, and sum- 
moned all the preachers to appear at Stirling on the 10th 
of May, to undergo their trial. * 

The state of our Reformer's mind, upon receiving this 
information, will appear from the following letter, hastily 
written by him on the day after he landed in Scotland : — 

" The perpetual comfort of the Holy Ghost for saluta- 
tion. 

" These few lines are to signify unto you, dear sister, 
that it hath pleased the merciful providence of my heavenly 
Father to conduct me to Edinburgh, where I arrived the 
2d of May : uncertain as yet what God shall further work 
in this country, except that I see the battle shall be great. 
For Satan rageth even to the uttermost, and I am come, I 
praise my God, even in the brunt of the battle. For my 
fellow preachers have a day appointed to answer before the 
Queen- Regent, the 10th of this instant, when I intend (if 
God impede not) also to be present ; by life, by death, or 
else by both, to glorify his godly name, who thus mercifully 
hath heard my long cries. Assist me, sister, with your 
prayers, that now I shrink not when the battle approacheth. 
Other things I have to communicate with you, but travel 
after travel doth so occupy me, that no time is granted me 
to write. Advertise my brother, Mr. Goodman, of my 



* Buchanan, Hist. lib. xvi. pp. 312, 313. Oper. Rudim. Knox, Spotswood. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



143 



estate ; as in my other letter sent unto you from Dieppe, 
I willed you. The grace of our Lord Jesus- Christ rest 
nith you. From Edinburgh, in haste, the 3d of May."* 

The arrival of Knox in Edinburgh was too important an 
event to be long kept concealed. It was announced on the 
morning after he landed at Leith to the provincial council 
of the city, then sitting in the Monastery of the Greyfriars : 
and the intelligence had the effect of breaking up the as- 
sembly in haste and c onfusion . They imrn e cliately despatch- 



ed a messenger to the Re 
and in a few days the dar 
outlaw and a rebel, in vin 



nounced again 
cause was pr 
against him, b 
present hiinsel 
in their defenc 
only a single 
where he fom 
Me am s a Ire a c 
nisters to the i 
doctrines for t 
arrival of such 
must have bee 
liberty of ace 
readily grante< 
Lest the une 
unarmed, shot 
ants agreed to 
them to Stirlii 
and manner of 
sence would di 
recourse to clis 



•f It was about I 
to be called the Con 
says that they were 



mm bv me clera*^ 



?nt, who was then at Glasgow, 
ig Reformer was proclaimed an 
le of the sentence formerly pro- 
Yet although his own 
iged. and sentence already pronounced 
id not hesitate a moment in resolving to 
duntarily at Stirling, to assist his brethren 
.nd share in their danger. Having rested 
y at Edinbirrgh, he hurried to Dundee, 
the principal Protestants in Angus and 
issembled, determined to attend their mi- 
e of trial, and avow their adherence to the 
;-h they were accused. The providential 
able champion of the cause at this crisis, 
?ry encouraging to the assembly ; and the 
p anying them, which he requested, was 



roach of such a multitude, though 
offend the Regent,f the Protest- 
a, and sent Erskine of Dun before 
int her with the peaceable object 
Ig 1 , Apprehensive that their pre- 
" measures, the Regent had again 
She persuaded Erskine to write 



ceiled it from their 
quentty " the Cons 
culariy in the cove? 



!*i-ve, -a.i;. :'r::r. : 



ndustrious in obtaining sub- 
cvenant. Copies of it were 
i principal persons among 
districts, who received the 
as were friendly to the Re- 
is means they were firmly 
her, and had also an oppor- 
ascertaining t 
j.xrLp.oll. Oper.l 



144 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



to his brethren to desist from their intended journey, and 
authorised him to promise, in her name, that she would put 
a stop to the trial. They testified their pacific intentions 
Dy a cheerful compliance with this request, and the greater 
part, confiding in the royal promise, returned to their homes. 
But when the day of trial came, the summons was called 
by the orders of the Queen ; the accused were outlawed for 
not appearing ; and all persons were prohibited, under the 
pain of rebellion, from harbouring or assisting them.* 

Escaping from Stirling, Erskine brought to Perth the 
intelligence of this disgraceful transaction, which could not 
fail to incense the Protestants. It happened that, on the 
same day on which the news came, Knox, who remained 
at Perth, preached a sermon in which he exposed the 
idolatry of the mass and of image-worship. Sermon being 
ended, the audience quietly dismissed : a few idle persons 
only loitered in the church, when an imprudent priest, 
wishing either to try the disposition of the people, or to 
shew his contempt of the doctrine which had been just de- 
livered, uncovered a rich altar-piece, decorated with images, 
and prepared to celebrate mass. A boy, having uttered 
some expressions of disapprobation, was struck by the 
priest. He retaliated by throwing a stone at the aggressor, 
which, falling on the altar, broke one of the images. This 
operated like a signal upon the people present, who had 
taken part with the boy, and in the course of a few minutes 
the altar, images, and all the ornaments of the church were 
torn down and trampled under foot. The noise soon col- 
lected a mob, who, finding no employment in the church, 
by a sudden and irresistible impulse, flew upon the monas- 
teries ; nor could they be restrained by the authority of the 
magistrates and the persuasions of the preachers, (who as- 
sembled as soon as they heard of the riot,) until the houses 
of the Grey and Black Friars, with the costly edifice of the 
Carthusian monks, were laid in ruins. None of the gentle- 
men or sober part of the congregation were concerned in 
this unpremeditated tumult ; it was wholly confined to the 

* Fines were imposed on the following Dun for Christison, Patrick Murray of Tibber- 
gentlemen, who had given security for their muir for Harlaw, and Robert Campbell of 
appearance, viz. George Lovell, burgess of Kinyeancleugh for Willock. Justiciary Re- 
Dundee, as security for Methven, Erskine of cords, 1558, 1559. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 145 

baser inhabitants, or (as Knox designs them) " the raseall 
multitude."* 

The demolition of the monasteries having been repre- 
sented as the first fruits of our Reformer's labours on this 
occasion, it was necessary to give this minute account of 
the causes which produced that event. Whatever his sen- 
timents were as to the destruction of the instruments and 
monuments of idolatry, he wished this to be accomplished 
in a regular manner ; he was sensible that such tumultuary 
proceedings were prejudicial to the cause of the Reformers 
in present circumstances ; and instead of instigating, he 
exerted himself in putting a stop to the ravages of the mob. 
If this sudden outbreak must be traced to a remote cause, 
we must impute it to the wanton and dishonourable perfidy 
of the Queen. 

In fact, nothing could be more favourable to the designs 
of the Regent than this riot. By her recent conduct, she 
had forfeited the confidence of the Protestants, and even 
exposed herself in the eyes of the sober and moderate of 
her own party. This occurrence afforded her an oppor- 
tunity of turning the public indignation from herself, and 
directing it against the Congregation. She did not fail to 
improve it with her usual address. Having assembled the 
nobility at Stirling, she magnified the accidental tumult 
into a dangerous and designed rebellion. To the Catho- 
lics, she dwelt upon the sacrilegious overthrow of those ve- 
nerable structures which their ancestors had dedicated to 
tne service of God. To the Protestants who had not joined 
those at Perth, she complained of the destruction of the 
royal foundation of the Charter-house, protested that she 
had no intention of offering violence to their consciences, 
and promised her protection, provided they assisted her in 
punishing those who had been guilty of this violation of 
public order. Having inflamed the minds of all against 
them, she advanced to Perth with an army, threatening to 
lay waste the town with fire and sword, and to inflict the 
most exemplary vengeance on all who had been instru- 
mental in producing the riot.f 

* Knox, Historic p. 128 imapinarium" to this war, undertaken by the 

| A writer has given the name of " bellum Regent to avenge the destruction of the ima 

L 



146 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



The Protestants of the north were not insensible of their 
danger, and did all in their power to appease the rage of 
the Queen.* They wrote to her, to the commanders of the 
French troops, to the Popish nobles, and to those of their 
own persuasion : they solemnly disclaimed all rebellious in- 
tentions ; they protested their readiness to yield all due obe- 
dience to the government ; they obtested and admonished 
all to refrain from offering violence to peaceable subjects, 
who sought only liberty of conscience, and the reforma- 
tion of religion. But finding all their endeavours fruit- 
less, they resolved not to suffer themselves and their bre- 
thren to be massacred, and prepared for a defence of the 
town against an illegal and furious assault. So prompt and 
vigorous were their measures, that the Regent, when she 
approached, deemed it imprudent to attack them, and pro- 
posed overtures of accommodation, to which they readily 
acceded, f 

While the two armies lay bef3re Perth, and negocia- 
tions were going on between them, our Reformer obtained 
an interview with the Prior of St Andrew's and the young 
Earl of Argyle, who adhered to the Regent. He reminded 
them of the solemn engagements which they had con- 
tracted, and charged them with violating these, by abetting 
measures which tended to the suppression of the Reformed 
religion, and the enslaving of their native country. The 
noblemen stated that the Regent and the clergy had repre- 
sented their brethren as inclined to swerve from their for- 
mer loyalty ; and though it appeared this charge was un- 
founded, they assured him that they held their engagements 
sacred, and would endeavour to fulfil their promise to the 
Queen, to use their best endeavours for bringing the pre- 
sent differences to an amicable termination. If, however, 
she violated the present treaty, they promised that they 

ges and altars, and the crimes charged upon nane within Scotland sail be mair obedient 

the Congregation, he denominates " mere subjectis than we sail be." Knox, Historie, 

imaginaria seditio et rebellio." Historie of p. 137. When the armies lay before Perth, 

the Church of Scotland to 1566. MS. Adv. the Regent's army consisted of 8000, that of 

Lib. A. 5. 43. the Congregation of 5000 men. This seems 

* See Note E.— -Period Fifth. to have been the number of the latter, previous 

•f- When the overtures were proposed to the to the arrival of the Earl of Glencairn, with a 

Congregation, they exclaimed with one voice ; reinforcement from the west. Glencairn had 

*' Cursit be they that seik effusioun of blude, joined them before the conclusion of the treaty, 

weir, or dissentioun. Lat us possess Christ a circumstance which did not alter their paci- 

Jesus, and the benetite of his evangell, and tic wishes. Cald. MS. i. 426. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



147 



would no longer adhere to her, but would openly take part 
with the rest of the Congregation. The Queen was not 
long in affording them the opportunity of verifying this 
promise ; for no sooner was the Protestant force disband- 
ed, and the city of Perth secure in her possession, than 
she began to disregard the stipulations to which she had 
agreed. 

Convinced by numerous proofs that the Queen-Regent 
had formed a systematical plan for suppressing the Refor- 
mation, the Lords of the Congregation renewed their bond 
of union, and concerted measures for counteracting her de- 
signs.* For a full account of the interesting struggle that 
ensued, which was interrupted by treaties artfully proposed 
and perfidiously violated by the Regent, and at last broke 
out into an open, though not very bloody, civil war, I must 
refer to the general histories of the period. The object of 
the present work does not admit of entering into a detail 
of this, except in so far as our Reformer was immediately 
engaged in it, or as may be requisite for illustrating his 
conduct. 

The Protestant leaders had frequently supplicated the 
Regent, to employ her authority and influence for remov- 
ing those corruptions in religion which could no longer 
be palliated or concealed. They had made the same ap- 
plication to the clergy, but without success. u To abandoh 
usurped power, to renounce lucrative error, are sacrifices 
which the virtue of individuals has, on some occasions, of- 
fered to truth ; but from any society of men no such effort 
can be expected. The corruptions of a society, recom- 
mended by common utility, and justified by universal prac- 
tice, are viewed by its members without shame or horror ; 
and Reformation never proceeds from themselves, but is 
always forced upon them by some foreign hand." f The 
scandalous lives of the clergy, their total neglect of the re- 
ligious instruction of the people, and the profanation ox 
Christian worship by gross idolatry, were the most glar- 

* Persons were employed in different parts the Prior of St. Andrew's ; some adhered to 

of the country to obtain signatures to their the Regent, and others remained neutral, 

religious Covenant, in their respective dis- The great strength of the Protestants lay in 

tricts. The principal noblemen who had join- the districts of Mearns, Angus, Strathearn, 

ed the Reformation at this time, were the Monteith, Fife, Cunningham, Kyle, Carrick, 

Earls of Argyle, Glencairn, Monteith, and and Galloway. Knox, Hist. pp. 136, 138, 144. 
Rothes ; Lords Osbiltree, Boyd, Ruthven, and f Dr. Robertson. 



148 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



ing abuses. A great part of the nation loudly demanded 
the correction of these abuses ; and if regular measures had 
not been adopted for this purpose, the popular indignation 
would have effected the work by some less justifiable means. 
The Lords of the Congregation now resolved to introduce 
a Reformation, by abolishing the Popish superstition, and 
setting up the Protestant worship in those places to which 
their authority or influence extended, and where the greater 
part of the inhabitants were friendly to the cause. The feu- 
dal ideas respecting the jurisdiction of the nobility, which 
at that time prevailed in Scotland, in part justified this 
step : the urgent and extreme n ecessity of the case, however, 
forms its best vindication. 

St. Andrew's was the place fixed on for beginning these 
operations. With this view, the Earl of Argyle, and Lord 
James Stewart, who was Prior of the abbey of St. Andrew's, 
made an appointment with Knox to meet them on a certain 
day, in that city. Travelling along the east coast of Fife, 
he preached at Anstruther and Crail, and on the 9th of 
June came to St. Andrew's. The Archbishop, apprised of 
his design to preach in his cathedral, assembled an armed 
force, and sen* information to him that if he appeared in 
the pulpit, he would give orders to the soldiers to fire upon 
h ? !m. The noblemen, having met to consult what ought to 
be done, were of opinion that Knox should desist from 
preaching at that time. Their retinue, they said, was very 
slender ; -ney had not yet ascertained the disposition of the 
town ; the Queen lay at a small distance with an army, 
ready to come to the Bishop's assistance ; and his appear- 
ance in the pulpit might lead to the sacrifice of his own 
life, and the lives of those who were determined to defend 
him from violence. 

There are occasions on which it is a proof of superior 
wisdom to disregard the ordinary dictates of prudence ; on 
which, to face danger is to shun it, to flee from it is to in- 
cur it. Had the Reformers, after announcing their inten- 
tions, suffered themselves to be intimidated by the bra- 
vading attitude and threats of the Archbishop, their cause 
would, at the very outset, have received a blow from which 
it would not easily have recovered. This wan prevented 
«v xne nrmness and intrepidity" of Knox. Fiied with the 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



149 



recollection of the part which he had formerly acted on that 
spot, and with the near prospect of realizing the sanguine 
hopes which he had cherished in his breast for many years, 
he replied to the solicitations of his brethren : — That he could 
take God to witness, that he never preached in contempt of 
any man, nor with the design of hurting an earthly crea- 
ture ; but to delay to preach next day, (unless forcibly hin- 
dered,) he could not in conscience agree : In that town, 
and in that church, had God first raised him to the dignity 
of a preacher, and from it he had been reft by French ty- 
ranny at the instigation of the Scots bishops : The length 
of his imprisonment, and the tortures which he had endu- 
red, he would not at present recite ; but one thing he could 
not conceal, that, in the hearing of many yet alive, he had 
expressed his confident hope of again preaching in St. An- 
drew's : Now, therefore, when Providence, beyond all men's 
expectation, had brought him to that place, he besought 
them not to hinder him. " As for the fear of danger that 
may come to me," continued he, " let no man be solicitous ; 
for my life is in the custody of Him whose glory I seek. I 
desire the hand nor weapon of no man to defend me. I 
only crave audience ; which, if it be denied here unto me 
at this time, I must seek where I may have it." 

This intrepid reply silenced all further remonstrances ; 
and next day Knox appeared in the pulpit, and preached to 
a numerous assembly, including several of the clergy, with- 
out meeting with the slightest opposition or interruption. 
He discoursed on the subject of our Saviour's ejecting the 
profane traffickers from the temple of Jerusalem ; from 
which he took occasion to expose the enormous corrup- 
tions that had been introduced into the Church, under 
the Papacy, and to point out what was incumbent upon 
Christians, in their different spheres, for removing them. 
On the three following days he preached in the same 
place ; and such was the influence of his doctrine, that 
the provost, bailies, and inhabitants, harmoniously agreed 
to set up the Reformed worship in the town : the church 
was stripped of images and pictures, and the monasteries 
pulled down. This took place on the 14th of June, 1559. 
The Regent, during these proceedings, lay at Falkland 



150 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



with the royal army, and attempted to surprise the Protes- 
tant Lords, who were attended only by a small retinue ; 
but their brethren in Angus having intelligence of their 
critical situation, marched to their assistance with such 
speed and in such numbers, as to intimidate the Queen 
from risking a battle. A truce was agreed to, by which 
she consented to remove the French troops from Fife, and 
to send commissioners to treat with the Protestants at St. 
Andrew's, for the purpose of endeavouring to effect an ami- 
cable arrangement. The troops were removed ; but in- 
stead of a commissioner to settle their differences, the Re- 
gent proposed to seize the passage of the Forth at Stirling, 
and thus cut off all communication with the brethren of the 
Congregation in the south. The Protestants advanced to 
Perth, the garrison of which they expelled ; thence they 
proceeded to Stirling, which they seized, and then direct- 
ing their march towards Edinburgh, they took possession 
of the capital, the Queen in the meantime retiring to 
Dunbar.* 

The example of St. Andrew's was quickly followed in 
other parts of the kingdom ; and in the course of a few 
weeks, at Crail, at Cupar, at Lindores, at Stirling, at Lin- 
lithgow, at Glasgow, and at Edinburgh, the houses of the 
monks were overthrown, and all the instruments which had 
been employed to foster idolatry and image-worship were 
destroyed, f 

These proceedings were celebrated in the singular lays 
which were at that time circulated among the Reformers : — 

His cardinalles hes cause to mourne, The sillie friers, mony yeiris 

His bishops are borne a backe ; With babbling bleerit our ee. 
His abbots gat an uncouth turne, Hay trix, &c. 

When shavellinges went to sacke. Had not self b un the weiri9> 

With burges wifes they led their lives, Your st mis had bene standand it , 

And fare better than wee. Jt was the flatteri of frieris 
Hay tux, trim goe trix, under the greene That ever gart Sanct Francis flit . 

wod-tree. Ye grew ag superstjt i ous 
His Carmelites and Jacobinis, In wickednesse, 

His dominikes had great adoe ; In gart us grow malicious 
His Cordeilier and Augustines, Contrair your messe.l 

Sanct Francis's ordour to ; 



* Knox, Hist. 141-146. Spotswood, 142-46. 
Buchan. Oper. i. 31.5-16. 

+ Letter written by Knox from St. Andrew's, 
23d June, 1559, apud Cald. MS. i. 426, 428. 
Historie, pp. 140, 141. 



^ Gude and godly Ballates, apud Dalyell's 
Scotish Poems of the 16th Century, ii. pp.192, 
193. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



151 



Scarcely any thing in the progress of the Scottish Re- 
formation, has been more frequently or more loudly con- 
demned, than the demolition of those edifices upon which 
superstition had lavished all the ornaments of the chisel 
and pencil. To the Roman Catholics, who anathematized 
all that were engaged in this work of inexpiable sacrilege, 
and represented it as involving the overthrow of all reli- 
gion,* have succeeded another race of writers who, al- 
though they do not, in general, make high pretensions to 
devotion, have not scrupled at times to borrow the lan- 
guage of their predecessors, and have bewailed the wreck 
of so many precious monuments, in as bitter strains as ever 
idolater did the loss of his gods. These are the warm ad- 
mirers of Gothic architecture, and other relics of ancient 
art ; some of whom, if we may judge from their language, 
would welcome back the reign of superstition, with all its 
ignorance and bigotry, if they could recover the objects of 
their adoration. f Writers of this stamp depict the devas- 
tations and ravages which marked the progress of the Re- 
formation, in colours as dark as ever were employed by the 
historian in describing the overthrow of ancient learning, 
by the irruptions of the barbarous Huns and Vandals. Our 
Reformer cannot be mentioned by them without symptoms 
of horror, and in terms of detestation, as a barbarian, a 
savage, a ringleader of mobs, for overthrowing whatever 
was venerable in respect of antiquity, or sacred in respect 
of religion. It is unnecessary to produce instances. 

Expectes eadem a summo minimoque poeta. 

To remind such persons of the divine mandate to destroy 
all monuments of idolatry in the land of Canaan, would 
be altogether insufferable ; and might provoke, from some 
of them, a profane attack upon the authority from which 

* The tolbooih of Mussel burgh was built which, in its violence, -was a greater disgrace 
oat of the rains of the Chapel of Loretto ; on to religion than all the errors it -was intended 
w hich account the good people of that town to subvert. Reformation has hitherto always 
were, till lately, annually excommunicated at appeared in the form of a zealot, full of fana- 
Rome. Sibbald's Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, tic fury, with violence subduing, but through 
iii. 19. Those who wish to see a specimen of madness creating almost as many mischiefs in 
Catholic declamation on this subject, will rind its oversights, as it overthrows errors in its pur- 
it in Note F — Period Fifth. suit- Religion has received a greater shock 

t The reader may take one example, which from the present struggle to repress some for- 

I adduce, not because it is the strongest, but mularies and save some scruples, than it ever 

because it happens to beat hand. "This did by the growth of superstition." Hutchrn- 

abbey [KelsoJ was demolished 1569, in con- son's History of Northumberland, and of an 

sequence of the enthusiastic Reformation, Excursion to the Abbey of Melrose, i. 265. 



152 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



it proceeded. To plead the example of the early Chris- 
tians, in demolishing the temples and statues dedicated to 
pagan polytheism, would only awaken the keen regrets 
which are felt for the irreparable loss.* It would be still 
worse to refer to the apocalyptic predictions, which some 
have been so fanatical as to think were fulfilled in the mi- 
serable spoliation of that " Great City,'* which, under all 
her revolutions, has so eminently proved the nurse of the 
arts, and given encouragement to painters, statuaries, and 
sculptors, to " harpers, and musicians, and pipers, and 
trumpeters, and craftsmen of whatsoever craft who, to 
this day, have not forgotten their obligations to her, nor 
ceased to bewail her destruction. In any apology which 
I make for the Reformers, I would rather alleviate than 
aggravate the distress which is felt for the wreck of so 
many valuable memorials of antiquity. It has been ob- 
served by high authority, that there are certain commodi- 
ties which derive their principal value from their great 
rarity, and which, if found in great quantities, would cease 
to be sought after or prized. f A nobleman of great lite- 
rary reputation has, indeed, questioned the justness of this 
observation, as far as respects precious stones and metals. { 
But I flatter myself that the noble author and the learned 
critic, however much they differ as to public wealth, will 
agree that the observation is perfectly just, as applied to 
those commodities which constitute the wealth of the anti- 
quary. With him rarity is always an essential and primary 
requisite. His property, like that of the possessor of the 
famous Sibylline books, does not decrease in value by the 
reduction of its quantity, but, after the greater part has 
been destroyed, becomes still more precious. If the mat- 
ter be viewed in this light, antiquarians have no reason to 
complain of the ravages of the Reformers, who have left 
them such valuable remains, and placed them in that very 

* " Alas! how little of its former splendour the statues of the twelve gods are yet stand- 
have time and the fanatic rage of the early ing ; no great proof, one would imagine, of 
Christians left to the Roman Forum ? The the fanatic rage of the Christians. Kotzebue's 
covered passage, with a flight of steps, founded Travels through Italy, vol. i. p. 200. Lond. 
by Tarquin the elder, is no more here to shel- 1807. 

ter us from bad weather, or to serve for the f Edinburgh Review, vol. iv. p. 348. 
spectators to entertain themselves with moun. $ Lord Lauderdale's Observations on Edh> 

tebanks in the market-place." A most de- burgh Review, 
plorable loss, truly 1 The writer adds, that 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



153 



state which awakens in their minds the most lively senti- 
ments of the sublime and beautiful, by reducing them to — 
Mains. 

But to speak seriously, I would not be thought such an 
enemy to any of the fine arts, as to rejoice at the wanton 
destruction of their models, ancient or modern ; or to vin- 
dicate those who, from ignorance or fanatical rage, may 
have excited the mob to such violent proceedings. At the 
same time, I must reprobate that spirit which disposes per- 
sons to magnify irregularities, and dwell with unceasing 
lamentations upon losses, which, in the view of an en- 
lightened and liberal mind, will sink and disappear in the 
magnitude of the incalculable good which rose from the 
wreck of the revolution.* What ! do we celebrate, with 
public rejoicings, victories over the enemies of our coun- 
try, in the gaining of which the lives of thousands of our 
fellow-creatures have been sacrificed ? and shall solemn 
masses and sad dirges, accompanied with direful execra- 
tions, be everlastingly sung for the mangled members of 
statues, torn pictures, and ruined towers ? I will go far- 
ther and say, that I look upon the destruction of these 
monuments as a piece of good policy, which contributed 
materially to the overthrow of the Roman Catholic religion, 
and the prevention of its re-establishment. It was chiefly 
by the magnificence of temples, and the splendid apparatus 
of its worship, that the Popish Church fascinated the senses 
and imaginations of the people. There could not, there- 
fore, be a more successful method of attacking it, than the 
demolition of the rites and edifices that contributed so 
much to extend its influence. There is more wisdom than 
many seem to perceive, in the maxim, which Knox is said 
to have inculcated, " that the best way to keep the rooks 
from returning", was to pull down their nests." In demo- 
lishing, or rendering uninhabitable all those buildings 
which had served for the maintenance of the ancient super- 
stition, (except what were requisite fur the Protestant wor- 
ship), the Reformers only acted upon the principles of a 
prudent general, who razes the castles and fortifications 



* The ravages charged upon the Reformers, and the losses sustained, have been greatl} 
exaggerated. See Note G — Period Fifth. 



154 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



which he is unable to keep, and which might afterwards be 
seized, and employed against him, by the enemy. Had 
they been allowed to remain, the Popish clergy would not 
have ceased to indulge hopes, and to make efforts to be re- 
stored to them ; occasions would have been taken to tam- 
per with the credulous, and inflame the minds of the super- 
stitious ; and the Reformers might soon have found reason 
to repent their ill-judged forbearance.* 

Our Reformer continued at St. Andrew's till the month 
of June. He was with the forces of the Congregation when 
they confronted the royal army at Cupar Moor, near Falk- 
land ; he accompanied them to Perth, and thence to Edin- 
burgh, from which the Regent had retired. The Protestants 
in this city fixed their eyes upon him, and chose him imme- 
diately for their minister. He accordingly entered upon 
that charge ; but the Lords of the Congregation having soon 
after concluded a treaty with the Regent, by which they 
were forced to deliver up Edinburgh to her, and agreed to 
quit the city; they judged it unsafe for him to remain 
there, on account of the extreme personal hostility with 
which the Papists were inflamed against him.f Willock, 
as being less obnoxious to them, was therefore substituted 
in his place, while he undertook a tour of preaching through 
the kingdom. f This itineracy had great influence in ex- 
tending the Reformed interest. The wide field which was 
before him, the interesting situation in which he was placed, 
the dangers by which he was surrounded, and the hopes 
which he cherished, increased the ardour of his zeal, and 

* - - - When we had quelled accommodation. With her usual insincerity, 

The strength of Aztlan, we should have the queen pretended to negociate, but having 

thrown down procrastinated until she understood the greater 

Her altars, cast her idols to the fire. part of their forces had left them, site suddenly 



craft 



... marched with her army to Edinburgh, which 

The priests combined to save their the Protestants were proposing to defend . But 

» _ „ . Leith having opened its gates to her, and the 

And soon the rumour ran of evil signs Castle b held - n hgr interest LQrd Er _ 

And tokens ; in the temple had been heard skine> they ohy d tQ condude a treat 

Wailings and loud lament; the eternal fire and , Rave th<j al> KnQ ^ ^ ^ 
Gave dismally a dim and doubtful flame ; . Knox> Hlstorie> 158 In the month of 

And from the censer, wh.ch at morn should Augugt> WiUock administered the sacvarnen t 

steam * of the supper, after the refurmed manner, in 

Sweet odours to the sun, a foetid cloud, gfc Gilegf church> alth ough the French soldiers 

Black and portentous, rose.— in the Regent's service kept the city in alarm, 

Southey's Madoc, Part i. b. u. &nd disturbed the Pro testant worship. At this 

f The Lords of the Congregation had sent de- time the Popish service was confined to the 

puties to Dunbar, to assure the Regent that Royal Chapel and the Church oi Holyrood 

they had no intention of throwing off their al- House. Knox, 159. Cook's Hist, of Reform 

legiance, and only wished reasonable terms of vol. ii. chap. xi. p. 166. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



155 



stimulated him to extraordinary exertions both of body and 
mind. Within less than two months, he travelled over the 
greater part of Scotland. He visited Kelso, and Jedburgh, 
and Dumfries, and Ayr, and Stirling, and Perth, and Bre- 
chin, and Montrose, and Dundee, and returned again to 
St. Andrew's. The attention of the nation was aroused ; 
their eyes were opened to the errors by which they had 
been deluded ; and they panted for the word of life which 
they had once tasted.* I cannot better describe the emo- 
tions which he felt at his success, than by quoting from the 
familiar letters which he wrote on the occasion, at intervals 
snatched from his constant employment. 

" Thus far," says he, in a letter from St. Andrew's, June 
23d, " hath God advanced the glory of his dear Son among 
us. O ! that my heart could be thankful for the superex- 
cellent benefit of my God. The long thirst of my wretched 
heart is satisfied in abundance, that is above my expecta- 
tion ; for now forty days and more hath my God used my 
tongue, in my native country, to the manifestation of his 
glory. Whatsoever now shall follow, as touching my own 
carcase, his Holy name be praised. The thirst of the poor 
people, as well as of the nobility here, is wondrous great ; 
which putteth me in comfort, that Christ. Jesus shall tri- 
umph here in the north and extreme parts of the earth for 
a space." In another letter, dated September 2d, he says, 
" Time to me is so precious, that with great difficulty can 
I steal one hour in eight days, either to satisfy myself, or 
to gratify my friends. I have been in continual travel 
since the day of appointment ;f and notwithstanding the 
fevers have vexed me, yet have I travelled through the 
most part of this realm, where (all praise to His blessed 
Majesty !) men of all sorts and conditions embrace the truth. 
Enemies we have many, by reason of the Frenchmen who 
lately arrived, of whom our Papists hope golden hills. As 
we be not able to resist, we do nothing but go about Jeri- 
cho, blowing with trumpets, as God giveth strength, hop- 
ing victory by his power alone. "J 

* Cald. MS, i. 472, 473. Forbes, i. 131. made on the 10th of July, according to Caider- 

15/>. Sadler, i. 431, 432. wood, but on the 25th, according to Knox, 

■f- This refers to the agreement between the Historie, p. 154. 

Regent and Lords of the Congregation, by £ Cald. MS. i. 428, 
Vbichthe latter gave up Edinburgh. It was 



156 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Immediately after his arrival in Scotland, he wrote for 
his wife and family, whom he had left at Geneva. On the 
13th of June, Mrs. Knox and her mother were at Paris, and 
applied to Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, the English ambas- 
sador, for a safe conduct to pass into England. Throk- 
morton, who by this time had begun to penetrate the coun- 
sels of the French court, not only granted this, but wrote 
a letter to Queen Elizabeth, in which he urged the pro- 
priety of overlooking the offence which Knox had given by 
his publication, and of conciliating him by the kind treat- 
ment of his wife ; seeing he was in great credit with the 
Lords of the Congregation, had been the principal instru- 
ment in producing the late change in that kingdom, and 
was capable of doing essential service to her Majesty. * 
Accordingly, Mrs. Knox came into England, and being 
conveyed to the Borders, by the directions of the Court, 
reached her husband in safet3 T , on the 20th of September, f 
Her mother, after remaining a short time in her native 
country, followed her into Scotland, where she remained 
until her death. J 

The arrival of his family was the more gratifying to our 
Reformer, that they were accompanied by Christopher 
Goodman, his former colleague at Geneva. He had re- 
peatedly written, in the most pressing manner, for him to 
come to his assistance, and expressed much uneasiness at 
the delay of his arrival. § Goodman became minister at 
Ayr, and afterwards of St. Andrew's. The settlement of 
Protestant ministers took place at an earlier period than is 
mentioned in our common histories. Previous to Septem- 
ber, 1559, eight towns were provided with pastors ; other 
places remained unprovided, owing to the scarcity of 
preachers, which was severely felt. || 

* Forbes, i. 129, 130. Throkmorton wrote f Cald. MS. i. 491. 
to the same effect to Cecil, 7th June, and 19th $ Knox applied to the English Court for a 
July. Ibid. p. 119, 167. The ambassador safe-conduct for Mrs. Bowes to come into Scot- 
was probably moved to more earnestness in land, which was granted about the month of 
this matter by the influence of Alexander October. I have already noticed, that Mrs. 
Whitlaw of Greenrig, a particular friend of Bowes's husband was dead. The particular 
our Reformer, who was at this time in France, fcime of his death I have not ascertained, but it 
He returned soon after to Scotland, and seems to have been between 1554 and 155C. 
Throkmorton recommended him to Cecil, as She is designed a widow, in the correspond- 
" a very honest, sober, and godly man." — ence between Cecil and Sadler. Sadler, i. 
" You must let him se as littel sin in England 456, 479, 509. 
as yow maye "-—He " is greatly esternyd of § Cald. MS i. 429, 473. 
John Knokes, and he doth allso favour hym || " Christ Jesus is preached in Edinburgh, 
above other: nevertheles, he is sory for his and his blessed sacraments rightly ministered 
boke rashey writen." Ibid. 137, 147 — 149. in all congregations and assemblies wherethe 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



In the meantime, it became daily more apparent that the 
Lords of the Congregation would be unable, without fo- 
reign aid, to maintain the struggle in which they were in- 
volved. Had the contest been merely between them and 
the domestic party of the Regent, they would soon have 
brought it to a successful termination ; but they could not 
withstand the veteran troops which France had sent to her 
assistance, and was preparing to send, in still more formid- 
able numbers. * As far back as the middle of June, our 
Reformer renewed his exertions for obtaining assistance from 
England ; and persuaded William Kircaldy of Grange, 
first to write, and afterwards to pay a visit to Sir Henry 
Percy, who held a public situation on the English marches. 
Percy immediately transmitted his representations to Lon- 
don, and an answer was returned from Secretary Cecil, 
encouraging the correspondence^ 

Knox himself wrote to Cecil, requesting permission to 
visit England,} and inclosed a letter to Queen Elizabeth, 
in which he attempted to apologise for his rude attack upon 
female government. There was nothing at which he was 
more awkward than making apologies, and in the present 
instance, he was the more embarrassed as he could not in 
conscience retract the sentiments that had given offence. 
The letter contains professions of strong attachment to 
Elizabeth's government ; but the strain in which it is written 
is such as, if it was ever read by that high-minded princess, 
must have aggravated, instead of extenuating, his offence. 
But the sagacious Secretary, I have little doubt, suppressed 
it.§ He was himself friendly to the measure of assisting the 
Scottish Congregation, and exerted all his influence to bring 
over the Queen and her council to his opinion. A message 
was, accordingly, sent to Knox, desiring liim to meet with 

ministers be established; and they be these ± Ibid. p. 209. Forbes, i. 155.167. 

Edinburgh, Sanct Andrews, Dundie, Sanct § Cecil was accustomed to keep back intel- 

Johnstoun [Perth], Brechen, Montross, Stir- ligence which he knew wou'd be disagreeable 

line, Air. And now Christ Jesus is begun to to his mistress. A curious instance of this oc- 

be preached ir^on the south borders next unto curs with respect to the misfortune which 

tow, in Jedburgh and Kelso ; so that the tium- happened to Cockbum of Ormiston, while 

pet soundeth over all ; blessed be our God. conveying a subsidy which she had sent to the 

We lack labourers, alace "' Letter, Knox to Congregation. Sadler, i. 573. We learn, 

Locke. 2d Sept. 1559. apud Cald. MS. i. 472. from one of his own letters, that he did not 

* Sadler, i. 403, 411. Forbes, vol. 1. pas- usually communicate the epistles of our Re- 

BUD. former, whom he knew to be no favourite 

f Knox, Historie,p. 207. with Elizabeth. Ibid. p. 535. 



158 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 



Sir Henry Percy at Alnwick, on the 2d of August, upon 
business which required the utmost secresy and despatch ; 
and Cecil himself came down to Stamford to hold an inter- 
view with him.* 

The confusion, produced by the advance of the Regent's 
army upon Edinburgh, retarded his journey ; but no sooner 
was this settled, than he sailed from Pittenweem to Holy 
Island. Finding that Percy was recalled from the Borders, 
he applied to Sir James Croft, governor of Berwick. Croft, 
who was not unapprised of the design upon which he came, 
dissuaded him from proceeding farther into England, and 
undertook to despatch his communications to London, and 
to procure a speedy return. While he remained at Berwick, 
Alexander Whitlaw of Greenrig, who had been banished 
to France, and was then in London on his way home, 
brought from the English Court answers to the letters for- 
merly sent. These despatches he delivered to Knox, who 
immediately hastened to Stirling to lay them before a meet- 
ing of the Protestant lords. The irresolution or the caution 
of Elizabeth's cabinet had led them to express themselves 
in such general and unsatisfactory terms, that the Lords of 
the Congregation were both disappointed and displeased ; 
and it was with some difficulty that our Reformer obtained 
permission from them to write again to London, in his own 
name. The representation which he gave of the urgency 
of the case, and the danger of farther hesitation or delay, 
produced a speedy reply, desiring them to send a confi- 
dential messenger to Berwick, who would receive a sum of 
money, to assist them in carrying on the war. About the 
same time, Sir Ralph Sadler was sent down to Berwick, to 
act as an accredited, but secret agent ; and the correspond- 
ence between the Court of London and the Lords of the 
Congregation continued afterwards to be carried on through 
him and Sir James Croft, until the English auxiliary army 
entered Scotland, f 

If we reflect upon the connection which the religious and 

* Knox, Historie, p. 212. between him and the agents of the Congrega- 
+ Knox, Historic p. 212 — 214. The State tion, which throw light upon this interest- 
Papers of Sir Ralph Sadler have been lately ing period of our national history, and ought 
published in 2 vols. 4to. The 1 st volume con« to be consulted along with the histories which 
tains the greater part of the letters that passed appealed previous to their publication 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



159 



civil liberties of the nation had with the contest in which 
the Protestants were engaged, and upon our Reformer's 
zeal in that cause, we will not be greatly surprised to find 
him at this time acting in the character of a politician. 
Extraordinary cases cannot be measured by ordinary rules. 
In a great emergency, like that under consideration, when 
all that is valuable and dear to a people is at stake, it be- 
comes the duty of every individual to step forward, and 
exert the talents with which he is endowed for the public 
good. Learning was at this time rare among the nobility ; 
and though there were men of distinguished abilities among 
the Protestant leaders, few of them had been accustomed 
to transact public business. Accordingly, the management 
of the correspondence with England was for a time devolved 
chiefly on Balnaves and our Reformer. But he submitted 
to this merely from a sense of duty, and regard to the com- 
mon cause ; and when the younger Maitland acceded to 
their party, Knox expressed the greatest satisfaction at the 
prospect which this gave him of being relieved from the 
burden.* 

It was not without reason that he longed for this deli- 
verance. He now felt that it was almost as difficult to pre- 
serve Christian integrity and simplicity amidst the crooked 
wiles of political intrigue, as he had formerly found it to 
pursue truth through the perplexing mazes of scholastic 
sophistry. In performing a task foreign to his habits, and 
repugnant to his disposition, he met with a good deal of 
vexation, and several unpleasant rubs. These were owing 
partly to his own impetuosity, partly to the grudge enter- 
tained against him by Elizabeth, but chiefly to the temporis- 
ing line of policy which the English Court had prescribed 
to themselves. They were convinced of the danger of suf- 
fering the Scottish Protestants to be suppressed ; but they 
wished to confine themselves to pecuniary aid, by which they 
thought the Lords of the Congregation would be enabled 
to expel the French, and bring the contest to a successful 
termination ; while England, by the secresy with which 
that aid might be conveyed, would avoid an open breach 



* Keith, Ap. 42. 



160 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



with France. This plan, which originated in the personal 
disinclination of Elizabeth to the Scottish war, rather than 
ti the judgment of her wisest counsellors, protracted the 
contest, and produced several disputes between the Eng- 
lish agents and those of the Congregation.* The former 
were continually urging the associated lords to attack the 
Regent before she received fresh succours from France, and 
blaming their slow operations ; they complained of the want 
of secresy in their correspondence with England ; and 
even insinuated that the money, intended for the common 
cause, was partially applied to private purposes. The lat- 
ter were offended at this charge, and urged the necessity of 
military as well as pecuniary aid. f 

In a letter to Sir James Croft, Knox represented the 
great importance of their being speedily assisted with troops, 
without which they would be in much hazard of miscarry- 
ing in an attack upon the fortifications of Leith. The Court 
of England, he said, ought not to hesitate at offending 
France, of whose hostile intentions against them they had 
the most satisfactory evidence. But " if ye list to craft 
with thame," continued he, " the sending of a thousand or 
mo men, to us can breake no league nor point of peace con- 
tracted betwixt you and France : For it is free for your 
subjects to serve in warr anie prince or nation for their 
wages ; and if yee fear that such excuses will not prevail, 
ye may declare thame rebelles to your realme, when ye shall 
be assured that thai be in our company e." No doubt such 
things have been often done ; and such political casuistry 
(as Keith not improperly styles it) is not unknown at courts. 
But it must be confessed, that the measure recommended 
by Knox (the morality of which must stand on the same 
grounds with the assistance which the English were at that 
time affording) was too glaring to be concealed by the ex- 
cuses which he suggested. Croft laid hold of this oppor- 
tunity to check the impetuosity of his correspondent, and 

* See Note H Period Fifth. to pacify them. Keith, Ap. 43, 44. Sadler, 

i. p. 537. 548. Notwithstanding the com- 

\ Sadler, i. 520, 524. Randolph mentions plaints against the Congregation for being too 

in one of his letters, that both Knox andBal- " open," there is some reason to think that 

naves were discontented. Keith has inserted Sir James Croft's own secretary had informed 

a letterin which Balnaves complained of, and the Queen-Regent of the correspondence be- 

vkidicated himself from the charges brought tween England and the Congregation. ForbeS» 

against hrm. Sadler afterwards endeavoured i. p. 137. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



161 



wrote him, that he wondered how he, u being a wise man/ 
would require from them such aid as they could not give 
" without breach of treaty, and dishonour and that the 
world was not so blind as not to see through the devices 
by which he proposed to colour the matter. Knox, in his 
reply, apologized for his " unreasonable request;" but at 
the same time, reminded Croft of the common practice of 
courts in such matters, and of the French Court toward 
themselves in a recent instance.* He was not ignorant, he 
said, of the inconveniences which might attend an open de- 
claration in their favour, but feared that they would have 
cause to M repent the drift of time, when the remedy shall 
not be so easy."f 

This is the only instance in which I have found our Re- 
former recommending any thing like dissimulation, which 
was very foreign to the openness of his natural temper, and 
the blunt and rigid honesty which marked all his actions. 
His own opinion was, that the English Court ought from 
the first to have done what they found themselves obliged 
at last to do, to declare openly their resolution to support 
the Congregation. Keith praises Croft's " just reprimand 
on Mr Knox's double-fac'd proposition," and Cecil says, 
that his " audacitie was well tamed." We must not, how- 
ever, imagine that either of these statesmen had any scruple 
of conscience or of honour on the point. For, on the very 
day on which Croft answered Knox's letter, he wrote to 
Cecil that he thought the Queen ought openly to take part 
with the Congregation. And in the same letter in which 
Cecil speaks of Knox's audacity, he advises Croft to adopt, 
in substance, the same measure which Knox had recom- 
mended, though in a more plausible shape, by sending five 
or six officers, who should " steal from thence with appear- 
ance of displeasure for lack of interteynment ;" and in a 
subsequent letter, he gives directions to send three or four 



* *♦ See how Mr. Knox still presses his under- 
hand management!" says Keith. Quaere, 
Did the honest Bishop never find any occasion, 
in the course of his history, to reprimand such 
management in his own friends ? or did he 
think that intrigue was criminal only when it 
was employed by Protestant cabinets and mi- 
nirtcw? 



t Keith, Ap 40-42 Sadler, i. p. 523. In 
fact, if a storm had not dispersed and shatter- 
ed the French fleet, which had on board the 
Marquis D'Elbeuf, and a large hody of French 
troops, destined for the reinforcement of the 
Queen- Regent of Scotland, the English, after 
so long delay, would have found it very dim 
cult to expel the French from Scotland. 



162 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



fit for being captains, who should give out that they left 
Berwick, " as men desyrous to be exercised in the warres, 
rather than to lye idely in that towne." * 

Notwithstanding the prejudice which existed in the Eng- 
lish Court against our Reformer,! on account of his " au- 
dacity " in attacking female prerogative, they were too well 
acquainted with his integrity and influence to decline his 
services. Cecil kept up a correspondence with him ; and 
in the directions sent from London for the management of 
the subsidy, it was expressly provided, that he should be 
one of the council for examining the receipts and payments, 
to see that it was applied " to the common action," and not 
to any private use. J 

In the meantime, his zeal and activity in the cause of the 
Congregation, exposed him to the deadly resentment of the 
Queen- Regent and the Papists. A reward was publicly 
offered to the person who should seize or kill him 5 and 
numbers, . actuated by hatred or avarice, lay in wait to ap- 
prehend him. But he was not deterred by this from appear- 
ing in public, nor from travelling through the country in 
the discharge of his duty. His exertions at this period were 
incredibly great. By day he was employed in preaching, 
by night in writing letters on public business. He was the 
soul of the Congregation ; was always present at the post 
of danger ; and by his presence, his public discourses, and 
private advices, animated the whole body, and defeated the 
schemes employed to corrupt and disunite them. § 



*- Sadler, i. 522, 534, 568 Note I. — Period 
Fifth. 

+ The Lords of the Congregation having 
proposed to send our Reformer to London, as 
one of their Commissioners, Cecil found it ne- 
cessary to discourage the proposal. " Of all 
others, Knoxees name, if it be not Goodman's, 
is most odiose here ; and, therefore, I wish no 
mention of him [coming] hither." And in 
another letter he says, " His writings, [i.e. 
Knox's letters] do no good here ; and there- 
fore I doo rather suppress them, and yet I 
meane not but that ye should contynue in 
sending of them." Sadler, i. 532, 535. The 
editor of Sadler supposes, without any reason, 
that Knox and Goodman were obnoxious to the 
court on account of their Geneva discipline, 
and republican tenets. They had both been 
guilty of one offence, and that a very differ- 
ent one, — their attack upon " the Regiment of 
Women." I shall afterwards have occasion to 



notice the prosecution to which Goodman was 
subjected for this, on his return to England 

$ Sadler, i. 540. Keith, Ap. 40. 

§ " In twenty-four hours, I have not four 
free to natural rest, and easce of this wicked 
carcass. Remember my last request for my 
mother, and say to Mr. George [Mr. George 
Bowes, his brother-in-law] that I .have need 
of a good and an assured horse; for great 
watch is laid for my apprehension, and large 
money pvomissed till any that shall ky 11 me. — ■ 
And this part of my care now poured in your 
bosom, I cease farther to trouble you, being 
troubled myself in body and spirit, for the 
troubles that be present, and appear to grow. 
—At mydnicht. 

Many things I have to writ, which now tym 
suffereth not, but after, if ye mak haste with 
this meisinger, ye shall undirstand more. 

R ryt I write with 

sleaping eis." Knox's Letter to Rayl- 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



163 



Our Reformer was now called to take a share in a very 
delicate and important measure. The cause of the Con- 
gregation had lately received an important increase of 
strength, by the accession of the former Regent, the Duke 
of Chatelherault, and his eldest son, the Earl of Arran, who 
had embraced the Reformed doctrine in France, where he 
commanded the Scots guard. Through his influence, the 
father, whose conduct had been extremely vacillating, was 
gained over to the Reformed party, and subscribed their bond 
of confederation. When the Lords of the Congregation first 
had recourse to arms in their own defence, they had no in- 
tention of making any alteration in the government, nor of 
assuming the exercise of the supreme authority,* Even 
after they had adopted a more regular and permanent sys- 
tem of resistance to the measures of the Regent, they con- 
tinued to recognize the station which she held, presented 
petitions to her, and listened respectfully to the proposals 
which she made, for removing the grounds of variance. But 
rinding that she was fully bent upon the execution of her 
plan for subverting the national liberties, and that the of- 
fice which she held gave her great advantages in carrying 
on this design, they began to deliberate upon the propriety 
of adopting a different line of conduct. Their sovereigns 
were minors, in a foreign country, and under the manage- 
ment of persons who had been the principal instruments in 
producing all the evils of which they complained. The 
Queen-Dowager held the Regency by the authority of Par- 
liament ; and might she not be deprived of it by the same 
authority ? In the present state of the country, it was im- 
possible for a free and regular Parliament to meet ; but the 
greater and better part of the nation had declared their 
dissatisfaction with her administration : and was it not com- 
petent for them to provide for the public safety which wa* 
exposed to such imminent danger ? These were questions 
which formed the topic of frequent conversation at this 
time. 

ton, 2 3d October, 1559. K«ith, Ap. 38. Sad- original, is very descriptive of the state of the 
dler, i. 681, 682. -writer at chetime. — It appears from the same 

The letter, written with the Reformer's own letter, that, amidst his other employments, he 
hand, is in the British Museum. Cotton MS S. had already begun and mare considerable 
Calig. B. ix. f. 58. The conclusion of the let- progress in his History cf the Reformation, 
ter, which is here printed in laiitauan of the * See Note K, — Period Fifth. 



164 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 



After much deliberation on this important point, a nu- 
merous assembly of nobles, barons, and representatives of 
boroughs met at Edinburgh on the 21st of October, to bring 
it to a solemn issue. To this assembly Knox and Willock 
were called ; and the question being stated to them, they 
were required to deliver their opinions as to the lawfulness 
of the measure. Willock, who officiated as minister of 
Edinburgh, being first asked, declared it to be his judg- 
ment, founded upon reason and Scripture, that the power 
of rulers was limited ; that they might be deprived of it 
upon valid grounds ; that the Queen- Regent having by the 
fortification of Leith, and the introduction of foreign troops, 
evinced a fixed determination to oppress and enslave the 
kingdom, might justly be deprived of her authority by the 
nobles and barons, the native counsellors of the realm, 
whose petitions and remonstrances she had repeatedly re- 
jected. Knox assented to the opinion delivered by his bro- 
ther, and added, that the assembly might, with safe con- 
sciences, act upon it, provided they attended to the three 
following things ; first, that they did not suffer the miscon- 
duct of the Queen-Regent to alienate their affections from 
due allegiance to their sovereigns, Francis and Mary ; se- 
cond, that they were not actuated in the measure by private 
hatred or envy of the Queen- Dowager, but by regard to the 
safety of the commonwealth ; and third, that any sentence 
which they might pronounce at this time should not pre- 
clude her re-admission to the office, if she afterwards dis- 
covered sorrow for her conduct, and a disposition to submit 
to the advice of the Estates of the realm. After this, the 
whole assembly, having severally delivered their opinions, 
did, by a solemn deed, suspend the Queen-Dowager from 
her authority as Regent of the kingdom, until the meeting 
of a free Parliament ;* and elected a council for the man- 
agement of public affairs during the interval, f 

* Dr. Robertson says, " It was the work but unanimous about it. Skdler, i. 435. It should 

of one day t o examine and resolve this nice also be noticed, that the Queen was only " sus- 

problem, concerning the behaviour of subjects pended from," notabsolutely " deprived of her 

towards a ruler who abuses his power." But office." 

it may be observed, that this was but the for- f Knox, 182-187- Alexander Gordon, Bi- 

mal determination of the question. It had shop of Galloway, (who had embraced the 

been discussed among the Protestants fre- Reformation.) Knox, Goodman, and Willock, 

quently before this meeting, and, as early as were appointed to be on the council, for mat- 

the beginning of Seutember, they were nearly ters of religion. Sadler, i. 510, 511. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



165 



Some have alleged that the act of suspending the Queen- 
Regent, was a matter altogether beyond the jurisdiction of 
ministers of the Gospel ; and that Knox and Willock, by 
interposing their advice on this question, being incompetent 
to persons of their character, exposed themselves to unneces- 
sary odium.* But it is not easy to see how they could have 
been excused, when required by those who had submitted 
to their ministry, in refusing to deliver their opinion upon 
a measure which involved a case of conscience, as well as 
a question of law and political right. The advice which 
was actually given and followed, is a matter of greater con- 
sequence than the quarter from which it came. As this 
proceeded upon principles very different from those which 
produced resistance to princes, and the limitation of their 
authority, under feudal governments ; and as our Reformer 
has been the object of much animadversion for inculcating 
these principles, the reader will pardon another digression 
from the narrative, in illustration of this important subject. 

Among the various causes which affected the general 
state of society and government in Europe, during the Mid- 
dle Ages, we are particularly led to notice the influence of 
religion. Debased by ignorance, and fettered by super- 
stition, the minds of men were prepared to acquiesce with- 
out examination in the claims of authority, and to submit 
tamely to every yoke. The genius of Popery is in every 
view friendly to slavery. The Romish Court, while it aimed 
directly at the establishment of a spiritual despotism in the 
hands of ecclesiastics, contributed to rivet the chains of po- 
litical servitude upon the people. In return for the sup- 
port which princes yielded to its arrogant claims, it was 
content to invest them with an absolute authority over the 
bodies of their subjects. By the priestly unction, per- 
formed at the coronation of kings in the name of the Holy 
See, a sacred character was understood to be communi- 
cated, that raised them to a superiority over their nobility 
which they did not formerly possess, rendered their per- 
sons inviolable, and their office divine. Although the so- 
vereign pontiffs claimed, and on different occasions, exer- 



* Spotswood,p. 137. Keith, 104. 



m 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



cised the power of dethroning kings, and absolving subjects 
from their allegiance, yet any attempt of this kind, when 
it proceeded from the people themselves, was denounced 
as a crime deserving the severest punishment in this world, 
and damnation in the next. Hence sprung the divine right 
of kings to rule independently of their people, and of pas- 
sive obedience and non-resistance to their will ; under the 
sanction of which they were encouraged to sport with the 
lives and happiness of their subjects, and to indulge in the 
most tyrannical and wanton acts of oppression, without the 
dread of resistance, or of being called to an account. Even 
in countries where the people were understood to enjoy 
certain political privileges, transmitted from remote ages, 
or wrested from their princes on some favourable occasions, 
these principles were generally prevalent ; and it was easy 
for an ambitious and powerful monarch to avail himself of 
them, to violate the rights of the people with impunity, and 
upon a constitution, the forms of which were friendly to 
popular liberty, to establish an administration completely 
despotic and arbitrary. 

The contest between Papal sovereignty and the autho- 
rity of General Councils, which was carried on during the 
fifteenth century, struck out some of the true principles of 
liberty, which were afterwards applied to political govern- 
ment. The revival of learning, by unfolding the princi- 
ples of legislation and modes of government in the repub- 
lics of ancient Greece and Rome, gradually led to more 
liberal notions on this subject. But these were confined to 
a few, and had no influence upon the general state of so- 
ciety. The spirit infused by philosophy and literature, is 
too feeble and contracted to produce a radical reform of 
established abuses ; and learned men, satisfied with their 
own superior illumination, and the liberty of indulging their 
speculations, have generally been too indifferent or too timid 
to attempt the improvement of the multitude. It is to the 
religious spirit excited during the sixteenth century, which 
spread rapidly through Europe, and diffused itself among all 
classes of men, that we are chiefly indebted for the propa- 
gation of the genuine principles ot rational liberty, and the 
consequent amelioration of government. 



i 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



167 



Civil and ecclesiastical tyranny were so closely combined, 
that it was impossible for men to emancipate themselves from 
the latter without throwing off the former ; and from argu- 
ments which established their religious rights, the transition 
was easy and almost unadvoidable, to disquisitions about 
their civil privileges. In those kingdoms in which the rulers 
threw off the Romish yoke, and introduced the Reformation 
by their authority, the influence was more imperceptible 
and slow ; and in some of them, as in England, the power 
taken from the ecclesiastical was thrown into the regal 
scale, which proved in so far prejudicial to popular liberty. 
But where the Reformation was embraced by the body of 
a nation, while the ruling powers continued to oppose it, 
the effect was visible and immediate. The interested and 
obstinate support which rulers gave to the old system of 
error and ecclesiastical tyranny, and their cruel perse- 
cution of all who favoured the new opinions, drove their 
subjects to inquire into the just limits of authority and obe- 
dience. Their judgments once informed as to the rights to 
which they were entitled, and their consciences satisfied 
respecting the means which they might employ to acquire 
them, the immense importance of the immediate object in 
view, their emancipation from religious bondage, and the 
salvation of themselves and their posterity, impelled them 
to make the attempt with an enthusiasm and perseverance 
which the mere love of civil liberty could not have inspired. 

In effecting that memorable revolution, which termi- 
nated in favour of religious and political liberty in so many 
nations in Europe, the public teachers of the Protestant 
doctrine had a principal influence. By their instructions 
and exhortations, they roused the people to consider their 
rights and exert their power ; they stimulated timid and 
wary politicians ; they encouraged and animated princes, 
nobles, and confederated states, with their armies, against 
the most formidable opposition, and under the most over- 
whelming difficulties, until their exertions were crowned 
with the most signal success. These facts are now admit- 
ted, and this honour has at last, through the force of truth, 
been conceded to the religious leaders of the Protestant 



168 



LHn, OF JOHN KNOX, 



Reformation, by philosophical writers who had too long 
branded them as ignorant and fanatical. * 

Our national Reformer had caught a large portion of the 
spirit of civil liberty. We have already adverted to the 
circumstance in his education which directed his attention, 
at an early period, to some of its principles, f His subse- 
quent studies introduced him to an acquaintance with the 
maxims and modes of government in the free states of anti- 
quity ; and it is reasonable to suppose that his intercourse 
with the republics of Switzerland and Geneva had some 
influence on his political creed. Having formed his senti- 
ments independent of the prejudices arising from established 
laws, from long usage, and commonly received opinions, his 
zeal and intrepidity prompted him to avow and propagate 
them, when others, less sanguine and resolute, w r ould have 
been restrained by fear, or despair of success. J Extensive 
observation had convinced him of the glaring perversion of 
government in most of the European kingdoms ; but his 
principles led him to desire their reform, not their subver- 
sion. His admiration of the policy of republics, ancient or 
modern, was not so great or indiscriminate as to prevent 
him from separating the essential principles of equity and 
freedom which they contained, from others which were in- 
compatible with monarchy. He was perfectly sensible of 
the necessity of regular government to the maintenance of 
justice and order among mankind, and aware of the danger 
of setting men loose from its salutary control. He uni- 
formly inculcated a conscientious obedience to the lawful 
commands of rulers, and respect to their persons as well as 
to their authority, even when they were chargeable with 
various mismanagements ; so long as they did not break 
through all the restraints of law and justice, and cease to 
perform the essential duties of their office. 

But he held that rulers, supreme as well as subordinate, 
were invested with authority for the public good ; that obe- 

* Viller's Essay on the Spirit and Influence learned to cry conjuration and treasoun at 

of the Reformation of Luther, Mill's Transla- every thing that the godles multitude does 

lion, pp. 183, 186, 321, 327. condemn, neither yet to fear the things that 

f See above, p. 6. they fear." Conference with Murray and Mait* 

if. " I prais my God ( said he) I have not land, Historie, p. 539. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



169 



dieDce was not due to thein in any thing 1 contrary to the 
divine law ; that in every free and well constituted govern- 
ment, the law of the land was superior to the will of the 
prince; that inferior magistrates and subjects might restrain 
the supreme magistrate from particular illegal acts, without 
throwing off their allegiance, or being guilty of rebellion ; 
that no class of men have an original, inherent, and inde- 
feasible right to rule over a people, independently of their 
will and consent ; that every nation has a right to provide 
and require that they be ruled by laws agreeable to the 
divine law, and calculated to promote their welfare ; that 
there is a mutual compact, tacit and implied, if not formal 
and explicit, between rulers and their subjects ; and if the 
former shall flagrantly violate this, employ that power for 
the destruction of a commonwealth, which was committed 
to them for its preservation and benefit ; in one word, if they 
shall become habitual tyrants and notorious oppressors, that 
the people are absolved from allegiance, have a right to 
resist them, formally to depose them from their place, and 
to elect others in their room. 

The real power of the Scottish kings was, indeed, always 
limited, and there are in our history, previous to the era 
of the Reformation, many instances of resistance to their 
authority. But though these were pleaded as precedents 
on this occasion, it must be confessed that we cannot trace 
them to the principles of genuine liberty. They were the 
effect either of sudden resentment on account of some flag- 
rant act of mal-administration, or of the ambition of some 
powerful baron, or of the jealousy with which the feudal 
aristocracy watched over the prerogatives of their own or- 
der. The people who followed the standards of their chiefs 
had little interest in the struggle, and derived no benefit 
from the limitations which were imposed upon the sovereign. 
But, at this time, more just and enlarged sentiments were 
diffused through the nation, and the idea of a common- 
wealth, including the mass of the people as well as the pri- 
vileged orders, began to be entertained. Our Reformer, 
whose notions of hereditary right, whether in kings or 
nobles, were not exalted, studied to repress the insolence 
and oppression of the aristocracy, he reminded them of the 



170 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



original equality of men, and the ends for which some were 
raised above others ; and he taught the people that they 
had rights to preserve, as well as duties to perform. * 

With respect to female government he never moved any 
question among his countrymen, nor attempted to gain 
proselytes to his opinion. Such, in substance, were the 
political sentiments of our Reformer, which were strenu- 
ously inculcated by him, and acted upon in Scotland in 
more than one instance during his life. That they should, 
at that period, have exposed those who held them to the 
charge of treason from despotical rulers and their nume- 
rous satellites ; that they should have been regarded with 
a suspicious eye by some of the learned, who had not alto- 
gether thrown off common prejudices, in an age when the 
principles of political liberty were only beginning to be 
understood, — is not much to be wondered at. But it must 
excite both surprise and indignation, to find writers in the 
present enlightened age, and under the sunshine of British 
liberty, (if our sun is not fast going down,) expressing their 
abhorrence of these sentiments, and exhausting upon their 
authors all the invective and virulence of the former Anti- 
monarchists, and advocates of passive obedience. They 
are essentially the principles upon which the free constitu- 
tion of Britain rests ; the most obnoxious of them were re- 
duced to practice at the Revolution, when the necessity of 
employing them was not more urgent or unquestionable 
than it was at the suspension of the Queen- Regent of 
Scotland, and the subsequent sequestration of her daugh- 
ter. I have said essentially ; for I would not be understood 
as meaning that every proposition advanced by Knox, 
on this subject, is expressed in the most guarded and un- 
exceptionable manner ; or that all the cases in which he was 
led to vindicate forcible resistance to rulers, were such as 
rendered it necessary, or which may be pleaded as prece- 
dents in modern times. The political doctrines maintained 
at that time, received a tincture from the spirit of the age, 
and were accommodated to a rude and unsettled state of 
society and government. The checks that have since 
been introduced into the constitution, and the influence 



* T' e authorises for this statement of Knox's political opinions will be found in Note L.— » 

Period fcirin. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



171 



which public opinion, expressed by the organ of a free 
press, has upon the conduct of rulers, are sufficient; in or- 
dinary cases, to restrain dangerous encroachments, or af- 
ford the means of correcting them in a peaceable way ; and 
have thus happily superseded the necessity of having re- 
course to those desperate but decisive remedies which were 
formerly applied by an oppressed and indignant people. 
But if ever the time come when these principles shall be 
generally renounced and abjured, the extinction of the 
boasted liberty of Britain will not be far off. 

Those who judge of the propriety of any measure from 
the success with which it is accompanied, will be disposed 
to condemn the suspension of the Queen-Regent. Soon 
after this step was taken, the affairs of the Congregation 
began to wear a gloomy appearance. The messenger 
whom they had sent to Berwick to receive a remittance 
from the English Court, was intercepted on his return, and 
rifled of the treasure ;* their soldiers mutinied for want of 
pay ; they were repulsed in a premature assault upon the 
fortifications of Leith, and worsted in a skirmish with the 
French troops ; the secret emissaries of the Regent were 
too successful among them ; their niunbers daily decreas- 
ed ; and the remainder disunited, dispirited, and dismayed, 
came- to the resolution of abandoning Edinburgh on the 
evening on the 5th of November, and retreated with pre- 
cipitation and disgrace to Stirling. 

Amidst the universal dejection produced by these disas- 
ters, the spirit of Knox remained unsubdued. On the day 
after their arrival at Stirling, he mounted the pulpit, and 
delivered a discourse which had a wonderful effect in re- 
kindling the zeal and courage of the Congregation. Their 
faces :Jae said) were confounded, their enemies triumphed* 
their hearts had quaked for fear, and still remained op- 
pressed with sorrow and shame. What was the cause for 
which God had thus dejected them ? The situation of their 
affairs required plain language, and he woidd use it. In 

* The messenger was Sir James Cockbum, Bothwell — the same -who makes a discredit- 

of Orroiston. The sum he had receired from able figure in Queen Mary's reign. Keith* 

Szdkr and Crofts was 4000 crowns. On his App. to B. L p. 30. Tytler, Hist, of Scot. voU 

way to Edinburgh he was attacked and p!un- vi. p. 171. 
dereti, after some resistance, by the Earl of 



172 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



the present distressed state of their minds, they were in 
danger of fixing upon an erroneous cause of their misfor- 
tunes, and of imagining that they had offended in taking 
the sword of self-defence into their hands ; just as the tribes 
of Israel did when twice discomfited in the war which 
they undertook, by divine direction, against their brethren 
the Benjamites. Having divided the Congregation into 
two classes, those who had been embarked in this cause 
from the beginning, and those who had lately acceded to 
it,* he proceeded to point out what he considered as blame- 
able in the conduct of each ; and after exhorting all to 
amendment of life, prayers, and works of charity, he con- 
cluded with an animating address. God (he said) often 
suffered the wicked to triumph for a while, and exposed his 
chosen congregation to mockery, dangers, and apparent 
destruction, in order to abase their self-confidence, and 
induce them to look to him for deliverance and victory. If 
they turned unfeignedly to the Eternal, he no more doubt- 
ed that their present distress would be converted into joy, 
and followed by success, than he doubted that Israel was 
finally victorious over the Benjamites, after being twice re- 
pulsed with ignominy. The cause in which they were en- 
gaged would, in spite of all opposition, prevail in Scotland. 
It might be oppressed for a time, but would ultimately 
triumph. 

The audience, who had entered the church in deep de- 
spondency, left it with renovated courage. In the after- 



* Some time before this, the Earl of Arran, 
having escaped from France, (where his life 
was in imminent danger, on account of his at- 
tachment to the R eformed doctrine,) and come 
into Scotland, persuaded his father, the Duke 
of Chastelherault, to join the Congregation, 
who was followed by the most of his retainers. 
The Duke was considered as the president or 
chief person in the Reformed Council, and 
was present at the sermon. That part of the 
discourse which related to his conduct, is a 
striking specimen of that boldness andfreedom 
with which the preacher reproved the faults 
of the most powerful, a freedom which, on the 
present occasion, does not seem to have given 
any offence. After blaming the brethren for 
having become elated and self-confident by 
the union of the Hamilton party, Knox thus 
alludes to Chastelherault : " But wherein had 
my lord duke and his friends offended ? I am 
uncertain if my lord's grace has unfeignedly 



repented of his assistance to these murderers 
unjustly pursuing us. Yea, I am uncertain if 
he has repented of that innocent blood of 
Christ's blessed martyrs, which was shed in 
his default. But let it be that so he has done, 
(as I hear that he has confessed his fault be- 
fore the lords and brethren of the Congrega- 
tion;) yet I am assured that neither he, nor 
yet his friends, did feel before this time the 
anguish and grief of heart which we felt, when 
in their blind fury they pursued us. And 
therefore God hath justly permitted both them 
and us to fall in this fearful confusion at once, 
— us, for that we put our trust and confidence 
in man; and them, because they should feel 
in their own hearts how bitter was the cup 
which they made others drink before them." 
Knox has preserved in his History, (p. 194- 
197.) the principal topics on which he insisted 
in this sermon, which has been praised both 
by Buchanan and Robertson. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



173 



noon the Council met, and after prayer by the Reformer, 
unanimously agreed to despatch Maitland to London, to sup- 
plicate more effectual assistance from Elizabeth. In the 
meantime, as they were unable to keep the field, they re- 
solved to divide ; that the one-half of the Council should 
remain at Glasgow, and the other at St. Andrew's. Knox 
was appointed to attend the latter, in the capacity of 
preacher and secretary. The French having, in the be- 
ginning of the year 1560, penetrated into Fife, he encou- 
raged that small band, which, under the Earl of Arran 
and the Prior of St. i ndrew's, bravely resisted their pro- 
gress until the appearance of the English fleet obliged 
them to make a precipitate retreat.* 

The disaster which caused the Protestant army to leave 
Edinburgh, turned out to the advantage of their cause. It 
obliged the English Court to abandon the line of cautious 
policy winch they had hitherto pursued. Maitland suc- 
ceeded in the object of his embassy ; and on the 27th of 
February, 1560, they concluded a formal treaty with the 
Lords of the Congregation. In the beginning of April, 
the English army entered Scotland, and joined the forces 
of the Protestants. It consisted of 2000 horse, and 6000 
foot, and was joined at Preston by the army of the Con- 
gregation, led by the Duke of Chastelherault, the Earls of 
Argyle, Glencairn, and Menteith, the Lord James Stuart, 
with other principal officers amongst the Reformers, and 
estimated at nearly 80,000 men. f No sooner was the 
Queen-Regent informed of the treaty with Elizabeth, than 
she was resolved to disperse the troops which were col- 
lected at Glasgow under the Duke of Chastelherault, before 
the English army could arrive. On the 7th of March, the 
French, amounting to 2000 foot and 300 horse, issued from 

* Knox. Historie, pp. 197,201, 215. Spots- fleet, whilst a battery of eight pieces of ord- 

•wood, p. 140. nance commenced firing on the land side, by 

+ On the advance of the enemy, the Queen- -which the French guns placed on St. Antony'* 

Regent was received by Lord Erskine within steeple, were speedily silenced and dismount, 

the Castle of Edinburgh, and the united ed. But this advantage, which produced in 

armies having pushed forward from Preston to the combined armies an over-confidence and 

Restalrig, a sharp skirmish of cavalry took contempt of discipline, was followed by a more 

place, in which the French were beat back serious action, in which Martiques attacked 

■with the loss of forty men and a hundred pri- the English trenches, entered thecamp, spiked 

soners. Having determined to besiege Leith, their cannon, and puf two hundred and forty 

Lord Grey encamped on the fields to the south men to the sword, after which he retreated 

and south-east of that seaport; VV'inter, the with little loss to Leith. (13th April.) Tyl 

English admiral, opened a canonade from the ler, Hist, of Scot. vi. 1 S3. 



174 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Leith, and proceeding by Linlithgow and Kirkintulloch , 
suddenly appeared before Glasgow. Having reduced the 
Episcopal castle, they were preparing to advance to Hamil- 
ton, when they received a message from the Queen-Regent, 
informing them that the English army had begun its march 
into Scotland ; upon which they relinquished their design, 
and returned to Leith, carrying along with them a number 
of prisoners, and a considerable booty. The French troops, 
who had retired within the fortifications of Leith, were now 
invested by sea and land ; the Queen-Regent, who had for 
some time been in a declining state of health, was received 
by Lord Erskine into the castle of Edinburgh, where she 
died during the siege ; and the ambassadors of France 
were forced to agree to a treaty, by which it was provided 
that the French troops should be removed from Scotland, 
an amnesty granted, to all who had been engaged in the 
late resistance to the measures of the Regent, their princi- 
pal grievances redressed, and a free Parliament called to 
settle the other affairs of the kingdom.* 

During the continuance of the war, the Protestant prea- 
chers had been assiduous in disseminating the knowledge 
of the truth through all parts of the country. Ministers 
were appointed to some of the chief towns in the kingdom, 
Knox being directed to continue his charge at Edinburgh, 
whilst Goodman was sent to St. Andrew's, Heriot to Aber- 
deen, Row to Perth, and others to Jedburgh, Dundee, 
Dunfermline, and Leith. Superintendents were next cho- 
sen for the districts of Lothian, Glasgow, Fife, Angus, and 
Mearns, and lastly for Argyle and the Isles. The Popish 
clergy used no exertions to counteract them. Too corrupt 
to think of reforming their manners, too illiterate to be ca- 

* Keith, p. 131-144. Knox, 229-234 Spots- lately groaning under the oppression of afo- 

•wood, p. 147-149. The treaty was signed reign yoke and an abominable idolatrous wor- 

bythe deputies on the 7th July, 1560. On ship. He acknowledged the mercy of God in 

the 16th the French army embarked at Leith, sending, through the instrumentality of Eng- 

and the English troops began their march into land, a deliverance which their own policy or 

their own country ; and on the 19th t he Con- strength could never haveaccomplished.called 

gregation assembled in St Giles's Church, to upon them all to maintain that godly league 

return solemn thanks to God for the restoration entered into with Elizabeth, and implored 

of peace, and the success which had crowned God to confound the counsels of those who 

their exertions. The preacher, who was pro- endeavoured to dissolve it. Tytler, Hist, of 

bably Knox, in a prayer preserved in his his- Scot. vi. p. 203. 
loryt described the miseries of their country, 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



17.5 



pable of defending their errors, they placed their forlorn 
hope upon the success of the French arms, and looked for- 
ward to the issue of the contest, as involving" the establish- 
ment or the ruin of their religion.* One attempt they, in- 
deed, made to recover their lost reputation, and support 
their sinking: cause, by reviving the stale pretence of mi- 
racles wrought at the shrines of their saints : one memorable 
example of which occurred at the chapel of Loretto, near 
Musselburgh. f But the detection of the imposture exposed 
them to derision, and was the occasion of their losing a 
person who was the greatest ornament of their party. J 

The treaty, which put an end to hostilities, made no set- 
tlement respecting religious differences ; but on that very 
account, it was fatal to Popery. § The power was left in 
the hands of the Protestants. The Roman Catholic worship 
was almost universally deserted throughout the kingdom, 
except in those places which had been occupied by the 
Regent and her foreign auxiliaries ; and no provision was 
made for its restoration. The firm hold which it once had 
of the opinions and affections of the people, was completely 
loosened ; it was supported by force alone ; and the mo- 
ment that the French troops embarked, that fabric which 
had stood for ages in Scotland, fell to the ground. Its 
feeble and dismayed priests ceased, of their own accord, 
from the celebration of its rites ; and the Reformed service 
was peaceably set up wherever ministers could be found to 
perform it. The Parliament, when it met, had little else to 
do respecting Church matters, than to sanction what the na- 
tion had previously adopted, by legally abolishing the Popish 



* The French court sent into Scotland the 
bishop of Amiens, who was invested with the 
title of Papal legate, and three doctors of the 
Sorbonne, who gave out that tbey had come 
to confound the heretic*, and bring back the 
erring Scots to the bosom of the church, by the 
force of argument and persuasion. Leslie boasts 
of their success ; but it appears that these fo- 
reign divines, instead of disputing with the 
heretics, conf.ned themselves to the more easy 
task of instructing the Scottish clergy in the 
canonical metho.. of purifying the church srs 
which had been polluted bv the profane wor- 
ship of the Protestants. Spots wood, 135. 1"4. 
Keith, 102. Sadier says that the bishop catne 
" to curse, and also to dispute with the Pro- 
testant*, and to icconcile them, if it wolbe." 
Vol. i. 470. 

t See Note M. — Period FifUi. 



i This was Mr John Row, of whom I shall 
afterwards have occasion to speak more parti- 
cularly. 

§ The Eng'ish ambassadors, in a 'letter to 
Elizabeth, say; — "Two things have been to 
whott [too hot] for the French to meddle 
withal: and therefore they be passed, and left 
as they found them. The first is the matter of 
religion, which is he-e as freely, and rather 
more earnestly <_as I the Secretary think; re- 
ceaved than in England: a hard th^ngnow 
to alter, as it is planted." Haynes.p. 55^. Dr. 
Wotton, Dean of Windsor, is one cf the sub- 
scribers of ti.is letter : but as it would rather 
have been too much for him to say that reli- 
gion was more earnestly received in Scotland 
than in England, the Secretary alone vouche* 
for that fact. 



176 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



and establishing the Protestant religion. The meeting was 
adjourned from the 10th of July till the 1st of August, on 
which day the proceedings were opened with great solem- 
nity ; and considering the affairs to be brought under dis- 
cussion — being nothing less than the establishment of the 
Reformation — never, perhaps, was a more important meet- 
ing of the Estates of the kingdom held in Scotland. The 
attendance was numerous beyond all precedent. One cause 
of this, was a proceeding adopted by the lesser Barons. 
Many of these persons, notwithstanding their right to sit 
and vote in the Assembly of the Three Estates, had ceased 
to claim their privilege. Indifference to public affairs, 
occupation upon their own demesnes, and the expense at- 
tendant on a journey to the capital, had occasioned their 
absence. But it was amongst these persons that the Re- 
formed doctrines had made the greatest progress, and aware 
that the subjects to be debated must involve the great re- 
ligious principles in dispute between the Congregation and 
the Romanists, they attended in their places, and presented 
a petition in which they prayed to be restored to their pri- 
vilege, and to be allowed to give their counsel and vote. 

After some trifling opposition to their request, they were 
permitted to take their seats, although a final decision on 
their claims does not appear to have been given. The acces- 
sion, however, of so many votes, (their number being a hun- 
dred,) was of no small consequence to the Protestants, who 
were anxious that they should immediately proceed to the 
business of the Parliament. Some preliminary questions ha- 
ving been settled, respecting the lawfulness of their meeting 
without communicating with the sovereign, then in France ; 
the crown, the mace, and the sword were laid upon the 
seat or throne usually occupied by the Queen ; and Mait- 
land, who possessed great influence with the Congregation, 
being chosen Speaker, (it was then termed " harangue ma- 
ker,") opened the proceedings. The Clerk of the Register 
having inquired of the Three Estates, to what matter they 
would proceed ; it was judged proper that the articles of 
the peace should be read over, which having been done, 
they received the unanimous approbation of the Assembly, 
and were directed to be sent over to France to receive the 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



177 



ratification of their Sovereign. The Lords of the Articles 
were next chosen, the order of which, says Randolph, "is, 
that the Lords Spiritual choose the Temporal, and the 
Temporal the Spiritual — the Burg-esses their own." Great 
complaint was here made by the Prelates, that in the selec- 
tion of the Lords Spiritual, none were chosen but such as 
were known to be well affected to the new religion, nor 
was it unnoticed that some upon whom the choice had fallen 
were mere laymen. So great was the majority, however, 
of the friends of the Congregation, that it was impossible 
to have redress. " This being done," says Randolph, in 
an interesting letter to Cecil, where he describes the pro- 
ceedings of the Parliament, " the Lords departed, and 
accompanied the Duke as far as the Bow, which is the gate 
going out of the High Street, and many down unto the Pa- 
lace where he lieth ; the town all in armour, the trumpets 
sounding, and all other kinds of music, such as they have. 
Other solemnities have not been used, saving in times long 
past : the Lords have had parliament robes, which are now 
with them wholly out of use ; the Lords of the Articles sat 
from henceforth in Kolyrood House, except that at such 
times as upon any matter of importance, the whole Lords 
assembled themselves again as they did this day in the Par- 
liament House." 

Having proceeded thus far, a petition was presented to 
the Parliament by some of the most zealous of the Reform- 
ers. It prayed, that the doctrines professed by the Re* 
mish Church, and tyrannically maintained by the clergy, 
should be condemned and abolished ; and amongst the errors, 
it particularly enumerated — transubstantiation, adoration 
of Christ's body under the form of bread, the merit of 
works, purgatory, pilgrimages, and prayers to departed 
saints. It declared, that God of his great mercy by the 
light of his word, had demonstrated to no small number 
within the realm, the pestiferous errors of the Roman 
Church ; errors which the ministers of that Church had 
maintained by fire and sword, bringing damnation upon the 
sonls that embraced them. It stated, that the sacraments 
of our Lord were shamefully abused by that Roman har- 
lot, by whom the true discipline of the Church was extin- 



178 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



guished ; and proceeded to give an appalling picture, in 
strong and somewhat coarse language, of the corrupt lives 
of those who called themselves the clergy. Embracing the 
whole Papal Church in one sweeping anathema, the peti- 
tioners offered to prove, that " in all the rabble of the 
Clergy," there was not one lawful minister, if the word of 
God, and the practices of the Apostles and primitive Church, 
were to be taken as authority upon this point ; it denomi- 
nated them, thieves and murderers, rebels, traitors, and 
adulterers , living in all manner of abominations, and un- 
worthy to be suffered in any Reformed commonwealth. 
Lastly, it called upon the Parliament, in the bowels of 
Jesus Christ, to employ the victory which they had obtained, 
with wholesome vigour ; to compel the body of the Romish 
clergy to answer these accusations now brought against 
them, to pronounce them unworthy of authority in the 
Church of God, and expel them for ever from having a voice 
or vote in the great Council of the nation, which, it con- 
tinued, * 4 if ye do not, we forewarn you, in the fear of God, 
and by assurance of his word, that as ye leave a grievous 
yoke and a burden intolerable upon the Church of God 
within this realm, so shall they be thorns in your eyes, and 
pricks in your sides, whom afterwards when ye would ye 
shall have no power to remove." In conclusion, it virtu- 
ally declared that this extraordinary petition was not their's, 
but God's, who craved this by his servants, and it prayed 
Him to give them an upright heart and a right under- 
standing of the requests made through them. * 

The names of those who signed this violent production 
do not appear. Knox, whose zeal flamed high at this pe- 
riod, seized the sitting of the Parliament as a proper season 
for a course of sermons on the prophecies of Haggai, in 
which he tells us, he was peculiarly "special and vehe- 
ment," the doctrine being proper to the times. Many of 
the nobles, however, who had prospered upon the plunder 
of the Church, demurred to the sentiments of the preacher, 
when he exhorted them to restore their lands for the sup- 
port of the ministers ; and Lethington exclaimed in mock- 

* Knox, Hist. B. iii. p. 239. Spotswood, B. iii. p. 150. See the petition at length, la 
Cook's Hist, of Reform, vol. iii. App. x. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



179 



ery, '* We must now forget ourselves, and bear the bar- 
row to build the house of God." Yet, although some were 
thus foolish, others of the barons and burgesses assembled, 
and we are informed by Knox that the petition emanated 
from them. There can be no doubt that it received the 
sanction, if it was not the composition, of the Reformer. 

On being read in Parliament, this petition occasioned a 
great diversity of sentiment : still there can be little doubt, 
that as the great majority in the Parliament supported the 
changes proposed, it would have been favourably received, 
but for one circumstance which touched some of the high- 
est and most influential of the Protestant leaders. It called 
upon them to restore the patrimony of the Church, of 
which they had unjustly possessed themselves, to the uses 
for which it was originally destined, — the support of the 
ministers, the restoration of godly learning, and the assist- 
ance of the poor. This, according to Knox, was unpalate- 
able doctrine to the nobles, who for worldly respects ab- 
horred a perfect reformation Waving therefore the prac- 
tical part of the question, and retaining for the present the 
wealth they had won, the majority of the Parliament com- 
manded the ministers to draw up a Confession of their 
faith, or a brief summary of those doctrines which they con- 
ceived wholesome, true, and necessary to be believed and 
received within the realm. This solemn and arduous task 
was achieved, apparently with extraordinary rapidity ; but 
although only four days were employed in its preparation, 
it is evident that the Confession of Faith embodied the re- 
sults of much previous study and consultation. It is a clear 
and admirable summary of Christian doctrine, grounded 
on the word of God. On most essential points, it approxi- 
mates indefinitely near, and in many instances, uses the 
very words of the Apostles Creed, and the Articles of the 
Church of England as established by Edward the Sixth. 

Before the authors of the Confession agreed finally on 
every point it should embrace, the treatise was submitted 
to the revisal of the Secretary Lethington, and the Sub- 
Prior of St. Andrew's, who mitigated the austerity of many 
words and sentences, and expunged a chapter on the limits 
of the obedience due by subjects to their magistrates, which 



180 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

they considered improper to be then discussed. So at least 
says Randolph, bat it is certain that a chapter " Of the 
Civil Magistrate," forms a portion of the Confession of 
Faith as it is printed by Knox, and that it not only pre- 
scribes, in clear and strong terms, the obedience due by sub- 
jects to princes, governors, and magistrates, as powers 
ordained by God ; but pronounces all who attempt to abo- 
lish the " Holy State of Civil Policies," as enemies alike 
to God and man. 

When thus finished, this important paper was laid before 
Parliament ; but all disputation upon its doctrines appears 
to have been waved by a mutual understanding that on the 
one side it was unnecessary, and on the other it would be 
unavailing. The Romanists knew that against them was 
arrayed a violent and overwhelming majority ; so keen were 
the feelings of some of their leaders, that the Duke of Chas- 
telherault had threatened his brother the Archbishop of 
St. Andrew's with death if he dared to exert himself against 
it ; nor is it by any means improbable, that similar argu- 
ments had been used with other dignitaries. Of the Tem- 
poral Peers present, the Earls Cassillis and Caithness, 
alone dissented ; of the Spiritual, the Primate, with the 
Bishops of Dunkeld and Dumblane. Time, they said, had 
not been given them to examine the book : they were ready 
to give their consent to all things which were sanctioned 
by the word of God, and to abolish the abuses which had 
crept into the Church, but they requested some delay, that 
the debate upon a question which branched into so many 
intricate, profound, and important subjects, might be car- 
ried on with due study and deliberation. To these sensible 
and moderate representations, no attention appears to have 
been paid • the treatise was laid upon the table, the Bishops 
were called upon to oppugn it upon the instant, and hav- 
ing declined the contest, the consent of the Parliament was 
given almost by acclamation ; some of the Lords, in the 
enthusiasm of the moment, declared they would sooner end 
their lives than think contrary to these doctrines ; many 
offered to shed their blood in the cause. The Earl Mar- 
shall, with indignant sarcasm, called upon the Bishops, as 
pillars of the Papal Church, to defend the tenets of their 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



181 



master ; and the venerable Lord Lindsay, rising up in his 
place, and alluding to his extreme age, declared that since 
God had spared him to see that day, and the accomplish- 
ment of so worthy a work, he was ready with Simeon to 
say, " nunc dimittis."* 

This Confession having been sanctioned by Parliament, 
(August 17th,) as the standard of the Protestant faith in 
Scotland, it was thought proper to complete the work, 
(August 24th,) by passing three Acts. The first abolished 
for ever in that country the power and jurisdiction of the 
Pope ; the second repealed all former statutes passed in fa- 
vour of the Romish Church ; the third ordained that all who 
said mass, or who dared to hear mass, should, for the first 
transgression, be punished with confiscation of goods ; for 
the second, incur the penalty of banishment from the king- 
dom ; and if guilty of a third offence, be put to death. 

Thus did the Reformed religion advance in Scotland, 
from small beginnings, and amidst great opposition, until 
it attained a Parliamentary establishment. Besides the 
blessing of Heaven which accompanied the labours of the 
preachers and confessors of the truth, the serious and in- 
quisitive reader will trace the hand of Providence in that 
concatenation of events which contributed to its rise, pre- 
servation, and increase : by the over-ruling of the caprice, 
the ambition, the avarice, and the interested policy of 
princes and cabinets, many of whom had nothing less in 
view than to favour that cause which they were so instru- 
mental in promoting. 

The breach of Henry VIII. of England with the Rom- 
ish See, awakened the attention of the inhabitants of the 
northern part of the island to a controversy which had 
hitherto been carried on at too great a distance to interest 
them, and led not a few to desire a reformation more im- 
proved than the model which that monarch had held out 
to them. The premature death of James V. of Scotland 
was favourable to these views ; and during the short period 
in which they received the countenance of civil authority, 

* Tvtler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 204-21.5. From August, 1560, which the author of the Life 

th;s learned and valuable work, has been ex- of Knox entirely omitted in his first edition, 

fan be preceding abridged account of the and has but cursorily noticed in the last, 
p "gs of the memorable Parliament of 



182 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



at the commencement of Arran's regency, the seeds of the 
Reformed doctrine were so widely spread, and had taken 
such deep root, as to be able to resist the violent measures 
which the Regent, after his recantation, employed to- ex- 
tirpate them. Those who were driven from the country 
by persecution, found an asylum in England under the 
decidedly Protestant government of Edward VI. After 
his death, the alliance of England with Spain, and of Scot- 
land with France, the two great contending powers on the 
Continent, prevented any concert between the two courts, 
which might have proved fatal to the Protestant religion 
in Britain. While the cruelties of the English Queen 
drove preachers into Scotland, the political schemes of the 
Queen-Regent induced her to favour the Protestants, and 
connive at the propagation of their opinions. At the cri- 
tical moment when she had accomplished her favourite de- 
signs, and was preparing to crush the Reformation, Eliza- 
beth ascended the throne of England, and from motives 
of policy no less than religion, was inclined to support the 
Scottish Reformers. The Princes of Lorrain who, by 
the accession of Francis II. had obtained the sole direc- 
tion of the French Court, were resolutely bent on their sup- 
pression, and being at peace with Spain, seemed to have it 
in their power to turn the whole force of the empire 
against them ; but at this very time, those intestine dissen- 
sions, which continued so long to desolate France, broke 
out, and forced them to accede to that treaty which put 
an end to French influence and the Roman Catholic reli- 
gion in Scotland. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 

FROM HIS SETTLEMENT AS MINISTER OF EDINBURGH, IN 1560, TO 
HIS ACQUITTAL FROM A CHARGE OF TREASON, BY THE 
PRIVY COUNCIL, IN 1563. 

In the appointment of ministers to the different parts of the 
kingdom, a measure which engaged the attention of the 
Privy Council immediately after the conclusion of the war, 



PERIOD SIXTH. 183 

the temporary arrangements formerly made were, in gene- 
ral, confirmed ; and our Reformer resumed his station as 
minister of Edinburgh, having for several months officiated 
at St. Andrew's, which he quitted about the end of April, 
1560. During the month of August, he was employed in 
composing the Protestant Confession of Faith, which was 
presented to the Parliament, who ratified it, and abolished 
the Papal jurisdiction and worship.* 

The organization of the Reformed Church was not yet 
completed, although Parliament had abolished Popery, and 
sanctioned the Reformed doctrines as laid down in the 
Confession. Hitherto, the Book of Common Order, agreed 
upon by the English Church at Geneva, had been chiefly 
followed as a directory for worship and government. But 
this having been compiled for the use of a single congre- 
gation, and that composed for the most part of men of 
education, was found inadequate for an extensive church, 
consisting of a multitude of confederated congregations. 
Sensible of the great importance of ecclesiastical polity 
for the maintenance of order, the preservation of purity 
of doctrine and morals, and the general advancement of 
religion in the kingdom, our Reformer, at an early period, 
called the attention of the Protestants to this subject, and 
urged its speedy settlement.f In consequence of this, the 
Lords of the Privy Council appointed him, and other five 
ministers,:): to draw out such a plan as they judged most 



* When the Confession was read in Parlia- 
ment, all who had any objections to it were 
called upon to state them, and ample liberty 
allowed them. The Protestant ministers were 
in the house, standing prepared to defend it. 
Anotherday was appointed, on which it was 
read article by article. The Earl of Athole, 
with Lords Somerville and Borthwick, were 
the only persons who voted against it, assign- 
ingtbistruly catholic reason, We wilibelieve as 
our forefatheris belevit. " Thebischops spak 
nothing." The Earl Marischal pretested that 
if any of the ecclesiastical estate afterwards op- 
posed this Confession, they shou'd not be enti- 
tled to credit, but be regarded as seeking their 
own commodity, and not the truth, seeing, af- 
ter long advisement, they could make no ob- 
jection to it. Knox, 253, 254. Spotswood, 
150- Keith is at a gTeat loss to account for, 
and excuse the silence of the Popish dignita- 
ries, (to whom he is uniformly partial ;) and 
he was obliged to retract one apology which he 



had made for them, viz. that they were hin- 
dered from speaking by threatenings. Histo- 
ry, p. 149, 150, 488, Note (a) 

f Knox, Historie, p. 237. 

± The five ministers who composed the Con- 
fession of Faith and the Book cf Disci pline,were 
John Winrow, John Spotswood, John Douglas, 
John Row, and John Knox. Knox, Hist. p. 256. 
They performed their task with the utmost 
diligence and care. " The ministers (says 
Row) took not their example from any kirk in 
the world, no, not from Geneva; but laying 
God's word before them, made reformation ac- 
cording thereto." In drawing up this book, 
the compilers divided the different heads 
among them. They afterwards met together, 
and examined them with " great pains, much 
reading, and meditation, with earnest incail- 
ing on the name of God." The book was ap- 
proved by the General Assembly, after some 
articles, which were thought too larjje, were 
abridged. Row's MS. Historie, p. 12, 16, 17. 



184 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



agreeable to Scripture, and conducive to the advancement 
of religion. They met accordingly, and with great pains, 
and much unanimity, formed the book, which was after- 
wards called the The First Book of Discipline, 

As our Reformer had a chief hand in the compilation of 
this book, and as the subject is interesting, it may not be 
altogether foreign to the object of the present work to give 
a slight sketch of the form and order of the Church of 
Scotland, at the first establishment of the Reformation. 
Some more minute particulars, which are not generally 
known, shall be thrown into the notes. 

The ordinary and permanent office-bearers of the Church, 
were of four kinds : the minister or pastor, to whom the 
preaching of the Gospel and administration of the sacra- 
ments belonged ; the doctor or teacher, whose province it 
was to interpret Scripture, and confute errors, (including 
those who taught theology in schools and universities ;) 
the ruling elder, who assisted the minister in exercising 
ecclesiastical discipline and government ; and the deacon, 
who had the special oversight of the revenues of the Church 
and the poor. But besides these, it was found necessary, 
at that time, to employ some persons in extraordinary and 
temporary charges. As there were not a sufficient number 
of ministers to supply the different parts of the country, 
that the people might not be altogether destitute of public 
worship and instruction, certain persons who had received 
some education, were appointed to read the Scriptures and 
the common prayers. These were called readers, and in 
large parishes they were employed to assist the ministers 
in the public service. If they advanced in knowledge, they 
were encouraged to add a few plain exhortations to the 
reading of the Scriptures. In this case they were called 
exhorters, but they were examined and admitted before 
entering upon this employment. 

The Assembly referred to was probably the Confessions, ii. 517,605 it is said that the or- 
convention mentioned by Knox (Historie, p. der for compiling it was given on the 29fh 
261, 295,) which met 5th Jan. 1561. The April, 1560; and that it was finished by them 
first General Assembly appointed a meeting on Ihe 20th Mav following. But as the civil 
to be held at that time, (Buik of the Univer- war was not then concluded, I am inclined to 
sail Kirk, p. 3 ;) but there is no account of its prefer the account which Knox gives, that it 
proceedings in any register which I have had was undertaken subsequent to the meeting of 
access to see. In the copy of the First Book of Parliament in August that year. Historie, p. 
Discipline, published (by Calderwood, I be- 216. 
lieve) anno 1621, pp. 23, 70, and in Dunlop's 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



185 



The same cause gave rise to another temporary expe- 
dient Instead of fixing all the ministers in particular 
charges, it was judged proper, after supplying the principal 
towns, to assign to the rest the superintendence of a large 
district, over which they were appointed regularly to itine- 
rate for the purpose of preaching, planting churches, and 
inspecting the conduct of ministers, exhorters, and readers. 
These were called superintendents. The number originally 
proposed was ten ; but owing to the scarcity of proper per- 
sons, or rather the want of necessary funds, there were 
never more than five appointed. The deficiency was sup- 
plied by commissioners or visitors, appointed from time to 
time by the General Assembly.* 

The mode of admission to all these offices was by the 
free election of the people, f examination of the candidates 
by the ministers, and public admission, accompanied with 
prayer and exhortation.! The mode of admitting superin- 
tendents was the same as in the case of ordinary pastors. 
The affairs of each congregation were managed by the 
minister, elders, and deacons, who constituted the kirk-ses- 
sion, which met once a week, or oftener if business required. 
There was a meeting called The Weekly Exercise, or Pro- 
phesying, held in every considerable town, consisting of 
the ministers, exhorters, and learned men in the vicinity, 
for expounding the Scriptures. This was afterwards con- 
verted into the Presbytery, or Classical Assembly. The 
superintendent met with the ministers and delegated elders 
of his district twice a-year, in the Provincial Synod, which 
took cognizance of ecclesiastical affairs within its bounds. 
And the General Assembly, which was composed of mini- 
sters and elders commissioned from the different pans of 
the kingdom, met twice, sometimes thrice in the year, and 
attended to the interests of the whole National Church. 
Public worship was conducted according to the Book of 

•The first superintendents were. Jobn Book e of the Universal! Kirk, Peterkin's Edit. 

Spottiswood, for Lothian ; John Erskine of p. S. 

Dan. for Angus; John Winram, for Fife; + Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 524, 526, 545, 

John Wiliock, for Glasgow; and John Cars- 5 77. 60S, 659 

well, for Argyll. The General Assembly r Imposition of hands at the ordination of 

had several times proposed to appoint su- ministers was not practised in Scotland at the 

peiintendcnts for Dumf i s, Jedburgh, Aber beginning of the Reformation. It was. how. 

deert. and" Banff; but it does not appear ever, appointed to be used by the becvaiu EkXj's 

that the*: appointments were ever concluded, of Discipline. Duniup, ii. 5i9, 76$, 769 



186 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Common Order, with a few variations adapted to the state 
of the Church.* There were two diets of public worship on 
Sabbath days ; and catechising was substituted for preach- 
ing in the afternoon, with a view to promote the instruc- 
tion of the ignorant. In towns there was a regular week- 
day sermon, besides almost daily opportunities of hearing 
prayer and the reading of Scripture. The sacrament of the 
Supper was administered four times a-year in towns. The 
sign of the Cross in Baptism, and kneeling at the Lord's 
Table, were discontinued ; and anniversary holy*days were 
wholly abolished. 

The compilers of the First Book of Discipline paid par- 
ticular attention to the state of education. They required 
that a school should be erected in every parish, for the in- 
struction of youth in the principles of religion, grammar, 
and the Latin tongue. They proposed that a college should 
be erected in every " notable town," in which logic and 
rhetoric should be taught along with the learned languages. 
They seem to have had it in their eye to revive the system 
adopted in some of the ancient republics, in which the 
youth were considered as the property of the public rather 
than of their parents, by obliging the nobility and gentry to 
educate their children ; and providing, at the public expense, 
for the education of the children of the poor who discovered 
talents for learning. Their regulations for the three na- 
tional universities, discover an enlightened regard to the 
interests of literature, and may suggest hints which deserve 
attention in the present age. f If they were not carried 
into effect, the blame cannot be imputed to the Reformed 
ministers, but to those persons who, through avarice, de- 
feated the execution of their plans. But even as matters 
stood, and notwithstanding the confusions in which the 
country was involved, learning continued to make great 
progress in Scotland from this period to the close of the 
century. 

Judicious as its plan was, and well adapted to promote 
the interests of religion and learning in the. nation, the 
Book of Discipline, when presented to the Privy Council, 



* See Note, A. — Period Sixth. 



f First Book of Discipline, chap. vii. Dunlop, ii. 547-561. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



187 



was coldly received, and its formal ratification evaded. This 
did not arise from any difference of sentiment between them 
and the ministers respecting ecclesiastical government, but 
partly from aversion to the strict discipline which it ap- 
pointed to be exercised against vice, and partly from reluc- 
tance to comply with its requisition for the appropriation 
of the revenues of the Popish Church to the support of the 
new religious and literary establishments. * However, it 
was subscribed by the greater part of the members of the 
Council ; and as the grounds of prejudice against it were 
well known, it was submitted unto by the nation, and car- 
ried into effect in all its principal ecclesiastical regula- 
tions, f 

We are ready ,to form very false and exaggerated notions 
of the rudeness of our ancestors. Perhaps some of our 
literati, who entertain such a diminutive idea of the taste and 
learning of those times, might be surprised, if they could 
be set down at the table of one of our Scottish Reformers, 
surrounded with a circle of his children and pupils, where 
the conversation was all carried on in French, and the 
chapter of the Bible, at family worship, was read by the 
boys in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and French. Perhaps they 
might have blushed, if the book had been put into their 
hands, and they had been required to perform a part of the 
exercises. It is certain, however, that this was the common 
practice in the house of Mr. John Row, minister of Perth, 
with whom many of the nobility and gentry boarded their 
children, for their instruction in the Greek and Hebrew 
languages, the knowledge of which he contributed to spread 
through the kingdom. Nor was the improvement of our 
native tongue neglected at this time. J 

The first General Assembly of the Reformed Church of 
Scotland, sat down at Edinburgh on the 20th of December 
1560. It consisted of forty members, only six of whom were 
ministers. § Knox was one of these ; and he continued to sit 
in most of its meetings until the time of his death. Their 
deliberations were conducted at first with great simplicity and 



* SeeNoteB — Period Sixth. £ See Note C. — Period Sixth, 

f Knox, Historic pp. 256, 257, 295, 296. § Booke of the Universall Kirk, p. 1. Pe- 
Keith, 496, 497, Dunlop, ii 606-608. terkin's Ed. Keith, 498. 



188 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



unanimity. It is a singular circumstance, that they had six 
different meetings without a president or moderator. But as 
the number of members increased, and business became more 
complicated, a moderator was appointed to be chosen at 
every meeting ; he was invested with authority to maintain 
order ; and regulations were enacted concerning the con- 
stituent members of the court, the causes which ought to 
come before them, and the order of procedure.* 

In the close of this year our Reformer suffered a heavy 
domestic loss, by the death of his valuable wife, who, after 
sharing in the hardships of her husband's exile, was re- 
moved from him when he had obtained a comfortable set- 
tlement for his family. f He was left with the charge of 
two young children, in addition to his other cares. His 
mother-in-law was still with him ; but though he took plea- 
sure in her religious company, the dejection of mind to 
which she was subject, and which all his efforts could never 
completely cure, rather increased than lightened his bur- 
den. % His acute feelings were severely wounded by this 
stroke ; but he endeavoured to moderate his grief by the 
consolations which he administered to others, and by ap- 
plication to public duties. He had the satisfaction of re- 

* The first person appointed to the office of the re*t of the ministry and gentlemen that 
was John Willock. In the first Session of the shall convene at the said synodal convention ; 
Sixth Assembly, " It was proposed by the commissioners of burghs by " the counsell and 
hail Assemblie, that ane Moderatour should kirk of their awn townes." " None to be ad- 
be appointed, for avoiding confusion in reason- mitted without sufficientcommission or wreit." 
ing, but that every brother should speak in his And to prevent a monopoly of power, they 
own roome. The Lords of the Secret Councill, were to be changed from Assembly to Assem- 
with the haill brethren of the Assemblie, ap- bly. Ibid. p. 99. The Assembly, March 
pointed Mr. John Willock superintendent of 1569-70, settled the following order of proce- 
tlie West, Moderator," &c. Booke ofthe Uni- dure. After sermon and prayer by the former 
versale Kirk, Peterkin's Edit. p. 17. The As- Moderator, 1. Anew Moderator to be chosen, 
sembly, held at Perth in 1572, ordained, as a 2. Superintendents, commissioners, &c. to be 
perpetual law, that no person, of whatever tried. First, the superintendents being re- 
estate, take in hand to speak without licence moved, inquiry was made of the ministers and 
asked and given by the Moderator ; that mo- commissioners of their bounds if they had any 
deration should be kept in reasoning, and si- charges to lay against them as to neglect of 
lence when commanded by the Moderator, duty, &c. If any charge was brought, it was 
under pain of removal fi om the Assembly, and examined, and sentence passed. The same 
not to re-enter during that convention. Ibid, order was observed in the trial of the other 
p. 133. In July 1668, to correct evils, " be members of Assembly. 3. The case of peni- 
reason of the pluralitie and confusion of tents and persons under censure to be consi- 
voices," it was enacted, that none should have dered. Lastly, The business left undecided 
power to vote but superintendents, commis- b. last Assembly or brought before the present, 
sioners appointed to visit kirks, ministers to be taken up. Ibid. p. 117. 
" brought with yame, presented as habile to f Knox, Historie,p. 260. 
reasone, and having knowledge to judge," and $ Preface to a Letter added to AnAnswei 
commissioners of burghs, shires, and universi- to a Letter of a Jesuit, named Tyrie, be John 
ties. The ministers were to be chosen at the Knox — Sanctandrois, anno do. 1572. 
synodal convention of the diocese by consent 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



189 



ceiving, on this occasion, a letter from bis much respected 
friend Calvin, in which expressions of great esteem for his 
deceased partner were mingled with condolence for his 
loss.* I may take this opportunity of mentioning, that 
Knox, with the consent of his brethren, consulted the Ge- 
nevan Reformer upon several difficult questions which oc- 
curred respecting the settlement of the Scottish Reforma- 
tion, and that a number of letters passed between them on 
this subject. t 

Anxieties on a public account were felt by Knox, along 
with his domestic distress. The Reformation had hitherto 
advanced with a success equal to his most sanguine expec- 
tations ; and at this time, no opposition was publicly made 
to the new establishment. But matters were still in a very 
critical state. There was a party in the nation, by no 
means inconsiderable in number and power, who remained 
addicted to Popery ; and though they had given way to the 
torrent, they anxiously waited for an opportunity to em- 
broil the country in another civil war, for the restoration 
of the ancient religion. Queen Mary and her husband, 
the King of France, had refused to ratify the late treaty, 
and had dismissed the deputy sent by the Parliament, with 
marks of the highest displeasure at the innovations which 
they had presumed to introduce. A new army was pre- 
paring in France for the invasion of Scotland against the 
spring : emissaries were sent, in the meantime, to encou- 
rage and unite the Roman Catholics ; and it was doubtful 
if the Queen of England would subject herself to a new 
expense and odium, by protecting them against a second 
attack. J 

The danger was not unperceived by our Reformer, who 
exerted himself to prepare his countrymen for the event, 
by impressing their minds with a due sense of it, and ex- 
citing them speedily to complete the settlement of religion 
throughout the kingdom, which, he was persuaded, would 

* Calvini Epistolae.p. 1,50, apud Oper. tome varum, gaudeo tamen ejus morte non ita 

ix. " Viduitas tua mihi, ut debet, tristis et fuisse afflictum. quin strenue operam suam 

act-rba est. Uxorem nactus eras cui non Christo eteccIeSMe impendat." Ibid, 

leppriuntur passim similes," &c. In a letter f See Note D — Period Sixth. 

tpChrist. Goodman, written at the same time, t Knox, ?57, 258. Buchanan, p. 356, 327. 

Calvin says, " Fiatrem no;trvm Knoxura, elsi Spotswood, 150, 151. Keith, 154, 157. 
nou paruru doleo suavissi-na uxore fuisse pri- 



190 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



prove the principal bulwark against the assaults of their 
adversaries. In the state in which the minds of men then 
were, his admonitions were listened to by many who had 
formerly treated them with indifference.* The threatened 
storm blew over in consequence of the death of the French 
King ; but this necessarily led to a measure which involved 
the Scottish Protestants in a new struggle, and exposed the 
Reformed Church to dangers less obvious and striking, but 
on that account, not less to be dreaded than open violence 
and hostility. This was the invitation given by the Pro- 
testant nobility to their young Queen, who, on the 19th of 
August 1561, arrived in Scotland, and assumed the reins 
of government into her own hands. 

The education which Mary had received in France, what- 
ever embellishments it added to her beauty, was the very 
worst which can be conceived for fitting her to rule her 
native country at the present juncture. Of a temper na- 
turally violent, the devotion which she had been accus- 
tomed to see paid to her personal charms, rendered her 
incapable of bearing contradiction, f Habituated to the 
splendour and gallantry of the most luxurious and dissolute 
court in Europe, she could not submit to those restraints 
which the severer manners of her subjects imposed ; and 
while the freedom of her behaviour gave offence to them, 
she could not conceal the antipathy and disgust which she 
felt at theirs 4 Full of high notions of royal prerogative, 
she regarded the late proceedings in Scotland as a course 
of rebellion against her authority. Every means was em- 
ployed, before she left France, to strengthen her blind at- 
tachment to the Roman Catholic religion, in which she 
had been nursed from her infancy, and to inspire her with 
aversion to the religion which had been embraced by her 
subjects. She was taught that it would be the great glory 
of her reign to reduce her kingdom to the obedience of the 
Romish See, and co-operate with the Popish princes on the 

* Knox, 260. alone, tfaak mycht be sene skipping not veray 

f Mr. Hume's letter, printed in the life of comelie for honest wemen. Her commune 

Dr. Robertson, apud History of Scotland, vol. talk was in secrete, that sche saw nothing in 

j. 25. Lond. 1.109. A ndei son's Collections, Scotland bot gravity, quhilk repugned alto- 

vol. iv. part i. p. 71, 72, 74, 79. gidder to her nature, for sche was brocht up 

£ " How sone that ever her French fUlokes, in joyeusetie M Knox, Historie, p. 294. 
fidlars, and utheris of that band gat the house 



PEEIOD SIXTH. 



191 



Continent in extirpating- heresy. If she forsook the reli- 
gion in which she had been educated, she would forfeit 
their powerful friendship ; if she persevered in it, she might 
depend upon their assistance to enable her to chastise her 
rebellious subjects, and prosecute her claims to the English 
crown against a heretical usurper. 

With these fixed prepossessions Mary came into Scot- 
land, and she adhered to them with singular pertinacity to 
the end of her life. To examine the subjects of contro- 
versy between the Papists and Protestants, with the view 
of ascertaining on what side the truth lay ; to hear the 
preachers, or admit them to state the grounds of their faith, 
even in the presence of the clergy whom she had brought 
along with her ; to do any thing which might lead to a 
doubt in her mind respecting the religion in which she had 
been brought up, she had formed an unalterable determi- 
nation to avoid. As the Protestants were at present in the 
possession of power, it was necessary for her to temporize ; 
but she resolved to withhold her ratification of the late pro- 
ceedings, and to embrace the first favourable opportunity 
to overturn them, and re-establish the ancient system.* 

The reception which she met with on her first arrival in 
Scotland was flattering ; but an occurrence which took 
place soon after, damped the joy which had been expressed, 
and prognosticated future jealousies and confusion. Re- 
solved to give her subjects an early proof of her firm de- 
termination to adhere to the Roman Catholic worship, 
Mary, by the advice of her uncles, who accompanied her, 
directed preparations to be made for the celebration of a 

* See Throtmorton's conference with Mary, altar, she repaired to the chapel, and having 

before she left France. Knox, Historie, '175- ascertained the fact, commanded a baron, one 

277. Keith, History, 164-167. Life of Bishop of the most powerful, and most, addicted to 

Let-ley, apud Anderson's Collections, i. 4. iii. Lutheranism, to re-lightthe candles, and place 

9. The letters of the Cardinal de St. Croix, them on the altar : in which she was instantly 

(ambassador from the Pope to the Court of obeyed. After relating another instance of 

France,) extracted from the Vatican Library, her spirited conduct against the magistrates 

afford a striking demonstration of the inten- of a certain borough, who had banished the 

tions of the Queen. St. Croix writes to Cardi- Popish priests, the Cardinal adds; " by these 

nal Borromeo, that the Grand Prior of France means she has acquired greater authority and 

(one of Mary's uncles) and Mons. Danville, had power, for enabling her to restore the ancient 

arrived from Scotland on the 17th November, religion;" " con che acquesta tutta via mag- 

(1561,) and brought information that the gior autorita et forze, per passer restituer en 

Queen was going on successfully to the sur- quel regno l'antica religicne/" Aymon's Sy- 

mounting of all opposition to her in that king- nodes N.-tionaux des F.glises Refoimees de 

dom. Being informed one day that some he- France, torn. i. p. 17, 18. 
retics had extinguished the candles on her 



192 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



solemn mass in the chapel of Holyrood House, on the first 
Sunday after her arrival, notwithstanding this service was 
prohibited by an act of the late Parliament, and had not 
been performed in Scotland since the termination of the 
war. So great was the horror with which the Protestants 
viewed this service, and the alarm which they felt at find- 
ing it countenanced by their Queen, that the first rumour 
of the design excited violent murmurs, which would have 
burst into an open tumult, had not some of their leaders 
interfered, and by their authority repressed the zeal of the 
multitude. Knox, from regard to public tranquillity, and 
to avoid giving offence to the Queen and her relations at 
the present juncture, used his influence in private conver- 
sation to allay the fervour of the more zealous, who were 
ready to prevent the service by force. But he was not less 
alarmed at the precedent than the rest of his brethren, and 
having exposed the evil of idolatry in his sermon on the 
following Sabbath, he said, that kk one mess was more fear- 
full unto him, then if ten thousand armed enemies wer 
landed in ony parte of the realme, of purpose to suppres 
the hole religioun."* 

At this day, we are apt to be struck with surprise at the 
conduct of our ancestors, to treat their fears as visionary, 
or at least highly exaggerated, and summarily to pronounce 
them guilty of the same intolerance of which they com- 
plained in their adversaries. Persecution for conscience' 
sake is so odious, and the least approach to it is so danger- 
ous, that we think we can never express too great detesta- 
tion of any measure which involves it, or tends to give it 
countenance or encouragement. But let us be just as well 
as liberal. A little reflection upon the circumstances in 
which our reforming forefathers were placed, may serve to 
abate our astonishment and qualify our censures. They 
were actuated, it is true, by a strong abhorrence of Popish 
idolatry, and unwilling to suffer the land to be again pol- 
luted with it ; but they were influenced also by a proper 
regard for their own preservation ; and neither were their 
fears fanciful, nor their precautions unnecessary. 



* Knox, Historie, p. 284-287. See Note E Period Sixth. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



The warmest friends of toleration and liberty of eoa- 
science (some of whom will not readily be charged with 
Protestant prejudices) have admitted, that persecution of 
the most sanguinary kind was inseparable from the system 
and spirit of Popery which was at that time dominant in 
Europe ; and they cannot deny the inference, that the pro- 
fession and propagation of it were, on this account, justly 
subjected to penal restraints, as far at least as was requisite 
to prevent it from obtaining the ascendancy, and reacting 
the bloody scenes which it had already exhibited.* The 
Protestants of Scotland had these scenes before their eyes, 
and fresh in their recollection ; and criminal indeed would 
they have been, if, under a false security, and by listening 
to the Syren song of toleration, (by which their adversaries, 
with no less impudence than artifice, now attempted to lull 
them asleep,) they had suffered themselves to be thrown off 
their guard, and neglected to provide against the most dis- 
tant approaches of the danger by which they were threat- 
ened. Could they be ignorant of the perfidious, barba- 
rous, and unrelenting cruelty with which Protestants were 
treated in every Roman Catholic kingdom ; in France, 
where so many of their brethren had been put to death, 
under the influence of the relations of their Queen ; in the 
Netherlands, where such multitudes had been tortured, be- 
headed, hanged, drowned, or buried alive ; in England, 
where the flames of persecution were but lately extin- 
guished ; and in Spain, where they continued to blaze ? 
Could they have forgotten what had taken place in their 
own country, or the perils from w r hich they had themselves 
narrowly escaped ? " God forbid !" exclaimed the Lords of 
the Privy Council, in the presence of Queen Mary, at a 
time when they were not disposed to offend her, " God 
forbid that the lives of the faithful stood in the power of 
the Papists ; for just experience has taught us what cruelty 
is in their hearts, "f 

Nor was this an event so improbable, as to render the 

* Eayle, CommentairePhilofophique, tome 12mo. Robertson's History of Scotland, roh 
1. pref. xiv. part ii. chap. v. p. 343, 347. Anno ii. p. 62, 143, 352. Lond. 1809. See also Note 
1686, and Critique GCnerale de l'Histoire di F. — Period Sixth. 
Caivinisme.p. 486, 501 519. Hume's Hist, of j- Knox, Historic, p. 341. 
England, vol. vii. chap. i. p. 24. Lond. 1793, 

O 



]04 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



most jealous precautions unnecessary. The rage for con- 
quest, on the Continent, was now converted into a rage for 
proselytism ; and steps had already been taken towards 
forming that League among the Catholic princes, which 
had for its object the universal extermination of the Pro- 
testants. The Scottish Queen was passionately addicted to 
the intoxicating cup of which so many of " the kings of the 
earth had drunk." There were numbers in the nation si- 
milarly disposed. The liberty taken by the Queen, would 
soon be demanded for all who declared themselves Catho- 
lics. Many of those who had hitherto ranged under the 
Protestant standard, were lukewarm in the cause ; the zeal 
of others had already suffered a sensible abatement since 
the arrival of the Queen ; * and it was to be feared, that 
the favours of the Court, and the blandishments of an art- 
ful and engaging princess, would make proselytes of some, 
and lull others into a dangerous security, while designs 
were carried on pregnant with ruin to the religion and liber- 
ties of the nation. It was in this manner that some of the 
most wise persons in the country reasoned, f and had it 
not been for the uncommon spirit which at that time ex- 
isted among the Reformers, there is every reason to think 
that their predictions would have been verified. 

To those who assimilate the conduct of the Scottish Pro- 
testants on this occasion, with the intolerance of Roman 
Catholics, I would recommend the following statement of 
a sensible French author, who had formed a more just no- 
tion of these transactions than many of our own writers. 
" Mary," says he, " was brought up in France, accustomed 
to see Protestants burned to death, and instructed in the 
maxims of her uncles, the Guises, who maintained that it 
was necessary to exterminate, without mercy, the pre- 
tended Reformed. With these dispositions she arrived in 
Scotland, which was wholly reformed, with the exception 
of a few lords. The kingdom receive her, acknowledge her 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 282, 283, 285, 287. tile politician, was among the first to realise 

+ Several of the above considerations, along some of his own predictions. That such fear9 

with others, are forcibly stated in a letter of were very general in the nation, appears also 

Maitland to Cecil, written a short time before from a letter of Randolph. Robertson, App. 

Queen Mary's arrival in Scotland. Keith, App. No. 5. 

92-95. That sagacious, but supple and versa- 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



195 



as their Queen, and obey her in all things according to the 
laws of the country. I maintain that, in the state of men's 
spirits at that time, if a Huguenot queen had come to take 
possession of a Roman Catholic kingdom, with the equi- 
page with which Mary came to Scotland, the first thing they 
would have done would have been to arrest her ; and if she 
had persevered in her religion, they would have procured 
her degradation by the Pope, thrown her into the Inquisi- 
tion, and burned her as a heretic. There is not an honest 
man who dare deny this."* After all, it is surely unne- 
cessary to apologise for the restrictions which our ances- 
tors were desirous of imposing on Queen Mary, to those 
who approve of the present Constitution of Britain, which 
excludes every Papist from the throne, and according to 
which the reigning monarch, by setting up mass in his 
chapel, would virtually forfeit his crown. Is Popery more 
dangerous now than it was two hundred and fifty years ago ? 

Besides his fears for the common cause, Knox had grounds 
for apprehension as to his personal safety. The Queen 
was peculiarly incensed against him on account of the ac- 
tive hand which he had in the late revolution ; the Popish 
clergy who left the kingdom, represented him as the ring- 
leader of her factious subjects ; and she had signified, before 
she left France, that she was determined he should be punish- 
ed. His book against female government was most probably 
the ostensible charge on which he was to be prosecuted ; 
and accordingly we find him making application through 
the English resident at Edinburgh, to secure the favour of 
Elizabeth, reasonably suspecting that she might be induced 
to abet the proceedings against him on this head.f But 

* Histoire du Calvinisme et celle du Papisme 190. A letter from Maitland to Cecil of the 
mises en Parallele ; ou Apologie pour les Re- same date, published by Haynes, p. 569, seems 
formateurs, pour la Reformation, et pour les to refer to the same design, which I mention 
Reformez, tome i. 354. A Rotterdam, 16S3, the rather to correct (what appears to me) an 
4to. The affirmation of this writer is com- error in the transcription : " I wish to God the 
pletely supported by the well-inown history of first warre may be planely intended against 
Henry IV. of France, (not to mention other them by Knox, for so should it be manifest that 
instances;) whose recantation of Calvinism, the suppressing off religion was raent; but I 
although it smoothed his way to the throne, fear more the will proceed tharunto by indi- 
was never able to efface the indelible stig- rect meanes : And nothing for us so danger- 
ma of his former heresy, to secure the affec- ouse as temporising." This seems altogether 
tions of his Roman Catholic subjects, or to unintelligible; but if the words printed in ita- 
a vert from his brea<t the conjecrated poignard lies are transposed, and read thus, " by them 
of the assassin. against Fnox," they will make sense, corres- 
t Randolph to Cecil, yth Aug. 1561. Ro- pond with the strain of the letter, and with 
bertson, Appendix, No. 5. See also Keith, the fact mentioned by Randolph in his letter 



196 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



whatever perils he apprehended from the personal presence 
of the Queen, either to the public or to himself, he used 
not the smallest influence to prevent her being invited 
home. On the contrary, he concurred with his brethren 
in this measure, and in defeating a scheme which the Duke 
of Chastelherault, under the direction of the Archbishop ol 
St. Andrew's, had formed to exclude her from the govern- 
ment. * But when the Prior of St. Andrew's was sent to 
France with the invitation, he urged that her desisting from 
the celebration of mass should be one of the conditions of 
her return • and when he found him and the rest of the 
Council disposed to grant her this liberty within her own 
chapel, he predicted that " her liberty would be their thral- 
dom." f 

Soon after her arrival, J Queen Mary, whether of her 
own accord or by advice is uncertain, sent for Knox to the 
palace, and held a long conversation with him, in the pre- 
sence of her brother, the Prior of St. Andrew's. She seems 
to have expected to awe him into submission by her autho- 
rity, if not to confound him by her arguments. But the 
bold freedom with which he replied to all her charges, and 
vindicated his own conduct, convinced her that the one 
expectation was not more vain than the other ; and the im- 
pression which she wished to make on the preacher was 
left on her own mind. She accused him of raising her sub- 
jects against her mother and herself ; of writing a book 
against her just authority, which (she said) she would cause 
the most learned in Europe to answer • of being the cause 
of sedition and bloodshed when he was in England ; and of 
accomplishing his purposes by magical arts. 

To these heavy charges Knox replied, that if to teach 
the truth of God in sincerity, to rebuke idolatry, and ex- 
hort a people to worship God according to his word, were 
to excite subjects to rise against their princes, then he stood 
convicted of that crime ; for it had pleased God to employ 
him, among others, to disclose unto that realm the vanity 

written on ttie same «ty. Maitland expresses * Knox, Historie, 269. 

his fears that Mary would have recourse to + Knox, Historie, 262, 293. 

cratty measures for undermining their cause, ± In the beginning of September, Keith, p. 

instead of persevering in the design which she 188. 

had avowed of using violence against Knox. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



197 



of the Papistical religion, with the deceit, pride, and ty- 
ranny of the Roman antichrist. But if the true knowledge 
of God and his right worship were the most powerful in- 
ducements to subjects cordially to obey their princes, (as 
they certainly were,) he was innocent. Her Grace, he was 
persuaded, had at present as an mifeigned obedience from 
the Protestants of Scotland, as ever her father or any of 
her ancestors had from those called bishops. With respect 
to what had been reported to her Majesty, concerning the 
fruits of his preaching in England, he was glad that his 
enemies laid nothing to his charge but what the world knew 
to be false. If any of them could prove, that in any of the 
places where he had resided, there was either sedition or 
mutiny, he would confess himself to be a malefactor. So 
far from this being the case, he was not ashamed to say, 
that in Berwick, where bloodshed among the soldiers had 
formerly been common, God so blessed his weak labours, 
that there was as great quietness during the time he resided 
in it, as there was at present in Edinburgh. The slander 
of practising magic, (an art which he condemned wherever 
he preached,) he could more easily bear, when he recol- 
lected that his master, the Lord Jesus, had been defamed 
as one in league with Beelzebub. As to the book which 
seemed so highly to offend her Majesty, he owned that he 
wrote it, and was willing that all the learned should judge 
of it. He understood that an Englishman had written 
against it, but he had not read him. If he had sufficiently 
confuted his arguments, and established the contrary pro- 
positions, he would confess his error ; but to that hour he 
continued to think himself alone more able to sustain the 
things affirmed in that work, than any ten in Europe were 
to confute them. 

" You think I have no just authority ?" said the Queen. 
** Please your Majesty," replied he, " learned men in all 
ages have had their judgments free, and most commonly 
disagreeing from the common judgment of the world; such 
also have they published both with pen and tongue ; not- 
withstanding, they themselves have lived in the common 
society with others, and have borne patiently with the er- 
rors and imperfections which they could not amend. Plato 



198 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



the philosopher wrote his book " Of the Commonwealth,*" 
in which he condemned many things that then were main- 
tained in the world, and required many things to have been 
reformed ; and yet, notwithstanding, he lived under such 
policies as then were universally received, without farther 
troubling of any state. Even so, madam, am I content to 
do, in uprightness of heart, and with a testimony of a good 
conscience." He added, that his sentiments on that sub- 
ject should be confined to his own breast ; and that, if she 
refrained from persecution, her authority would not be 
hurt, either by him or his book, " which was written most 
especially against that wicked Jesabell of England." 

" But ye speak of women in general," said the Queen, 
f ' Most true it is, madam ; yet it appeareth to me, that wis- 
dom should persuade your Grace never to raise trouble for 
that which to this day has not troubled your Majesty, nei- 
ther in person nor in authority ; for of late years many 
things, which before were held stable, have been called in 
doubt ; yea, they have been plainly impugned. But yet, 
madam, I am assured that neither Protestant nor Papist 
shall be able to prove that any such question was at any 
time moved either in public or in secret. Now, madam, if 
I had intended to have troubled your estate, because ye are 
a woman, I would have chosen a time more convenient for 
that purpose than I can do now when your presence is 
within the realm." 

Changing the subject, she charged him with having 
taught the people to receive a religion different from that 
allowed by their princes ; and asked, if this was not con- 
trary to the Divine command, that subjects should obey 
their rulers ? He replied that true religion derived not its 
origin or authority from princes, but from the eternal God ; 
that princes were often most ignorant of the true religion ; 
and that subjects were not bound to frame their religion 
according to the arbitrary will of their rulers, else the 
Hebrews would have been bound to adopt the religion of 
Pharaoh, Daniel and his associates that of Nebuchadnezzar 
and Darius, and the primitive Christians that of the Roman 
Emperors. " Yea," replied the Queen, qualifying her as- 
sertion ; " but none of these men raised the sword aga ; 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



199 



their princes." u Yet you cannot deny," said he, "that 
they resisted ; for those who ohey not the commandment 
given them, do in some sort resist." " But they resisted 
not with the sword," rejoined the Queen, pressing home 
the argument. " God, madam, had not given unto them 
the power and the means." " Think you," said the Queen, 
c * that subjects, having the power, may resist their princes ?" 
" If princes exceed their bounds, madam, no doubt they 
may be resisted, even by power. For no greater honour, 
or greater obedience is to be given to kings and princes, 
than God has commanded to be given to father and mother. 
But the father may be struck with a frensy, in which he 
would slay his children. Now, madam, if the children arise, 
join together, apprehend the father, take the sword from 
him, bind his hands, and keep him in prison till the frensy 
be over ; think you, madam, that the children do any wrong ? 
Even so, madam, is it with princes that would murder the 
children of God that are subject unto them. Their blind 
zeal is nothing but a mad frensy ; therefore, to take the 
sword from them, to bind their hands, and to cast them into 
prison, till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no 
disobedience against princes, but just obedience, because it 
agreeth with the will of God." 

The Queen, who had hitherto maintained her courage 
in reasoning, was completely overpowered by this bold 
answer : her countenance changed, and she continued in a 
silent stupor. Her brother spoke to her, and inquired the 
cause of her uneasiness ; but she made no reply. At length, 
recovering herself, she said. 66 Well then, I perceive that 
my subjects shall obey you, and not me, and will do what 
they please, and not what I command ; and so must I be 
subject to them, and not they to me." " God forbid!" an- 
swered Knox, " that ever I take upon me to command any 
to obey me, or to set subjects at liberty to do whatever 
pleases them. But my travel is, that both princes and 
subjects may obey God. And think not, madam, that 
wrong is done you, when you are required to be subject 
unto God; for it is he who subjects people under princes, 
and causes obedience to be given unto them. He craves 
of kings, that they be as foster-fathers to his Church, and 



200 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



commands queens to be nurses to his people. And this sub- 
jection, madam, unto God and his Church, is the greatest 
dignity that flesh can get upon the face of the earth ; for it 
shall raise them to everlasting glory." 

" But you are not the Church that I will nourish," said 
the Queen : 6 6 1 will defend the Church of Rome ; for it is, 
I think, the true Church of God." " Your will, madam, is 
no reason ; neither doth your thought make the Roman 
harlot to be the true and immaculate spouse of Jesus Christ. 
Wonder not, madam, that I call Rome an harlot, for that 
Church is altogether polluted with all kinds of spiritual for- 
nication, both in doctrine and manners." He added, that 
he was ready to prove that the Romish Church had de- 
clined farther from the purity of religion taught by the 
Apostles, than the Jewish Church had degenerated from 
the ordinances which God gave them by Moses and Aaron, 
at the time when they denied and crucified the Son of God. 
" My conscience is not so," said the Queen. " Conscience, 
madam, requires knowledge ; and I fear that right know- 
ledge you have none." She said, she had both heard and 
read. " So, madam, did the Jews who crucified Christ ; 
they read the law and the prophets, and heard them inter- 
preted after their manner. Have you heard any teach but 
such as the Pope and cardinals have allowed ? and you may 
be assured, that such will speak nothing to offend their own 
estate." 

" You interpret the Scriptures in one way," said the 
Queen evasively, (e and they in another : whom shall I 
believe, and who shall be judge?" " You shall believe 
God, who plainly speaketh in his word," replied the Re- 
former, " and farther than the word teacheth you, you 
shall believe neither the one nor the other. The word of 
God is plain in itself ; if there is any obscurity in one place, 
the Holy Ghost, who is never contrary in himself, explains 
it more clearly in other places, so that there can remain no 
doubt, but unto such as are obstinately ignorant." As an 
example, he selected one of the articles in controversy, that 
concerning the Sacrament of the Supper, and proceeded to 
shew that the Popish doctrine of the sacrifice of the mass, 
was destitute of all foundation in Scripture. But the 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



201 



Queen, who was determined to avoid all discussion of the 
articles of her creed, interrupted him by saying, that she 
was unable to contend with him in argument, but if she 
had those present whom she had heard, they would answer 
him. " Madam," replied the Reformer fervently, " would 
to God that the leamedest Papist in Europe, and he whom 
you would best believe, were present with your Grace to 
sustain the argument, and that you would wait patiently to 
hear the matter reasoned to the end ! for then, I doubt not, 
madam, but you would hear the vanity of the Papisti- 
cal religion, and how little ground it hath in the word of 
God." " Well," said she, " you may perchance get that 
sooner than you believe." " Assuredly, if ever I get that 
in my life, I get it sooner than I believe ; for the ignorant 
Papist cannot patiently reason, and the learned and crafty 
•Papist will never come, in your audience, madam, to have 
the ground of their religion searched out. When you shall 
let me see the contrary, I shall grant myself to have been 
deceived in that point." 

The hour of dinner afforded an occasion for breaking off 
this singular conversation. At taking leave of her Ma- 
jesty, the Reformer said, " I pray God, madam, that you 
may be as blessed within the commonwealth of Scotland as 
ever Deborah was in the commonwealth of Israel."* Such 
is the account of Knox's first conference with the Queen ; 
and though he addressed her with a boldness and freedom 
to which crowned heads are seldom accustomed, there is 
no ground for the charge that he treated her with rude- 
ness, or that he ever lost sight of that respect due to the 
presence of his Sovereign, or to the decorum which became 
his own character. 

This interview excited great speculation, and different 
conjectures were formed as to its probable consequences. 
The Catholics, whose hopes now depended solely on the 
Queen, were alarmed lest Knox's rhetoric shoidd have 
shaken her constancy. The Reformed party cherished the 
expectation that she would be induced to attend the Pro- 
testant sermons, and that her religious prejudices would 



* Knox, Historie, p. 287 299. 



202 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



gradually abate. Knox indulged no such flattering expec- 
tations. He had made it his study, during the late con- 
ference, to discover the real character of the Queen ; and 
he formed, at that time, the opinion which he never saw 
reason afterwards to alter, that she was proud, crafty, ob- 
stinately wedded to the Popish Church, and averse to all 
means of instruction,* He resolved, therefore, vigilantly 
to watch her proceedings, that he might give timely warn- 
ing of any danger which might result from them to the 
Reformed interest ; and the more that he perceived the 
zeal of the Protestant nobles to cool, and their jealousy to 
be laid asleep by the winning arts of the Queen, the more 
frequently and loudly did he sound the alarm. Vehement 
and harsh as his expressions often were ; violent, sedi- 
tious, and insufferable, as his sermons and prayers have 
been pronounced, I have little hesitation in saying, that 
as the public peace was never disturbed by them, so they 
were useful to the public safety, and even a principal means 
of warding off those confusions in which the country was 
involved, and which brought on the ultimate ruin of the 
infatuated Queen. His uncourtly and rough manner was 
not, indeed, calculated to gain upon her mind, (nor is there 
reason to think that an opposite manner would have had 
this effect,) and his admonitions often irritated her ; but 
they obliged her to act with greater reserve and modera- 
ration ; and they operated, to an indescribable degree, in 
arousing and keeping awake the zeal and the fears of the 
nation, which at that period were the two great safe- 
guards of the Protestant religion in Scotland.! We may 



* Knox, 292. Keith, 197. In a letter to 
Cecil, 7th October, 1561, Knox says, "The 
queen neyther is,neyther shall be of our opi- 
nion ; and, in very dead, her hole proceedings 
do declair that the cardinalles lessons ar so 
deaplie printed in her heart, that the substance 
and the qualitie are lick to perishe together. 
I wold be glad to be deceased, but I fear I 
shall not. In communication with her, I es- 
pyed such craft as I have not found in such 
aige. Since, hath the court been dead to me 
and I to it.* Haynes, 372. 

f Dr. Cook has the following just and ratio- 
nal reflections on this interview. " What had 
passed sunk deeply into the heart of Mary. 
She saw plainly the nature of that spirit 
with which she had to contend, and pro- 



bably justly estimated the difficulty which she 
would experience in guiding or resisting it. 
Knox also was strongly impressed with what 
he had heard. The ability with which Mary 
had sustained her part in the conference ; the 
firmness with which she argued for the maxims 
which she had adopted, convinced him that 
there was little or no hope of her conversion, 
and he frequently mentioned the opinion 
which he had formed. Tt is evident that he 
had been represented to Mary as an enemy to 
monarchy, and the manner in which he spake 
of allegiance may afford some reason for ima 
gining that this was really the case. Yet an 
attentive examination of his conduct will show 
that he was thoroughly convinced of the obli 
gation to submit to the supreme magistrat 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



203 



form an idea of the effect produced by his pulpit-orations, 
from the account of the English ambassador, who was one 
of his constant hearers. " Where your honour," says he, 
in a letter to Cecil, M exhorteth us to stoutness, I assure 
you the voice of one man is able, in an hour, to put more 
life in us, than six hundred trumpets continually bluster- 
ing in our ears."* 

The Reformer was not ignorant that some of his friends 
thought him too severe in his language, nor was he always 
disposed to vindicate the expressions which he employed. 
Still, however, he was persuaded that the times required 
the utmost plainness ; and he was afraid that snares lurked 
under the smoothness which was recommended and prac- 
tised by courtiers. Cecil, having given him an advice on 
this head, in one of his letters, we find him replying : 
" Men deliting to swym betwix two waters, have often 
compleaned upon my severitie. I do fear that that which 
men terme lenitie and dulcenes, do bring upon thameselves 
and others mor fearful destruction, than yit hath ensewed 
the vehemency of any preacher within this realme. ,? f 

The abatement of zeal which he dreaded from (i the 
holy water of the Court," soon began to appear among the 
Protestant leaders. The General Assemblies of the Church 
were a great eye-sore to the Queen, who was very desirous 

in all things not contrary to the law of God. rable constitution rests, we must revere thi» 

He upon every occasion shrunk from the im- great Reformer as the intrepid champion of 

putation of being a promoter of rebellion ; and liberty, — we must "with gratitude ascribe to 

if cannot be doubted, that by the activity of the resolute stand which he now made that 

bis exertions, rebellion was frequently pre- blessed change of religious sentiment, those 

vented ; but his attachment to what he rever- grand maxims of policy -which have raised the 

ed as pure religion, to the liberty which was prosperity of our country, and contributed to 

essentia; to its existence, was certainly stronger that intellectual culture, to that astonishing 

than his loyalty. But there is much reason to progress in art and in science by which its in- 

conclude, that his estimate of the danger habitants axe so eminently distinguished." 

which hung over his country was not exagge- * Randolph's Letter, apud Eeith, 1S8. In 

rated ; and in this case, before he can be this letter, the ambassador gives an account 

branded as a turbulent incendiary, we must of Knox's conference with the Queen. He 

be prepared to admit, that even the most in- " knocked so hastily upon her heart, that he 

tolerable tyranny ought not to be restrained made her to weep, as well you know there be 

by those against whom it is exercised. If we some of that sex that will do that as well for 

revolt from this opinion, so shocking to com- anger as for grief; though in this the Lord 

mon sense, and so incompatible with the feel- James will disagree with me. He concluded 

ings of mankind, — if we allow that the happi- so in the end with her, that he hath liberty to 

ness of the community is the great end of speak his conscience; [and] to give unto her 

government, — that when this is disregarded such reverence as becometh the ministers cf 

cr wantonly sacrificed, government is a cala- God unto the superior powers, 

n.ity frorn which we would seek to escape, — t Haynes, 572. An epistolary correspond- 

it. in one word, we hold those principles upon ence was at this time maintained between 

which the revolution in Britain proceeded, secretary Cecil and our Reformer. Keith# 

•knd which form the basis on which our admi- 191, 192, 194. Robertson, Append. No. o. 



204 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



to have them put down. At the first Assembly after her 
arrival, the courtiers, through her influence, absented them- 
selves, and when challenged for this, began to dispute the 
propriety of such conventions without her Majesty's plea- 
sure. On this point, there was sharp reasoning between 
Knox and Maitland, who was now made Secretary of State. 
" Take from us the liberty of Assemblies, and take from 
us the Gospel," said the Reformer. " If the liberty of the 
Church must depend upon her allowance or disallowance, 
we shall want not only Assemblies, but also the preaching of 
the Gospel." It was proposed that the Book of Discipline 
should be ratified by the Queen ; but this was keenly op- 
posed by the Secretary, who asked, with a sneer, " How 
many of those who subscribed that book will be subject to 
it ? Many had subscribed it in Jide parentum implicitly." 
Knox replied, that the scoff was as untrue as it was unbe- 
coming ; for the book was publicly read, and its different 
heads discussed for a number of days, so that no man was 
required to subscribe what he did not understand. " Stand 
content," said one of the courtiers, " that book will not be 
obtained." " And let God requite the injury which the 
commonwealth shall sustain, at the hands of those who 
hinder it," replied the Reformer. 

He was still more indignant at their management in set- 
tling the provision for the ministers of the Church. Hi- 
therto they had lived mostly on the benevolence of their 
hearers, and many of them had scarcely the means of sub- 
sistence ; but repeated complaints having obliged the Privy 
Council to take up the affair, they came at last to a deter- 
mination, that the ecclesiastical revenues should be divided 
into three parts ; that two of these should be given to the 
ejected Popish clergy ; and that the other part should be 
divided between the Court and the Protestant ministry ! * 
The persons appointed " to modify the stipends," or fix the 
sums to be appropriated to the Court and the clergy, were 
disposed to gratify the Queen ; and the sums allotted to the 
ministers were as ill paid as they were paltry and inade- 
quate. " Weall!" exclaimed Knox, when he heard of 



* Keith, App. 175-179. Knox, 296-300. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



205 



this disgraceful arrangement, " if the end of this or dour, 
pretendit to be takin for sustenatioun of the ministers, be 
happie, my jugement failes me. I sie twa pairtis freelie 
gevin to the devill, and the thrid mon be devyded betwix 
God and the devill. Quho wald have thocht, that quhen 
Joseph reulled in Egypt, his brethren sould have travellit 
for victualles ; and have returned with emptie sackes unto 
thair families ? O happie servands of the devill, and mise- 
rabill servants of Jesus Christ, if efter this lyf thair wer 
not hell and heavin !"* When Maitland complained to him 
of the ingratitude of the ministers, who did not acknow- 
ledge the Queen's liberality to them, Knox replied, with a 
derisive smile, " Assuredly, such as receive any thing of 
the Queen are unthankfull, if they acknowledge it not; 
but whether the ministers be of that rank or not, I greatly 
doubt. Has the Queen better title to that which she usurps, 
be it in giving to others, or in taking to herself, than such 
as crucified Christ had to divide his garments among them ? 
Let the Papists who have the two parts, some that have 
their thirds free, and some that have gotten abbacies and 
feu-lands, thank the Queen ; the poor preachers will not 
yet natter for feeding their bellies. To your dumb dogs, 
formerly ten thousand was not enough ; but to the servants 
of Christ, that painfully preach his evangell, a thousand 
pound ! how can that be sustained." 

He unfolded his mind more freely on this subject, as his 
complaints could not be imputed to personal motives ; for 
his own stipend, though moderate, was liberal when com- 
pared with those of the most of his brethren. From the 
time of his last return to Scotland, until the conclusion of 
the war, he had been indebted to the liberality of indivi- 
duals for the support of his family. After that period, he 
lodged for some time in the house of David Forrest, a bur- 
gess of Edinburgh, from which he removed to the lodging 

* " So busie," says he, " and circumspect the original Books of Assignation to the mini- 
wer the modificators (becaus it was a new of- sters, which now ly before roe, ascertain the 
fice, tbeterme roust also be new,) that the truth of what he says," p. 508. Wishart of 
ministers sould not be over- wantoun, that an Pittarow, who was appointed (March 1, 1661 ,) 
hundredth merks was sufficient to an single comptroller of the modirication, pinched the 
man, being a commone minister : Thre hun- ministers so much, that it became a proverb, 
dreth merks was the hiest apoynteu" to any — " The gude laird of Petarro was an ernest 
except the superintendents, and a few uther- professour of Christ, but the mekill devill re- 
is." Historie, 301. " Mr. Knox is not at all ceave the comtroller." 
here diminishing the sum, (says Keith) ; for 



206 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



which had belonged to Durie, Abbot of Dunfermline, As 
soon as he began to preach statedly in the city, the Town 
Council assigned him an annual stipend of two hundred 
pounds, to be paid quarterly ; besides discharging his 
house-rent, and reimbursing some individuals the money 
which they had expended in maintaining his family. Sub- 
sequent to the settlement made by the Privy Council, it 
would seem that he received at least a part of his stipend 
from the common fund allotted to the ministers of the 
Church ; but the Good Town had still an opportunity of tes- 
tifying their generosity, by supplying the deficiences of the 
legal allowance. Indeed, the uniform attention of the Town 
Council to his external accommodation and comfort, was 
honourable to them, and deserves to be recorded to their 
commendation.* 

In the beginning of the year 1562, he went to Angus, to 
preside in the election and admission of John Erskine of 
Dun as superintendent of Angus and Mearns. That respect- 
able baron was one of those whom the first General As- 
sembly declared " apt and able to minister ;"f and having 
already contributed, in different ways, to the advancement 
of the Reformation, he now devoted himself to the service 
of the Church in a laborious employment, at a time when 
she stood eminently in need of the assistance of all the 
learned and pious. Knox had formerly presided at the 
installation of John Spotswood, as superintendent of Lo- 
thian. J 

The influence of our Reformer appears from his being 
engaged on different occasions to compose or decide dis- 
putes of a civil nature, which arose among the Protestants. 
He was applied to frequently to intercede with the Town 
Council, in behalf of some of the inhabitants who had sub- 
jected themselves to punishment by their disorderly con- 
duct^ He had been employed in 1561, to adjust some 
difference that had arisen between the Earl of Angus and 
his brothers, respecting the possession of the lands and ba- 

* See Extracts from the Records of the ©f all the superintendents and other ministers, 

Town Council in Note G. — Period Sixth. is inserted at length in Knox's Historie, p. 

f Keith, 498. 263-266 i. and in Dunlop's Confesssons, ii. 

$ The form observed onthat occasion, which 627-636 
was followed in the admission or ordination § Knox, Historie, p. 270. 



fppmp SIXTH. 



207 



rony of Abernethy ; and in March next year, the Earl of 
Both well urged him to assist in removing a deadly feud 
which subsisted between him and the Earl of Arran. He 
was averse to interfere in this business, which had already 
baffled the authority of the Privy Council ;* but at the de- 
sire of some friends he yielded, and after considerable 
pains, had the satisfaction of bringing the parties to an 
amicable interview, at which they mutually promised to 
bury all differences. But he was exceedingly mortified and 
disappointed by the information which Arran, immediately 
on the back of this agreement, communicated to him, of a 
conspiracy which Bothwell had proposed to engage him in, 
the object of which was to seize the person of the Queen, and 
murder the Secretary, the Prior of St. Andrew's, and the 
rest of the counsellors. Knox appears to have attached little 
credit to this information, which on being made public, 
produced the imprisonment of both Arran and Bothwell ; 
and notwithstanding the lunacy of the informer, created 
suspicion in the minds of the principal courtiers, that the 
existence of such a design was not improbable. f 

In the month of May, Knox had another interview with 
the Queen, on the following occasion. The family of Guise 
were at this time making the most vigorous efforts to re- 
gain that influence in France, of which they had been de- 
prived since the death of Francis II., and as zeal for 
the Catholic religion was the cloak by which they covered 
their ambitious designs, they began by stirring up perse- 
cution against the Protestants. The massacre of Vassy, 
in the beginning of March this year, was a prelude to this, 
in which the Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Lorrain at- 
tacked, with an armed force, a congregation assembled for 
worship, lolled a number of them, and wounded and muti- 
lated others, not excepting women and children .J Intelli- 
gence of the success which attended the measures of ner 
uncles, was brought to Queen Mary, who immediately after 
gave a splendid ball to her foreign servants, at whicn the 
dancing was prolonged to a late hour. 

Knox was advertised of the festivities in the palace, and 

* Keith, 215. f Knox, Historic 305-308, and Letter to 

$ Histoire des Martvis, fol. 558, 559. Locke, 6th May, 1562, apud Cald. MS. i. 755, 

756. 



208 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



the occasion of them. He always felt a lively interest in 
the concerns of the French Protestants, with many of whom 
he was intimately acquainted, and he entertained a very 
bad opinion of the Princes of Lorrain. In his sermon on 
the following Sabbath, he introduced some severe strictures 
upon the vices to which princes were addicted, their op- 
pression, ignorance, hatred of virtue, attachment to bad 
company, and fondness for foolish pleasures. Information 
of this discourse was quickly conveyed to the Queen, with 
many exaggerations ; and the preacher was next day or- 
dered to attend at the palace. Being conveyed into the 
royal chamber, where the Queen sat with her maids of 
honour and principal counsellors, he was accused of having 
spoken of her Majesty irreverently, and in such a manner 
as to bring her under the contempt and hatred of her sub- 
jects. 

After the Queen had made a long speech on that theme, 
he was allowed to state his defence. He told her Majesty, 
that she had been treated as persons usually were, who re- 
fused to attend the preaching of the word of God : she had 
been obliged to trust to the false reports of flatterers. For, 
if she had heard the calumniated discourse, he did not be- 
lieve she could have been offended with any thing that he 
had said. She would now, therefore, be pleased to hear 
him repeat, as exactly as he could, what he had preached 
yesterday. * Having done this, he added, " If any man, 

* " My text, (said he,) madam, was this, how can it otherwise be ? for princes will not 

4 And now, O kings, understand, be learned understand, they will hot be learned, as God 

ye judges of the earth :' after, madam, (said commands them ; but God's law they despise, 

he,) that I had declared the dignity of kings his statutes and holy ordinances they will not 

and rulers, the honour wherein God hath understand; for in fiddling and flinging they 

placed them, the obedience that is due unto are more exercised than in reading and hear- 

them, being God's lieutenants; I demanded in g God's most blessed word ; and fidlers and 

this question, But oh ! alas, what account shall flatterers (which commonly corrupt the youth) 

the most part of princes make before that su- are more precious in their eyes, than men of 

preme Judge, whose throne and authority so wisdom and gravity, who, by whoelsom admo- 

manifestly and shamefully they abuse ? The nitions, may beat down in them some part of 

complaint of Solomon is this day most true, to that vanity and pride wherein we ali are born, 

wit, ' That violence and oppression do occu- but in princes take deep root and strength by 

py the throne of God here in this eaith;' for education. And of dancing, madam, I said, 

whilst that murderers, blood-thirsty men, op- That albeit, in Scriptures I found no praise of 

pressors, and malefactors, dare be bold to pre- it, and in profane writers, that it is termed 

sent themselves before kings and princes, and the gesture rather of those that are mad, and in 

that the poor saints of God are banished and phrenzy, than of sober men ; yet do I not ut- 

exiled.what shall we say ? but that the devil terly condemn it, providingthat two vices be 

hath taken possession in the throne of God, avoided. The former, that tne principal vooa- 

which ought to be fearful to all wicked doers, tion of those that use that ex«rcise, be not 

and a refuge to the innocent, oppressed; and neglected for the pleasure of dancing. Se- 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



209 



madam, will say, that I spake more, let him presently ac- 
cuse me." Several of the company attested that he had 
given a just report of the sermon. The Queen, after turn- 
ing" round to the informers, who were dumb, told him that 
his words, though sharp enough as related by himself, were 
reported to her in a different way. She added, that she 
knew that her uncles and he were of a different religion, 
and therefore did not blame him for having no good opi- 
nion of them ; but if he heard any thing about her conduct 
which displeased him, he shoidd come to herself, and she 
would be willing to hear him. Knox easily saw through 
the artifice of this fair proposal, which was merely a strata- 
gem to get him to refrain, in his preaching, from saying 
any thing that might offend or reflect upon the Court. He 
replied, that he was willing to do any thing for her Ma- 
jesty's contentment which was consistent with his office. 
If her Grace choosed to attend the public sermons, she 
would hear what pleased or displeased him, in her and in 
others : or if she pleased to appoint a time when she would 
hear the substance of the doctrine which he preached in 
public, he would most gladly wait upon her Grace's plea- 
sure, time, and place : but to come and wait at her cham- 
ber-door, and then to have liberty only to whisper in her 
ear what people thought and said of her, that would nei- 
ther his conscience nor his office permit him to do. " For," 
added he, in a strain which he sometimes used even on se- 
rious occasions, {{ albeit at your Grace's commandment, I 
am heir now, y it can I not tell quhat uther men shall judge 
of D;e, that, at this tyme of day, arn absent from my buke, 
and waitting upoun the Court.*' " Ye will not alwayes be 
at your buke," said the Queen pettishly, and turned her 
back. As ho left the room " with a reasonable merry coun- 
tenance,'' some of the Popish attendants said in his hear- 
ing, He is not afraid! " Why sould the plesing face of a 
gentiluroman afray me ?" said he, regarding them with a 

cosdly, That they dance not as thePhilistines row : for God will not always afflict his people, 

their father*, fox the pleasure that they take neither will he always wink at the tyranny of 

In the displeasure of God's people; for if they tyrants. If any, madam, (said he) will say 

do these, or either of them, they shall receive that I spake more, let him publicly accuse mi- ; 

the reward of dancers, and that will be to fori think I haTe not only touched the sun:, 

dnnk in hell, unless they speedily repent, so but the very words as I spake them." Knox, 

•hall God tarn their mirth into sudden sor. Historie, p 270. 

P 



210 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



sarcastic scowl, " I have luiked in the faces of mony angry 
men, and yit have not bene affrayed above measour."* 

There was at this time but one place of worship in the 
city of Edinburgh.f The number of inhabitants was, in- 
deed, small when compared with its present population ; 
but still they must have formed a very large congregation. 
St. Giles's church, the place then used for worship, was 
capacious ; and on some occasions, three thousand persons 
assembled in it to hear sermon. J In this church, Knox 
had, since 1560, performed all the parts of ministerial duty, 
without any other assistant but John Cairns, who acted as 
reader. § He preached twice every Sabbath, and thrice on 
other days of the week. || He met regularly once every 
week with the kirk-session for discipline, ^ and with the 
assembly of the neighbourhood, for the exercise on the 
Scriptures. He attended, besides, the meetings of the pro- 
vincial Synod and General Assembly ; and at almost every 
meeting at the last mentioned court, he received an appoint- 
ment to visit and preach in some distant part of the coun- 
try. These labours must have been oppressive to a con- 
stitution which was already much impaired ; especially as 
he did not indulge in extemporaneous effusions, but devoted 
a part of every day to study. His parish were sensible of 
this ; and in April 1562, the Town Council came to an 
unanimous resolution to solicit John Craig, the minister of 
Canongate, or Holyrood House, to undertake the half of 
the charge. The ensuing General Assembly approved of 
the Council's proposal, and appointed Craig to remove to 
Edinburgh.** His translation did not, however, take place 
before June 1563, owing, as it would seem, to the difficulty 
of obtaining an additional stipend, ft 

Although the Queen adopted the policy of employing 
none but Protestant counsellors, it is well known they did 
not possess her confidence or affection, and accordingly 
various plots were laid to undermine and ruin them. The 

* Knox, Historie, 308-311. fl Ibid. 10th April, 1562. 

+ St. Cuthbert's, or the West Church, was *[ The number of Elders in the Session uf 

at that time (as at present) a distinet parish, Edinburgh, was 12, and of deacons, 16. Dua- 

of which William Harlow was minister. lop's Confessions, ii 638. 

± Cald. MS. ii. 157. ** Calderwood, apud Keith, 514. 

§ Records of Town Council, 26th October, ff See Note H. Period Sixth. 
1561. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



chief direction of public affairs was entrusted to the Prior 
of St. Andrew's, who was. in 1562, created Earl of Mar- 
ray, and married a daughter of the Earl Marisehal, a Ro- 
man Catholic. During the autumn of that year, the Papists 
in Scotland entertained great hopes of a change in their 
favour. After several unsuccessful attempts to cut off the 
principal Protestant courtiers.* the Earl of Huntly openly 
took arms in the north, to rescue the Queen from their 
hands ; while the Archbishop of St. Andrew's endeavoured 
to unite and rouse the Papists of the south. On this occa- 
sion, our Reformer acted with his usual zeal and foresight- 
Being appointed by the General Assembly as commissi 
to visit the churches of the west, he persuaded the gentle- 
men of that quarter to enter into a new bond of defence. 
Hastening into Galloway ^nd Nithsdale, he. by his ser- 
mons ami conversation, confirmed the Protestants of these 
places. He employed the Master of Maxwell to write to 
the Earl of Bothwell, who had escaped from contmeme 
and meant, it was feared, to join Huntly. He himself wrote 
to the Duke of Chastelherault, warning him nor to listen 
to the solicitations of his brother, the archbishop, nor ac- 
cede to a conspiracy which would infallibly prove the ruin 
of his house. By these means, the southern parts of the 
kingdom were preserved in a state of peace, while the vi- 
gorous measures of Murray crushed the rebellion in the 
north, t The Queen expressed little satisfaction at the vie- 
to 17- gained over Huntly. and there is every reason to think, 
that if she was not privy to his rising, she expected to turn 
er projects. Z. Sue serujded not 
■ she hoped, before a year was 
und Catholic profession restored 

•e indulged, the Popish clergy 
lin credit to their cause, by ap- 
?fence of their tenets than they 
begun to preach publicly, and 
iy to dispute with the Protestant 
ministers. The person who stepped forward as their cham- 

• Kefel. 250. Knox, 531. $ Spatswood, 1&5. 

f fitow of G«doo*s MS. apod Keith, 229. 



it to the advancement of h 
to say, at this time, " that 
expired, to have the mass ; 
through the whole kingdor 
While these hopes wei 
thought it necessary to gi 
peering more openly in d< 
had lately done. They 
boasted that thev were reai 



212 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



pion was Quintin Kennedy, uncle to the Earl of Cassilis, 
and Abbot of Crossraguel. The abbot appears to have spent 
the greater part of his life in the same negligence of the duties 
of his office with the rest of his brethren ; but he was roused 
from his inactivity by the success of the Protestant preach- 
ers, who, in the years 1558 and 1557? attacked the Popish 
faith, and inveighed against the idleness and corruption of 
the clergy. * At an age when others retire from the field, 
he began to rub up his long neglected theological weapons, 
and to gird on his armour. 

His first appearance, as a polemical writer, was in 1558, 
when he published a short system of Catholic tactics, un- 
der the title of Ane Compendius Tractive, shewing " the 
nerrest and onlie way" to establish the conscience of a 
Christian man, in all matters which were in debate concern- 
ing faith in religion. This way was no other than that of 
implicit faith in the decisions of the Church or clergy. In 
every controversy, the Scripture was only to be cited as a 
witness ; the Church was the judge, whose determinations, 
in general councils canonieally assembled, were to be hum- 
bly received and submitted to by all the faithful, f This 
was no doubt the most compendious and nearest way for 
quieting and fortifying the conscience of every Christian 
man ; and deciding every controversy which might arise, 
without the trouble of examination, reasoning, or debate. 

But as the stubborn Reformers would not submit to this 
easy and short mode of decision, the abbot was reluctantly 
obliged to enter the lists of argument with them. Accord- 
ingly, when Willock preached in his neighbourhood, in 
the beginning of 1559, he challenged him to a dispute on 
the sacrifice of the mass. The challenge was accepted, the 
time and place of meeting were fixed ; but the abbot re- 
fused to appear, unless his antagonist would previously 
engage to submit to the interpretations of Scripture which 
had been given by the ancient doctors of the Church. % The 

* The Reasoning betwix Jo. Knox and the have come down to us, some extracts from 

Abbote of Crosraguell, fol. 4. Edinburgh, both shall be inserted in Note I. Period 

1563. Sixth. 

X As Kenedy's Tractive, and Archbishop $ Keith, App. 195-199. Kennedy, in a let- 
Hamilton's Catechism, are the only books pub- terto the Archbishop of Glasgow, says, " Wil- 
lisbed by the Scots R oman Catholics before lock, and the rest of his counsell labourit ear- 
ths establishment of the Reformation, which nestlie to siegif I wald admitt the Scripture 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



213 



dispute, in consequence, did not place ; but from this time 
Kennedy seems to have made the mass the great subject 
of his study, and endeavoured to qualify himself for de- 
fending this keystone of the Popish arch. * 

George Hay having been sent by the General Assembly 
to preach in Carrick and Cunningham, during the autumn 
of 1562, Kennedy offered to dispute with him ; but no 
meeting took place between them.f On the 30th of Au- 
gust, the abbot read in his chapel of Kirk Oswald, a num- 
ber of articles respecting the mass, purgatory, praying to 
saints, the use of images, &c. which he said he would de- 
fend against any who should impugn them, and promised 
to declare his mind more fully respecting them on the fol- 
lowing Sunday. Knox, who was in the vicinity, came to 
Kirk Oswald on that day, with the design of hearing the 
abbot, and granting him the disputation which he had 
courted. The abbot not making his appearance, although 
Specially requested by Knox, the latter himself preached 
in the chapel. When he came down from the pulpit, there 
was a letter from Kennedy put into his hand, stating, that 
he understood he had come to that country to seek dispu- 
tation, and offering to meet with him on the following Sun- 
day in any house in Maybole, provided there were not 
more than twenty persons on each side admitted. Knox 
replied that he had come, not purposely to dispute, but to 
preach the gospel ; he was, however, willing to meet with 
him. But as he was under a previous engagement to be 
in Dumfries on the day mentioned by the abbot, if he sent 
him his articles, he would, with all convenient speed, return 
and fix a time for the discussion. 

A correspondence was carried on between them on this 
subject, which is fully as curious as the dispute that ensued. 

<H*Ive jnge, and, be that memes. to haif maid Knox says, " Maister George Hay offered unto 

ne contxaxraj to my a win buke ; bot thair la- you disputation, but ye fled the barrass." 

boaris wes in -waist.— I held me evir fast at Reasoning, *tc. X iiij. George Hay seems to 

ane grounde." And he triumphs that he have had a benefice in the church before the 

"draif the lymmar — to refuse the interpreta- Reformation. He -was at this time minister of 

two of the doctoris aUegeit be him and all Eddiestone; and, in the records of the Church 

utfaens, bot so fax as he thocht thay war agre- is also designed minister to the Privy Council, 

able with the worde of God, quhilk was as and parson of Ruthven. Keith, 511, 530, 

rycht nod*." lit supra, 103, 194. 544. In the year 1562, he published a book 

* See Xoee K. Period ?iith. on the sacrament of the supper, perhaps in 

1" la answer to the Abbot's assertion, that answer to Kennedy's. Winzet, apud Keith, 

George Hay had declined to dispute w ith him, App. 246, comp. 256. 



214 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



In his answer to the abbot's first letter, the Reformer says, 
" that ye offer unto me familiar, formall, and gentill reason- 
ing, with my whole hart I accept the condition. For as- 
suredlie, my lord, (so I style you by reason of blood, and not 
of office,) chiding and brawling I utterlie abhor. " The abbot 
returned a long answer, to which Knox (when he published 
the account of the dispute) affixed short notes by way of 
reply. Whereas Knox said he had come to preach salva- 
tion through Christ, the abbot answers, that this was " na 
newingis" in that country before he was born. Knox replies, 
that he greatly doubted if ever Christ was preached by " a 
Papistical priest or monk." " Ye said ane lytill afore (the 
abbot writes,) ye did abhor all chiding and railling ; bot 
nature passis nurtor with yow." — " I will nether inter- 
change nature nor nurtor with yow, for all the profets of 
Crossraguell." " Gif the victorie consist in clamour or 
crying out, (says the abbot, objecting to a public meeting,) 
I wil quite yow the caus, but farther pley, [without farther 
plea ;] and yet praise be to God, I may quhisper in sic maner 
as I wil be hard sufficientlie in the largest hous in Carrick.' 5 
" The larger hous the better for the auditor and me," replied 
Knox. The Reformer wished that the reasoning should be 
as public as the abbot had made his articles, and proposed 
that it should take place in St. John's Church in Ayr ; but the 
abbot refused to dispute publicly. 

The Earl of Cassilis wrote to Knox, expressing his dis- 
approbation of the proposed disputation, as unlikely to do 
any good, and calculated to endanger the public peace ; to 
which the Reformer replied, by signifying that his relation 
had given the challenge, which he was resolved not to 
decline, and that his lordship ought to encourage him to 
keep the appointment, from which no bad effects were to 
be dreaded. Upon this the abbot, feeling his honour 
touched, wrote a letter to the Reformer, in which he told 
him that he would have " rencountered" him the last time 
he was in the country, had it not been for the interposition 
of the Earl of Cassilis ; * and charged him with stirring up 
his nephew to write that letter, in order to bring him into 
disgrace. " Ye sal be assured (says he) I sal keip day and 



* " Brag on," says Knox, on the margin. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



215 



place in Mayboill, according to my writing, an I haif my 
life, and my feit louse and in another letter to Knox and 
the baillies of Ayr, he says, " keip your promes, and pretex 
najoukrie,bemy lordeof Cassilis writing." The abbot being 
in this state of mind, the conditions of the combat were 
speedily settled. They agreed to meet on the 28th of 
September, at eight o'clock in the morning, in the house of 
the provost of Maybole. Forty persons on each side were 
to be admitted as witnesses of the dispute, with " as many 
mo as the house might goodly hold, at the sight of my lord 
of Cassilis." And notaries or scribes were appointed to 
record the papers which might be given in by the parties, 
and the arguments which they advanced in the course of 
reasoning, to prevent unnecessary repetition, or a false re- 
port of the proceedings. These conditions were formally 
subscribed by the abbot and the Reformer, on the day pre- 
ceding the meeting. 

When they met, " John Knox addressed him to make 
publick prayer, whereat the abbot was soir offended at the 
first, but whil the said John wold in nowise be stayed, he 
and his gave audience ; which being ended, the abbote said, 
Be my faith, it is weill said" The disputation commenced 
by reading a paper presented by the abbot, in which, after 
rehearsing the occasion of his present appearance, and pro- 
testing that his entering into dispute was not to be under- 
stood as implying that the points in question were disput- 
able or dubious, being already determined by lawful general 
councils, he declared his readiness to defend the articles 
which he had exhibited, beginning with that concerning 
the sacrifice of the mass. To this paper Knox gave in a 
written answer in the course of the disputation : and in the 
mean time, after stating his opinion respecting general 
councils, he proceeded to the article in dispute. It was 
requisite, he said, to state clearly and distinctly the subject 
in controversy ; and he thought the mass contained the four 
following things — the name, the form, and action, the opinion 
entertained of it, and the actor with the authority which he 
had to do what he pretended to do : all of which he was pre- 
pared to shew were destitute of any foundation in Scripture. 
The abbot was aware of the difficulty of managing the 



216 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



dispute on such a broad basis, and he had taken up ground 
of his own which he thought he could maintain against his 
antagonist. " As to the masse that he will impung, (said 
he,) or any mannes masse, yea, and it war the Paipes awin 
masse, I wil mantein na thing but Jesus Christes masse, 
conforme to my article, as it is written, and diffinition con- 
tened in my buik, quhilk he hes tane on hand to impung." 

Knox expressed his delight at hearing the abbot say that 
he would defend nothing but the mass of Christ, for if he 
adhered to this, they were " on the verray point of an 
Christiane agreement," as he was ready to allow whatever 
could be shewn to have been instituted by Christ. As to 
his lordship's book, he confessed he had not read it, and 
(without excusing his negligence) requested the definition 
to be read to him from it. The abbot qualified his asser- 
tion, by saying, that he meant to defend no other mass, 
except that which, in its " substance, institution, and effect," 
was appointed by Christ ; and he defined the mass, as con- 
cerning the substance and effect, to be the sacrifice and 
oblation of the Lord's body and blood, given and offered 
by him in the last supper ; and for the first confirmation of 
this, he rested upon the oblation of bread and wine by 
Melchisedek. His argument was, that the Scripture de- 
clared that Christ was a priest after the order of Mel- 
chisedek : Melchisedek offered bread arid wine to God : 
therefore Christ offered or made oblation of his body and 
blood in the last supper, which was the onl; instance in 
which the priesthood of Christ and Melchisedek could 
agree. 

Knox said that the ceremonies of the mass, and the opi- 
nion entertained of it, as procuring remission of sins to the 
quick and the dead, were viewed as important parts of it, 
and having a strong hold of the consciences of the people, 
ought to be taken into the argument ; but as the abbot 
declared himself willing to defend these afterwards, he 
would proceed to the substance, and proposed, in the first 
place, to fix the sense in which the word sacrifice or obla- 
tion was used in the argument. There were sacrifices 
propitiator ice for expiation, and eucharisticce, of thanksgiv- 
ing ; in which last sense the mortification of the body, 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



217 



prayer, and alms-giving, were called sacrifices in Scrip- 
ture. He wished, therefore, to know whether the abbot 
understood the word in the first or second of these senses, 
in this dispute. The abbot said, that he would not at pre- 
sent dispute what his opponent meant by a sacrifice pro- 
pitiatorium ; but he held the sacrifice on the cross to be 
the only sacrifice of redemption, and that of the mass to be 
the sacrifice of commemoration of the death and passion of 
Christ. Knox replied, that the chief head which he in- 
tended to impugn seemed to be yielded by the abbot ; and 
he, for his part, cheerfully granted, that there was a com- 
memoration of Christ's death in the right use of the ordi- 
nance of the supper. 

The abbot insisted that he should proceed to impugn the 
warrant which he had taken from Scripture for his article. 
M Protesting," said the Reformer, " that this mekle is win, 
that the sacrifice of the messe, being denied by me to be a 
sacrifice propitiatorie for the sins of the quick and the dead, 
(according to the opinion thereof before conceaved,) hath 
no patron at the present, I am content to procede." — (i I 
protest he hes win nothing of me as yit, and referres it 
to black and quhite contened in our writing."— " I have 
openlie denied the masse to be an sacrifice propitiatorie for 
the quick, &c. and the defence thereof is denied. And, 
therefore, I referre me unto the same judges that my lord 
hath clamed." — " Ye may denie quhat ye pleis ; for all 
that ye denie I tak not presentlie to impung ; but quhair I 
began thair will I end, that is, to defend the messe conform 
to my artickle." — " Your lordship's ground," said Knox, 
after some altercation, " is, that Melchisedek is the figure 
of Christe in that he did offer unto God bread and wine, 
and that it behoved Jesus Christ to offer, in his latter sup- 
per, his body and blude, under the forms of bread and 
wine. I answer to your groimd yet againe, that Melchi- 
sedek offered neither bread nor wine unto God ; and 
therefore, it that ye would thereupon conclude hath no as- 
surance of your ground." — " Preve that," said the abbot. 
Knox replied, that, according to the rules of just reason- 
ing, he could not be bound to prove a negative : that it 
was incumbent on his opponent to bring forward some 



218 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



proof for his affirmation, concerning which the text was 
altogether silent ; and that until the abbot did this, it was 
sufficient for him simply to deny. But the abbot said, he 
" stuck to his text," and insisted that his antagonist should 
shew for what purpose Melchisedek brought out the bread 
and wine, if it was not to offer them unto God. After pro- 
testing that the abbot's ground remained destitute of any 
support, and that he was not bound in argument to shew 
what became of the bread and wine, or what use was made 
of them, Knox consented to state his opinion, that they 
were intended by Melchisedek to refresh Abraham and 
his company . The abbot had now gained what he wished ; 
and he had a number of objections ready to start against 
this view of the words, by which he was able at least to 
protract and involve the dispute. And thus ended the first 
day's contest. 

When the company convened on the following day, the 
abbot proceeded to impugn the view which his opponent 
had given of the text. He urged first, that Abraham and 
his company had a sufficiency of provision in the spoils 
which they had taken from the enemy in their late victory, 
and did not need Melchisedek's bread and wine ; an<? se- 
condly, that the text said that Melchisedek brought them 
forth, and it was improbable that one man, and he a king, 
should carry as much as would refresh three hundred and 
eighteen men. To these objections, Knox made such re- 
plies as will occur to any person who thinks on the subject. 
In this manner did the second day pass. When they met 
on the third day, the abbot presented a paper, in which he 
stated another objection to Knox's view of the text. After 
some more altercation on this subject, Knox desired his 
opponent to proceed to his promised proof of the argument 
upon which he had rested his cause. But the abbot, be- 
ing indisposed, rose up, and put into Knox's hand a book 
to which he referred him for the proof. By this time, the 
noblemen and gentlemen present were completely wearied 
out. For, besides the tedious and uninteresting mode in 
which the disputation had been managed, they could find 
entertainment neither for themselves nor for their retinue 
in Maybole ; so that if any person had brought in bread 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



219 



and wine among them, it is presumable that they would 
not have debated long upon the purpose for which it was 
brought. Knox proposed that they should adjourn to Ayr 
and finish the dispute, which was refused by the abbot, 
who said he would come to Edinburgh for that purpose, 
provided he could obtain the Queen's permission.* Upon 
this the company dismissed. 

The abbot, or his friends, having circulated the report 
that he had the advantage in the disputation, Knox after- 
wards (1563) published the account of it from the records 
of the notaries, and added a prologue and short marginal 
notes. The prologue and his answer to the abbot's first 
paper, especially the latter, are pieces of good writing. I 
have been more minute in the narration of this dispute 
than its merits deserve, because no account of it has hi- 
therto appeared, the tract itself being so exceedingly rare, 
as to have been seen by few for a long period. f 

Another priest who advocated the Roman Catholic causa 
at this time, was Ninian Wingate, who had been school- 
master of Linlithgow, from which situation he was re- 
moved by Spots wood, superintendent of Lothian, on account 
of his attachment to Popery. In the month of February, 
1562, he sent to Knox a writing, consisting of eighty-three 
questions upon the principal topics of dispute between the 
Papists and Protestants, which he had drawn up in the 
name of the inferior clergy and laity of the Catholic per- 
suasion in Scotland. To some of these, particularly the 
questions which related to the call of the Protestant mini- 

* The dispute was never resumed, though very month and day on which this happened, 

Knox says he applied to the Privy Council for must have been better acquainted with the 

liberty to the abbot to come to Edinburgh design of Melchisedek, and with the whoI« 

with that view. The abbot died anno 1564. transaction, than Moses. 

Crawford says, that he was canonized as a f Knox gives merely a general notice of 

saint. Peerage of Scotland, p. 75. I do not, this disputation in his Historie, p. 318. Keith, 

however, perceive his name in the calendar who was very industrious in collecting what- 

among the Scots saints; but what is of as ever referred to the ecclesiastical history of 

great consequence, I find that the grand ar- that period, could not obtain a copy of the 

gument which he so zealously supported has printed disputation, and never heard of but 

been canonized. For in a calendar drawn up one imperfect copy. History, App. 255. The 

by M. Adam King, professeur of philosophic only copy known to exist is in the library of 

and mathematikis at Paris," prefixed to a Alexander Boswell Esq. of Auchinleck, who 

Scots translation of Canisius's Catechism, anno very politely allowed me to peruse it. Mr. Bos- 

1587, it is written : " Marche 25. Melcheze- well lately caused to be printed a small im- 

dec saciefeit breid and wyne in figure of ye pression of this unique, for the gratification of 

body and bloud of our lord, whilk is offerit the curious, 
in ye messe." Ddubtless, those who knew the 



220 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



sters, the Reformer returned an answer from the pulpit, 
and Wingate addressed several letters to him, complaining 
that his answers were not satisfactory. These letters, with 
addresses to the Queen, nobility, bishops, and magistrates 
of Edinburgh, Wingate committed to the press, but the 
impression being seized in the printer's house, (according 
to Bishop Lesley) the author escaped and went to the 
Continent,* Knox intended to publish an answer to Win- 
gate's questions, and to defend the validity of the Protestant 
ministry ; but it does not appear that he carried his inten- 
tion into execution,! 

In the beginning of 1563, Knox went to Jedburgh, by- 
appointment of the General Assembly, to investigate a 
scandal which had broken out against Paul Methven, the 
minister of that place, who was suspected of adultery. The 
accused was found guilty, and excommunicated. J He fled 
to England, but having afterwards written a letter to the 
General Assembly, and offered to submit to the discipline 
of the Church, a severe and humiliating course of public 
repentance was prescribed to him. He was ordered to 
appear at the church-door of Edinburgh, when the second 
bell rang for public worship, clad in sackcloth, bare- 
headed and barefooted ; to stand there until the prayer and 
psalms were finished ; when he was brought into the church 
to hear sermon, during which he was to be " placeit in the 
public spectackell above the peiple." This appearance he 
was to make on three several preaching-days ; and on 
the last of them, being a Sabbath, he was, at the close of 
the sermon, to profess his sorrow before the congregation, 
and to request their forgiveness ; upon which he was again 

* Lesley, apud Keith, p. 501. A pp. 203. of argument or sentiment they are not noted ; 
Lesley speaks of a dispute between Knox and but they contain a strong testimony in support 
Wingate, but that historian is often incorrect of the extreme corruption which prevailed 
in his details. The dispute between the doc- among the superior Popish clergy, against 
tors of Aberdeen and the ministers, which which Wingate inveighs as keenly as any Re- 
took place in the beginning of 1561, is men- former. His second book concludes with this 
tioned by Knox, Historic pp. 261, 262. It exclamation, " Och for mair paper or penyis!" 
wouid seem from a letter of Randolph, that It is not improbable that he was the tramla- 
there was a dispute in the end of 1561, be- tor of some of the works of the Fathers into 
tween some of the ministers and a Parisian the Scottish language, which are mentioned 
divine, who had come over with the Queen, by him. Keith, App. 226, 227. He was made 
Keith, 208. Wingate published at Antwerp abbot of a Scots monastery at Ratisbon. Mac- 
his " Buke of Fourscoir Three Questionis," an- kenzie's Lives, vol. iii. p. 149. 
no 1563. Keith has reprinted this, and al o 

his " Tractatis," originally printed at Edin- + See Note L — Period Sixth. 

burgh. He calls them " very rare and much + Knox, Historie, pp. 323, 324. Keith, 

noted pieces." History, A pp. 2U3. In point 522. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



221 



to be (i clad in his awin apparell," and received into the 
communion of the Church. He was to repeat this course 
at Dundee and at Jedburgh, where he had officiated as 
minister. Methven went through a part of this discipline, 
with professions of deep sorrow ; but overwhelmed with 
shame, or despairing to regain his lost reputation, he stop- 
ped in the midst of it, and again retired to England.* Pru- 
dential considerations were not awanting to induce the 
Reformed Church of Scotland to stifle this fama, and screen 
from public ignominy a man who had acted a distinguished 
part in the late Reformation of religion. But they refused 
to listen to these ; and by instituting a strict scrutiny into 
the fact, and inflicting an exemplary punishment upon the 
criminal, they " approved themselves to be clear in this 
matter," and effectually shut the mouths of their Popish 
adversaries, f 

The mode of public repentance enjoined on this occa- 
sion, was appointed to be afterwards used in ail cases of 
aggravated immorality. J There was nothing in which the 
Scottish Reformers approached nearer to the primitive 
Church, than in the rigorous and impartial exercise of ec- 
clesiastical discipline, the relaxation of which, under the 
Papacy, they justly regarded as one great cause of the 
universal corruption of religion. While they rejected many 
of the ceremonies in worship, which were used by the 
Christians during the first three centuries after the time 



* It was in the year 1564. that he returned 
and professed his submission to discipline 
Keith, p. 5.53. 

t The following is the deliverance of the 
Assembly on this case. " Session Third. De- 
cember 27, 1564 — Anent the supplication 
presented to the Assembly in name of Paull 
Methven, and touching diverse petitions there- 
in contained, wherewith the said Assembly 
being well and rjpelie advysed, and af:er long 
reasoning had therein, with mature delibera- 
tion, gave their answer as follows : — 

Assembly are content to receave the said Paull 
to repentance, presentand him personal lie be- 
fore them, declaieing evident signes of un- 
tuned aepentance, willing to obey sic injunc- 
tions as the Kirk shall please to appoint him 
to doe and fulfill 

Touching his desyre to delate his proces of 
their books, thereto the Clark can noways 
condescend, neither think thry that sick ane 
petition can proceed from the Holy Ghost, 
seeing David, ane notable servant of God, es- 



chewed not to write his owne offence to God's 
glory and his own conrasione. Anent his ad- 
mission to the ministiie within the reaime. that 
was thought no waves sufrerable unto sic tyme 
as the memerie cf his former impietie be more 
deeplie buried, and some notable Kirk within 
this reaime make earnest request for his new 
acceptation; and likewise the Kirk signifies 
unto him, that his entry in the ministrie in 
the parts of England, he being excommuni- 
cat and unreconciled, bes grevously cffended 
them; as also the last part of his writeing, 
where he accuses false witnesses, who hes de- 
poned no other thing m effect nor he hes con- 
fessed with his mouth in write. Farder, the 
Assembly required the brethren to whom the 
said Paifil hes written, that amongst uthers 
their answers they signine unto him that he 
may safelie rep are toward this reaime, not- 
withstanain^ lately proclaimed against adul- 
terers. Booke of the Universall Kirk, Peter- 
kin's Edit. p. 26, 27. 

i See Note M — Period Sixth. 



222 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



of the Apostles ; they, from detestation of vice, and a desire 
to restrain it, did not scruple to conform to a number of 
their penitentiary regulations. In some instances they 
might carry their rigour against offenders to an extreme ; 
but it was a virtuous extreme, compared with the danger- 
ous laxity, or rather total disuse of discipline, which has 
gradually crept into almost all the churches which retain 
the name of Reformed : even as the scrupulous delicacy 
with which our forefathers shunned the society of those 
who had transgressed the rules of morality, is to be pre- 
ferred to modern manners, by which the virtuous and vi- 
cious are equally admitted to good and virtuous company. 

In the month of May , the Queen sent for Knox to Loch- 
leven. The Popish priests, presuming upon her avowed 
partiality to them, and secret promises of protection, had 
of late become more bold, and during the late Easter, 
masses had been openly celebrated in the different pai'ts of 
the kingdom. The Queen in council had issued various 
proclamations against this, but as the execution had hitherto 
been left to her, nothing had followed upon them. The 
Protestants of the west, who were the most zealous, per- 
ceiving that the laws were eluded, resolved to execute them, 
without making any application to the Court, and appre- 
hended some of the offenders by way of example. These 
decided proceedings highly offended the Queen, as they 
were calculated to defeat the scheme of policy which she 
had formed ; but finding that the signification of her dis- 
pleasure had not the effect of stopping them, she wished 
to avail herself of the Reformer's influence for accomplish- 
ing her purpose. 

She dealt with him very earnestly, for two hours before 
supper, to persuade the western gentlemen to desist from 
all interruption of the Catholic worship. He told her Ma- 
jesty, that if she would exercise her authority in executing 
the laws of the land, he could promise for the peaceable 
behaviour of the Protestants ; but if her Majesty thought 
to elude them, he feared there were some who would let 
the Papists understand that they should not offend with 
impunity. " Will ye allow, that they shall take my sword 
in their hands ?" said the Queen. " The sword of justice 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



223 



is Gods" replied the Reformer with equal firmness, " and 
is given to princes and rulers for one end, which, if they 
transgress, sparing the wicked and oppressing the innocent, 
they who, in the fear of God, execute judgment where God 
has commanded, offend not God, although kings do it not." 
He added, that the gentlemen of the west were acting 
strictly according to law ; for the act of Parliament gave 
power to all judges within their bounds, to search for and 
punish those who should transgress its enactments. He 
concluded with advising her Majesty to consider the terms 
of the mutual contract between her and her subjects, and 
that she could not expect to receive obedience from them, if 
she did not grant unto them protection, and the execution 
of justice. The Queen broke off the conversation with 
evident marks of displeasure. 

Having communicated what had passed between them 
to the Earl of Murray, (which was the title now confer- 
red on the Prior of St. Andrew's,) Knox meant to return 
to Edinburgh next day, without waiting for any further 
communication with the Queen. But a message was de- 
livered him early in the morning, desiring him not to depart 
until he had again spoken to her Majesty. He accordingly 
met with her near Kinross, where she took the amuse- 
ment of hawking. This interview was very different from 
that of the preceding evening. Waiving entirely the sub- 
ject on which they had differed, she introduced a variety 
of topics, upon which she conversed with the greatest fa- 
miliarity and apparent confidence. " Lord Ruthven," she 
said, " had offered her a ring ; but she could not love him. 
She knew that he used enchantment ;* and yet he was made 
one of her Privy Council. Lethington, she blamed as the 
sole cause of that appointment." Knox, however, refrained 
from saying any thing of the secretary in his absence. u I un- 
derstand," said she, introducing another subject of discourse, 
" that ye are appointed to go to Dumfries, for the election 
of a superintendent to be established in these countries." 
He answered in the affirmative. " But I understand the 
Bishop of Athensf would be superintendent. " " He is one, 



• Comp. Knox, Historie, 327, with Keith, + The Bishop of Galloway is the person 
App. 125. meant. He was Alexander Gordon, brother 



224 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



madam, that is put in election." — "If you knew him as 
well as I do, you would not promote him to that office, nor 
yet to any other within your kirk." Knox said that the 
bishop deceived many more than him, if he did not fear 
God. S( Well, do as you will ; but that man is a danger- 
ous man." 

When Knox was about to take his leave of her Majesty, 
she pressed him to stay. " I have one of the greatest mat- 
ters that have touched me since I came into this realm to 
open to you, and I must have your help in it," said she, 
with an air of condescension and confidence as enchanting 
as if she had put a ring on his finger. She then entered 
into a long discourse concerning a domestic difference be- 
tween the Earl and Countess of Argyle. " Her ladyship had 
not," she said, " been so circumspect in every thing as she 
could have wished, but still she was of opinion that his 
lordship had not treated her in an honest and godly man- 
ner." Knox said that he was not unacquainted with the 
disagreeable variance which had subsisted between that 
honourable couple, and before her Majesty's arrival in this 
country, he had effected a reconciliation. On that occa- 
sion, the countess had promised not to complain to any 
creature, before acquainting him ; and as he had never heard 
from her, he concluded that there was nothing but concord 
between them. " Well," said the Queen, « it is worse 
than ye believe. But do this much, for my sake, as once 
again to put them at unity, and if she behave not herself 
as she ought to do, she shall find no favour of me ; but in 
any wise let not my Lord know that I have requested you 
in this matter." Then introducing the subject of their 
reasoning on the preceding evening, she said, " I promise 
to do as ye required : I shall cause summon all offenders ; 
and ye shall know that I shall minister justice."—" I am 
assured then," said he, " that ye shall please God, and en- 
joy rest and tranquillity within your realm, which to your 
Majesty is more profitable than all the Pope's power can 
be." Upon this he took his leave of the Queen. * 

to the Earl of Huntly, and for a short time • Cathenis,' by mistake, instead of « Athenis/ 

filled the different Sees of Caithness, Glasgow, in Knox's Historie, p. 327. Keith, pp. 

the Isles, and Galloway. After being depriv- 153, 175. Gordon's General Hist, of theEarl- 

ed of Glasgow, he was created titular Arch- dom of Sutherland, pp. 112, 13/. 

bishop of Athens by the Pope. It is printed * Knox, Historie, p. 326-328. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



225 



This interview strikingly exhibits one part of Queen 
Mary's character. It shews how far she was capable of 
dissembling, what artifice she could employ, and what con- 
descensions she could make, in order to accomplish the 
schemes upon which she was bent. She had previously 
attacked the Reformer on another quarter, without success ; 
she now resolved to try if she could soothe his stern tem- 
per by flattering his vanity, and disarm his jealousy by 
strong marks of confidence. There is some reason to think 
that she partly succeeded in her design. For though he 
was not very susceptible of flattery, and must have been 
struck with the sudden change in the Queen's views and 
behaviour, there are few minds that can altogether resist 
the impression made by the condescending familiarity of 
persons of superior rank ; and our feelings, on such occa- 
sions, chide as uncharitable the cold suspicions suggested 
by our judgment. In obedience to her Majesty's request, 
he wrote a letter to the Earl of Argyle, which was not 
very pleasing to that nobleman. From deference to the 
opinion which she had expressed of the Bishop of Gallo- 
way, he inquired more narrowly into his conduct, and post- 
poned the election ; and the report which he gave of the 
Queen's gracious answer operated in her favour on the 
public mind. 

But if his zeal suffered a temporary intermission, it soon 
rekindled with fresh ardour. On the 19th of May, the 
Archbishop of St. Andrew's and a number of the principal 
Papists were arraigned, by the Queen's orders, before the 
Lord Justice- General, for transgressing the laws ; and ha- 
ving come in her Majesty's will, were committed to ward.* 
But this was merely a stroke of policy, to enable her more 
easily to carry her measures in the Parliament which met 
on the following day ; and accordingly the Archbishop and 
his fellow delinquents were set at liberty, as soon as it was 
dissolved. 

This was the first Parliament which had met since the 
Queen's arrival in Scotland ; and it was natural to expect 

* On the 19th of May, a few days before the before Argile, the Justice-General, for the 

meeting of Parliament, the Bishop of St. An- crime of celebrating mass ; and having plead 

d few's, the Prior of Whithorn, the Parson of ed guilty, were subjected to a temporary im 

Sanquhar, and other Papists, were arraigned prisonment. — Ty(.ler'» Hist. vi. p. 527. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



that they would proceed to ratify the treaty of peace made 
in July 1580, and the establishment of the Protestant reli- 
gion. If the acts of the former Parliament were invalid, 
as the Queen had repeatedly declared, the Protestants had 
no law on their side ; they held their religion at the mercy 
of their sovereign, and might be required, at her pleasure, 
to submit to Popery, as the religion which still possessed 
the legal establishment. But so well had she laid her 
plans, such was the effect of her insinuating address, and 
above all, so powerful was the temptation of self-interest on 
the minds of the Protestant leaders, that by general con- 
sent they passed from this demand, and lost the only fa- 
vourable opportunity, during the reign of Mary, for giving 
a legal security to the Reformed religion, and thereby re- 
moving one principal source of jealousy and apprehension 
on the part of the nation. An act of oblivion, securing 
indemnity to those who had been engaged in the late civil 
war, was indeed passed ; but the mode of its enactment 
virtually implied the invalidity of the treaty in which it had 
been originally embodied ; and the Protestants, on their 
bended knees, supplicated as a boon from their sovereign, 
what they had formerly won with their swords, and repeat- 
edly demanded as their right.* The other acts made to 
please the more zealous Reformers, were expressed with 
such studied and glaring ambiguity as to offer an insult to 
their understandings.! 

Our Reformer was thunderstruck when first informed of 
the measures which were in agitation, and could scarcely 
believe them serious. He immediately procured an inter- 
view with some of the principal members of Parliament, to 
whom he represented the danger of allowing that meeting 
to dissolve without obtaining the ratification of the acts of 
the preceding Parliament, or at least those acts which es- 
tablished the Reformation. They alleged that the Queen 
would never have agreed to call this meeting, if they had 
persisted in these demands ; but there was a prospect of 
her speedy marriage, and on that occasion they would ob- 
tain all their wishes. In vain he reminded them, that poets 

* Spotswood, 188. " We are very much 
ohligedto the information ofAichbishop Spots- t Knox, 331. Keith, 240. 

wood for this," sajs Keith. History, 240. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



227 



and painters had represented Occasion with a bald hind- 
head; in vain he urged, that the event to which they looked 
forward would be accompanied with difficulties of its own, 
which would require all their skill and circumspection. 
Their determination was fixed. He now perceived the full 
extent of the Queen's dissimulation ; and the selfishness and 
servility of the Protestant leaders affected him deeply. 

So hot was the altercation between the Earl of Murray 
and him on this subject, that an open rupture ensued. He 
had long looked upon that nobleman as one of the most 
steady and sincere adherents to the Reformed cause ; and 
therefore felt the greater disappointment at his conduct. 
Under his first irritation he wrote a letter to the Earl, in 
which, after reminding him of his condition at the time 
when they first became acquainted in London,* and the 
honours to which Providence had now raised him, he so- 
lemnly renounced friendship with him as one who pre- 
ferred his own interest and the pleasure of his sister to the 
advancement of religion, left him to the guidance of the 
new counsellors which he had chosen, and exonerated him 
from all future concern in his affairs. This variance, which 
continued nearly two years, was very gratifying to the 
Queen and others, who disliked their former familiarity, 
and failed not (as Knox informs us) to (i cast oil into the 
flame, until God did quench it by the water of affliction."! 

Before the dissolution of the Parliament, the Reformer 
embraced an opportunity of disburdening his mind in the 
presence of the greater part of the members assembled in 
his church. After discoursing of the great mercy of God 
shewn to Scotland, in marvellously delivering them from 
bondage of soul and body, and of the deep ingratitude which 

* I have not been able to ascertain the time to be King of Scotland, to rute out idulatrie* 
at which the Earl of Murray and the Reformer and to plant the Jicht of his new evangel: 
frst became acquainted. It was probably quhair thay eonvenit in this manner, That the 
soon after Knox came into England, in the prior of Sanct Androi3, erl of Murray, sould 
reign of Edward VI. A Popish writer has mentene the new Elias aganis the priestis of 
mentioned their meeting, and grafted upon Baal, (for sua b' asphemushe he namit the pries- 
it the calumny, current among thepartv, that tes of Christ Jesus.) And ;he neu Elias sould 
the E?.rl had formed the ambitious project of fortifie the new Josias, be procuring the favour 
wresting the crown from his sister, and plac- of the people aganis Jesabel, blaspheming 
ing it on his own head. " Johann Kmnox de- maist impudentlie the quenis M." NicolBur- 
ceavit him," says he, " in S. Paules kirk in ne's Disputation, p. 156. 

Lor.done, bringand him in consait, that God + Knox, Historie, p. '331. See Note N — 

ted cfeoatt him extraordinarilie as ane Josias Period Sixth. 



228 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



he perceived in all ranks of persons, lie addressed himself 
particularly to the nobility. He praised God that he had 
an opportunity of pouring out the sorrows of his heart in 
their presence, who could attest the truth of all that he had 
spoken. He appealed to their consciences if he had not, 
in their greatest extremities, exhorted them to depend upon 
God ; and assured them of preservation and victory, if they 
preferred his glory to their own lives and secular interests. 
ee I have been with you in your most desperate temptations," 
continued he, in a strain of empassioned eloquence : " in 
your most extreme dangers I have been with you. St. 
Johnston, Cupar Moor, and the Craggs of Edinburgh, are 
yet recent in my heart ; yea, that dark and dolorous night 
wherein all ye, my lords, with shame and fear, left this 
town, is yet in my mind, and God forbid that ever I forget 
it ! What was, I say, my exhortation to you, and what has 
fallen in vain of all that ever God promised unto you by 
my mouth, ye yourselves yet live to testify. There is not 
one of you against whom was death and destruction threat- 
ened perished ; and how many of your enemies has God 
plagued before your eyes ? Shall this be the thankfulness 
that ye shall render unto your God? To betray his cause, 
when ye have it in your hands to establish it as you please ? 
He saw nothing (he said) but a cowardly desertion of 
Christ's standard. Some had even the effrontery to say 
that they had neither law nor Parliament for their reli- 
gion. They had the authority of God for their religion, 
the truth of which was independent of human laws ; but it 
was also accepted within this realm in public Parliament ; 
and that Parliament he would maintain to have been as 
lawful as any ever held in the kingdom of Scotland." 

In the conclusion of his discourse, he adverted to the 
reports of her Majesty's marriage, and the princes who 
courted this alliance ; and (desiring the audience to mark 
his words) predicted the consequences which were to be 
dreaded, if ever the nobility consented that their sovereign 
should marry a Papist. " And now, my Lords," he con- 
cluded, " to put an end to all, I hear of the Queen's mar- 
riage — Dukes, brethren to Emperors and Kings, strive all 
for the best gain. But this, my Lords, will I say, note the 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



229 



day, and bear witness hereafter. Whenever the nobility 
of Scotland, who profess the Lord Jesus, consent that an 
infidel (and all Papists are infidels) shall be head to our 
Sovereign, ye do as far as in you lieth to banish Christ 
Jesus from this realm, and to bring God's vengeance on 
the country." 

Protestants as well as Papists were offended with the 
freedom of this sermon ; and some who had been most fa- 
miliar with the preacher, now shunned his company. Flat- 
terers were not awanting to run to the Queen, and inform 
her that John Knox had preached against her marriage. 
After surmounting the opposition to her measures, and ma- 
naging so successfully the haughty and independent barons 
of her kingdom, Mary was incensed to think that there 
should yet be one man of obscure condition, who ventured 
to condemn her proceedings ; and as she could not tame 
his stubbornness, she determined to punish his temerity. 
Knox was ordered instantly to appear before her. Lord 
Ochiltree, with several gentlemen, accompanied him to the 
palace ; but the Superintendent of Angus alone was al- 
lowed to go with him into the royal presence. 

Her Majesty received him in a very different manner 
from what she had done at Lochleven. Never had prince 
been handled (she passionately exclaimed) as she was : she 
had borne with him in all his rigorous speeches against 
herself and her uncles ; she had sought his favour by all 
means ; she had offered unto him audience whenever he 
pleased to admonish her. " And yet," said she, " I can- 
not be quit of you. I vow to God I shall be once re- 
venged." On pronouncing these words with great vio- 
lence, she burst into a flood of tears which interrupted her 
speech. When the Queen had composed herself, he pro- 
ceeded calmly to make his defence. Her Grace and he 
had (he said) at different times been engaged in contro- 
versy, and he never before perceived her offended with him. 
When it should please God to deliver her from the bon- 
dage of error, in which she had been trained through want 
of instruction in the truth, he trusted that her Majesty 
would not find the liberty of his tongue offensive. Out of 
the pulpit, he thought, few had occasion to be offended with 



230 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



nim ; but there he was not master of himself, but bound to 
obey Him who commanded him to speak plainly, and to 
flatter no flesh on the face of the earth. 

66 But what have you to do with my marriage ?" said the 
Queen, lie was proceeding to state the extent of his com- 
mission as a preacher, and the reasons which led him to 
touch on that delicate subject ; but she interrupted him by 
repeating her question ; " What have ye to do with my 
marriage ? Or what are you in this commonwealth ?" — 
" A subject born within the same, madam," replied the 
Reformer, piqued by the last question, and the contemptu- 
ous tone in which it was proposed. " And albeit I be neither 
earl, lord, nor baron in it, yet has God made me (how 
abject that ever I be in your eyes) a profitable member 
within the same. Yea, madam, to me it appertains no less 
to forewarn of such things as may hurt it, if I forsee them, 
than it doth to any of the nobility ; for both my vocation 
and conscience requires plainness of me. And therefore, 
madam, to yourself I say that which I spake in public place : 
Whensoever the nobility of this realm shall consent that ye 
be subject to an unfaithful husband, they do as much as in 
them lieth to renounce Christ, to banish his truth from them, 
to betray the freedom of this realm, and perchance shall in 
the end do small comfort to yourself." At these words, 
the Queen began again to weep and sob with great bitter- 
ness. The superintendent, who was a man of mild and 
gentle spirit, tried to mitigate her grief and resentment : 
he praised her beauty and her accomplishments ; and told 
her, that there was not a prince in Europe who would not 
reckon himself happy in gaining her hand. During this 
scene, the severe and inflexible mind of the Reformer dis- 
played itself. He continued silent, and with unaltered 
countenance, until the Queen had given vent to her feelings. 
He then protested, that he never took delight in the distress 
of any creature ; it was with great difficulty that he could 
see his own boys weep when he corrected them for their 
faults, far less could he rejoice in her Majesty's tears : but 
seeing he had given her no just reason of offence, and had 
only discharged his duty, he was constrained, though un- 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



231 



willingly, to sustain her tears, rather than hurt his eon- 
science, and betray the commonwealth through his silence. 

This apology inflamed the Queen still more : she ordered 
him immediately to leave her presence, and wait the signi- 
fication of her pleasure in the adjoining room. There he 
stood as " one whom men had never seen ;" all his friends 
(Lord Ochiltree excepted) being afraid to shew him the 
smallest countenance. In this situation he addressed him- 
self to the court-ladies, who sat in their richest dress in the 
chamber. " O fair ladies, how plesing war this lyfe of 
yours, if it sould ever abyde, and then, in the end, that we 
might pas to hevin with all this gay gear ! But fye upon 
that knave death, that will come whidder we will or not !" 
Having engaged them in a conversation, he passed the time 
till Erskine came and informed him, that he was allowed 
to go home until her Majesty had taken further advice. 
The Queen insisted to have the judgment of the Lords of 
Articles, whether the words he had used in the pulpit were 
not actionable ; but she was persuaded to desist from a 
prosecution. " And so that storme quietit in appearance, 
bot nevir in the hart."* 

No expressions are sufficiently strong to describe the 
horror which many feel at the monstrous insensibility and 
inhumanity of Knox, in remaining unmoved, while (£ youth, 
beauty, and royal dignity" f were dissolved in tears before 
him. Enchanting, surely, must the charms of the Queen 
of Scots have been, and iron-hearted the Reformer, who 
could resist their impression, when they continue to this 
day to exercise such a sway over the hearts of men, that 
even grave and serious authors, not addicted to the lan- 
guage of gallantry and romance, can protest that they can- 
not read of the tears which she shed on this occasion, 
without feeling an inclination to weep along with her. 
There may be some, however, who, knowing how much 
real misery there is in this world, are not disposed to waste 
their feelings unnecessarily, and who are of opinion, that 
there was not much to commiserate in the condition of the 
Queen, nor to reprobate in the conduct of the Reformer. 
Considering that she had been so fortunate in her measures, 



* Knox, Historie, p. 332-354. 



f See Note O. — Period Sixth. 



232 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



and found her nobility so ready to gratify her wishes, the 
passion by which she suffered herself to be transported was 
extravagant, and her tears must have been those of anger 
and not of grief. On the other hand, when we consider 
that Knox was at this time deserted by his friends, and 
stood almost alone in resisting the will of a princess, who 
accomplished her measures chiefly by caresses and tears, 
we may be disposed to form a more favourable idea of his 
conduct and motives. We behold not, indeed, the enthu- 
siastic lover, mingling his tears with those of his mistress, 
and vowing to revenge her wrongs ; nor the man of nice 
sensibility, who loses every other consideration in the gra- 
tification of his feelings ; but we behold what is more rare, 
the stern patriot, the rigid Reformer, who, in the discharge 
of his duty, and in a public cause, can withstand the tide 
of tenderness as well as the storm of passion. There have 
been times when such conduct was regarded as the proof of 
a superior mind ; and the man who, from such motives, 
& hearkened not to the wife of his bosom, nor knew his 
own children," has been the object not of censure, but ad- 
miration, in Sacred * as well as Pagan story .f 

When Knox lay under the displeasure of the Court, and 
had lost the confidence of his principal friends, his ememies 
judged it a favourable opportunity for attacking him in 
(what was universally allowed to be irreproachable) his moral 
conduct. At the very time that he was engaged in scruti- 
nizing the scandal against Methven, and inflicting upon him 
the highest censure of the Church, it was alleged that he 
himself was guilty of a similar crime. Euphemia Dundas, 
an inhabitant of Edinburgh, inveighing one day in the pre- 
sence of a circle of her acquaintances, against the Protestant 
doctrine and ministers, said among other things, that John 
Knox had been a common whoremonger all his days, and 
that, within a few days past, he " was apprehendit and 
tane furth of ane killogye with ane common hure." This 
might perhaps have been passed over by Knox and the 
Church as an effusion of Popish spleen or female scandal ; 



* Deut. xxxiii. 9. 

•f Fertur pudicseconjugis osculurn, 
Parvosque natos, ut captis minor, 



Ab se reznovisse, et virilem 
Torvus humi pusuisse vultum. 

Hor lib. iii. Od. v. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



233 



but the recent occurrence at Jedburgh, the situation in 
which the Reformer at present stood, the public manner in 
which the charge had been brought, and the specification 
of a particular instance, seemed to them to justify and call 
for a legal prosecution. Accordingly, the clerk of the 
General Assembly, on the ISth of Juue, gave in a formal 
representation and petition to the Town Council, praying 
that the woman might be called before them, and the 
matter examined ; that, if the accusation was found true, 
the accused might be punished with all rigour without par- 
tiality ; and that, if false, the accuser might be dealt with 
according to the demerit of her offence. She was called, 
and appearing before the Council, " flatly refused" that she 
had ever used any such words ; although Knox's procura- 
tor afterwards produced respectable witnesses to prove that 
she had spoken them. * 

This convicted calumny, which never gained the smallest 
credit at the time, would scarcely have deserved notice, 
had it not been revived, after the Reformer's death, by the 
Popish writers, who, having caught hold of the report, 
and dressed it out in all the horrid colours which malice 
or credulity could suggest, circulated it industriously, by 
their publications, through the Continent. Though I had 
not been able to trace these slanders to their source, the 
atrocity of the imputed crimes, the unspotted reputation 
which the accused uniformly maintained among all his con- 
temporaries, the glaring self-contradictions of the accusers, 
and above all. the notorious spirit of slander and wanton 
defamation for which they have long been stigmatized in 
the learned world, would have been grounds sufficient for 
rejecting such charges with detestation. Those who are 
acquainted with the writings of that period, will not think 
that I speak too strongly ; those who are not, may be in 
some degree satisfied as to this, by looking into the notes.f 

The Queen flattered herself that she had at last caught 
the Reformer in an offence, which would infallibly subject 
him to exemplary punishment. During her residence at Stir- 
ling, in the month of August, the domestics whom she left 



* See Note P. — Period Sixth. 



f See Note Q. — Period Sixth. 



234 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



behind her in Holyrood House, celebrated the Popish 
worship with greater publicity than had been usual when 
she herself was present ; and at the time when the sacra- 
ment of the supper was dispensed in Edinburgh, they re- 
vived certain superstitious practices which had been laid 
aside by the Roman Catholics, since the establishment of the 
Reformation. This boldness offended the Protestants, and 
some of them went down to the palace to mark the inhabi- 
tants who repaired to the service. Perceiving numbers 
entering, they burst into the chapel, and presenting them- 
selves at the altar, which was prepared for mass, asked the 
priest, how he durst be so malapert as to proceed in that 
manner, when the Queen was absent ? Alarmed at this 
intrusion, the mistress of the household dispatched a mes- 
senger to the comptroller, (who was attending sermon in 
St. Giles's church,) desiring him to come instantly to save 
her life and the palace. Having hurried down, accompa- 
nied with the magistrates, and a guard, the comptroller 
found every thing quiet and no appearance of tumult, ex- 
cept what was occasioned by the company which he brought 
along with him.* 

When the report of this affair was conveyed to the 
Queen, she declared her resolution not to return to Edin- 
burgh unless this riot was punished, and indicted two of 
the Protestants, who had been most active, to stand trial 
" for forethought, felony, hamesuckin, and invasion of the 
palace." Fearing that she intended to proceed to extre- 
mities against these men, and that their condemnation was 
a preparative to some hostile attempts against their reli- 
gion, the Protestants in Edinburgh resolved that Knox, 
agreeably to a commission which he had received from the 
Church, should write a circular letter to the principal gen- 
tlemen of their persuasion, informing them of the circum- 

* Spotswood gives a different account of bishop's. Heexpressly says, that besides burst- 

this affair, which has been adopted by different ing into the chapel, and addressing the priest 

■writers. He not only says that the Protest- as above-mentioned, " no farther was done or 

ants " forced the gates ; ' but that " some [of said." Historie, pp. 335, 336. Had some of 

the Papists] were taken and carried to prison, the Papists been carried to prison, he never 

many e«caped the back way with the priest could have given such an account as he did, 

himself." History, p. 188. But he could not not only in his history, but also in his circular 

havethe opportunity of being so well acquaint- letter, which was produced at his trial, with- 

ed with the circumstances as Knox, whose out any contradiction on this head, 
account is totally irreconcilable with the Arch- 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



235 



stances, and requesting their presence on the day of trial. 
He wrote the letter according to their request.* A copy 
of it having come into the hands of Sinclair, Bishop of 
Ross, and President of the Court of Session, who was a 
great personal enemy to Knox, he conveyed it immediately 
to the Queen at Stirling. She communicated it to the 
Privy Council, who, to her great satisfaction, pronounced 
it treasonable ; but to give the greater solemnity to the 
proceedings, it was resolved that an extraordinary conven- 
tion of the counsellors and other noblemen should be called 
to meet at Edinburgh, in the end of December, to try the 
cause. The Reformer was summoned to appear before 
this convention. f 

Previous to the day of trial, great influence was used in 
private, to persuade or intimidate him to acknowledge a 
fault, and throw himself on the Queen's mercy. This he 
peremptorily refused to do. The master of Maxwell, ^after- 
wards Lord Hemes,] with whom he had long been very 
intimate, threatened him with the loss of his friendship, and 
told him that he would repent, if he did not submit to the 
Queen, for men would not bear with him as they had 
hitherto done. He replied, that he did not understand such 
language ; he had never opposed her Majesty except in 
the article of religion, and surely it was not meant that he 
should bow to her in that matter ; if God stood by him, 
(which he would do as long as he confided in him, and pre- 
ferred His glory to his own life," he regarded little how 
men should behave towards him : nor did he know wherein 
they had borne with him, unless in hearing the word of 
God from his mouth, which if they should reject, he would 
mourn for them, but the danger would be their own. 

The Earl of Murray, and Secretary Maitland, sent for 
him to the Clerk Register's House, and had a long conver- 
sation with him to the same purpose, They represented 

* Knox. Hiitcrif . pt 33: . ~57. The Queen's cb;ejt *_?~?^rs to have been to 

t It has been doubted whether thisconren- obtain the imprisonment of Knox in the first 

Con arted as a court of judicature in Knox's place, after which she might proceed against 

trial, or met merely to determine whether he him as she might think expedient- The jus 

•could be brought to a judicial trial. Dalyell's tice-general, the lord advocate, and the other 

Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems, law lords were present. Knox, Historie, pp. 

to!, i. 72. It is erident that it was not an or- 559. 540. 
dinary or proper meeting of the Privy Council. 



236 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



the pains which they had taken to mitigate the Queen's 
resentment, and that nothing could save him but a timely 
submission. He returned the same answer that he gave to 
the Master of Maxwell, that he never would confess a fault 
when he was conscious of none, and had not learned to cry 
treason at every thing which the multitude called treason, 
nor to fear what they feared. The wily Secretary endea- 
voured to bring on a dispute on the subject, and to draw 
from him the defence which he meant to make for him- 
self ; but Knox, aware of his craft, declined the conversa- 
tion, and told him it would be foolish to intrust with his 
defences one who had already prejudged his cause. 

On the day appointed for the trial, the public anxiety 
was greatly raised, and the palace-yard with all the ave- 
nues was crowded with people, who waited to learn the 
result. The pannel was conducted to the chamber in which 
the Lords were already assembled, and engaged in consul- 
tation. When the Queen had taken her seat, and per- 
ceived Knox standing uncovered at the foot of the table, 
she burst into a loud fit of laughter. " That man," she 
said, (i had made her weep, and shed never a tear himself : 
she would now see if she could make him weep." The 
Secretary opened the proceedings, by stating, in a speech 
addressed to the Reformer, the reasons why the Queen had 
convened him before her nobility. (( Let him acknow- 
ledge his own handwriting," said the Queen, " and then 
we shall judge of the contents of the letter." A copy of 
the circular letter being handed to him, he looked at the 
subscription, and said that it was his ; and though he had 
subscribed a number of blanks, he had such confidence in 
the fidelity of the scribe, that he was ready to acknowledge 
both the subscription and the contents. " You have done 
more than I would have done," said Maitland. " Charity 
is not suspicious," replied the other. 66 Well, well," said 
the Queen, " read your own letter, and then answer to 
such things as shall be demanded of you." — " I will do the 
best I can," said he ; and having read the letter with an 
audible voice, returned it to the Queen's advocate, who was 
commanded to accuse him. 

'< Heard you ever, my lords, a more despiteful and trea- 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



237 



sonable letter ?" said the Queen, looking round the table. 
H Mr Knox, are you not sorry from your heart, and do you 
not repent that such a letter has passed your pen, and from 
you has come to the knowledge of others ?" said Maitland. 
" My Lord Secretary, before I repent I must be taught 
my offence." — " Offence ! if there were no more but the 
convocation of the Queen's lieges, the offence cannot be 
denied." — " Remember yourself, my Lord, there is a dif- 
ference between a lawful convocation and an unlawful. If 
I have been guilty in this, I offended oft since I came last 
into Scotland ; for what convocation of the brethren has 
ever been to this hour, unto which my pen served not?" — 
" Then was then, and now is now," said the Secretary ; 
" we have no need o f such convocations as sometimes we 
have had." — " The time that has been is even now before 
my eyes," rejoined the Reformer ; "for I see the poor flock 
in no less danger than it has been at any time before, ex- 
cept that the devil has got a vizor upon his face. Before, 
he came in with his own face, discovered by open tyranny, 
seeking the destruction of all that refused idolatry ; and 
then, I think, you will confess the brethren lawfully assem- 
bled themselves for defence of their lives : and now, the 
devil comes under the cloak of justice, to do that which 
God would not suffer him to do by strength." 

" What is this ?" interrupted her Majesty, who was of- 
fended that the pannel should be allowed such liberty of 
speech, and thought that she could bring him more closely 
to the question. " What is this ? Methinks you trifle with 
him. Who gave him authority to make convocation of 
my lieges ? Is not that treason ?" — " No, madam," replied 
Lord Ruthven, displeased at the active keenness which the 
Queen shewed in the cause ; " for he makes convocation 
of the people to hear prayer and sermon almost daily ; and 
whatever your Grace or others will think thereof, we think 
it no treason." — " Hold your peace," said the Queen ; 
" and let him answer for himself." — " I began, madam," 
resumed Knox, " to reason with the Secretary, (whom I 
take to be abetter dialectician than your Grace,) that all con- 
vocations are not unlawful; and my Lord Ruthven has 
given the instance." — " I will say nothing against your 



233 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



religion, nor against your convening to your sermons • but 
what authority have you to convocate my subjects when 
you will, without my commandment ?" He answered, that 
at his own will he had never convened four persons in Scot- 
and, but at the orders of his brethren he had given many 
advertisements, and great multitudes had assembled ; and 
if her Grace complained that this had been done without 
her command, he would answer, that so was all that had 
been done as to the reformation of religion in this king- 
dom. He must, therefore, be convicted by a just law, be- 
fore he would profess sorrow for what he had done : he 
thought he had done no wrong. 

" You shall not escape so," said the Queen. " Is it not 
treason, my Lords, to accuse a prince of cruelty? I think 
there be acts of Parliament against such whisperers. " 
Several of their lordships said that there were such laws. 
" But wherein can I be accused of this ?" inquired Knox. 
— " Read this part of your own bill," said the Queen, who 
shewed herself an acute prosecutor. She then caused the 
following sentence to be read from his letter : — " This fear- 
ful summons is directed against them, [the two persons 
who were indicted,] to make no doubt a preparative on a 
few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a 
greater multitude." — " Lo !" exclaimed the Queen, exult- 
ingly ; " what say you to that?" The eyes of the assembly 
were fixed on the pannel, anxious to know what answer he 
would make to this charge. 

" Is it lawful for me, madam, to answer for myself? or 
shall I be condemned unheard?" — "Say what you can; 
for I think you have enough to do," answered the Queen — - 
" I will first then desire of your Grace, madam, and of this 
most honourable audience, whether your Grace knows not, 
that the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to all such as 
profess the gospel of Jesus Christ, and that they most ear- 
nestly desire the extermination of them, and of the true 
doctrine that is taught within this realm ?" — The Queen was 
silent : but the Lords, with one voice, exclaimed, " God 
forbid, that ever the lives of the faithful, or yet the staying 
of the doctrine stood in the power of the Papists ! for just 
experience has taught us what cruelty lies in their hearts." 



PERIOD SIXTH 



239 



— " I must proceed then," said the Reformer. " Seeing* 
as I perceive that all will grant, that it were a barbarous 
thing" to destroy such a multitude as profess the gospel of 
Christ within this realm, which oftener than once or twice 
they have attempted to do by force, — they, by God and by 
his providence being disappointed, have invented more 
crafty and dangerous practices, to wit, to make the prince 
a party under colour of law ; and so what they could not 
do by open force, they shall perform by crafty deceit. For 
who thinks, my Lords, that the insatiable cruelty of the 
Papists, (within this realm I mean,) shall end in the mur- 
dering of these two brethren, now unjustly summoned, and 
more unjustly to be accused? — And therefore, madam, 
cast up, when you list, the acts of your Parliament ; I have 
offended nothing against them ; for I accuse not, in my let- 
ter, your Grace, nor yet your nature, of cruelty. But I 
affirm yet again, that the pestilent Papists, who have in- 
flamed your Grace against those poor men at this present, 
are the sons of the devil, and therefore must obey the de- 
sires of their father, who has been a liar and manslayer 
from the beginning." — " You forget yourself! you are not 
now in the pulpit," said one of the lords. "I am in the 
place where I am demanded of conscience to speak the 
truth ; and therefore the truth I speak, impugn it whoso 
list." He added, again addressing the Queen, "that per- 
sons who appeared to be of honest, gentle, and meek na- 
tures, had often been corrupted by wicked counsel ; that 
the Papists who had her ear were dangerous counsellors, 
and such her mother had found them to be." 

Mary perceiving that nothing was to be gained by 
reasoning, began to upbraid him with his harsh behaviour 
to her, at their last interview. He spake " fair enough" 
at present before the Lords, she said ; but on that occasion 
he caused her to shed many salt tears, and said, " he set 
not by her weeping." This drew from him a vindication 
of his conduct, in which he gave a narration of that con- 
ference. After this, the Secretary, having spoken with 
the Queen, told Knox that he was at liberty to return home 
for that night. " I thank God and the Queen's Majesty," 
said he, and withdrew 

When Knox had retired, the judgment of the nobility 



240 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



was taken respecting his conduct. All of them, with the 
exception of the immediate dependents of the Court, voted 
that he was not guilty of any breach of the laws. The 
secretary, who had assured the Queen of his condemnation, 
was enraged at this decision. He brought her Majesty, 
who had retired before the vote, again into the room, and 
proceeded to call the votes a second time in her pre- 
sence. This attempt to overawe them, incensed the nobility. 
" What !" said they, " shall the laird of Lethington have 
power to control us? or shall the presence of a woman 
cause us to offend God, and to condemn an innocent man, 
against our consciences ?" With this they repeated their 
votes, absolving him from all offence, and praising his 
modest appearance and judicious defences. 

Mary was unable to conceal her mortification and dis- 
pleasure, at this unexpected acquittal. When the Bishop 
of Ross, who had been the informer, gave his vote on the 
same side with the rest, she taunted him. openly in the pre- 
sence of the court. " Trouble not the child ! I pray you 
trouble him not ! for he is newly wakened out of his sleep. 
Why should not the old fool follow the footsteps of those 
that have passed before him ?" The bishop replied coldly, 
that her Majesty might easily know that his vote was not 
influenced by partiality to the accused. " That nicht was 
nyther dancing nor fiddeling in the court ; for madam was 
disappoynted of hir purpose, quhilk was to have had Johne 
Knox in hir will, be vote of hir nobility."* 



PERIOD VII. 

FROM HIS ACQUITTAL FROM A CHARGE OF TREASON BY THE 
PRIVY COUNCIL, IN 1563, TO HIS BEING STRUCK WITH APO- 
PLEXY, IN 1570. 

The indignation of the Queen at the Reformer's escape 
from punishment did not soon abate,f and the effects of it 
fell both upon the courtiers who had voted for his excul- 



* Knox, Historie, p. 338-343. The account of the trial given by Calderwood, in his MS. 
ha* been compared with that of Knox , and exactly agrees w> ih it. f Keith, 248, 251. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



pation, and upon those who had opposed it. The Earl of 
Murray was among 1 the former ;* Maitland among the 
latter. In order to appease her, they again attempted to 
persuade Knox to condescend to some voluntary submis- 
sion to her ; and they engaged that all the punishment 
which should be indicted on him, would be merely to go 
within the walls of the castle, and return again to his own 
house. But he refused to make any such compliances, by 
which he would throw discredit on the judgment of the 
nobility who had acquitted him, and confess himself to 
have been a mover of sedition. Disappointed in this, they 
endeavoured to injure him by whispers and detraction, cir- 
culating that he had no authority from his brethren for 
what he had done ; and that he arrogated a Papal and ar- 
bitrary power over the Scottish Church, issuing his letters, 
and exacting obedience to them. These charges vrere very 
groundless and injurious ; for there never was perhaps any 
one who had as much influence, that was so careful in 
avoiding all appearance of assuming superiority over his 
brethren, or acting by his own authority, in matters of 
public and common concern. 

In the General Assembly which met in the close of this 
year, he declined taking any share in the debates. 'When 
their principal business was settled, he requested liberty to 
speak on an affair which concerned himself. He stated 
what he had done in writing the late circular letter, the 
proceedings to which it had given rise, and the surmises 
which were still circulated to his prejudice ; and insisted 
that the Church should now examine his conduct in that 
matter, and particularly that they should declare whether 
or not they had given him a commission to advertise the 
brethren, when he foresaw any danger threatening their 
religion, or any difficult case which required their advice. 
The courtiers strenuously opposed the decision of this ques- 
tion : but it was taken up, and the Assembly, by a great 
majority, found that he had been burthened with such a 

* In a letter of Randolph, 27 th Feb. 1564, whose parte he [Murray] taketh." Ke::>_, 
there is mention made of " some unkindne^ 249. 
between Murray and the quteen, about Knox, 



242 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



commission, and in the advertisement which he had lately 
given, had not gone beyond the bounds of his commis- 
sion.* 

Knox had remained a widower upwards of three years. 
But in March 1564, he contracted a second marriage with 
Margaret Stewart, daughter of Lord Ochiltree, f a noble- 
man of amiable dispositions, who had been long familiar 
with our Reformer, and steadily adhered to him when he 
was deserted by his other friends. She continued to dis- 
charge the duties of a wife to him, with pious and affec- 
tionate assiduity, until the time of his death. The Popish 
writers, who envied the honours of the Scottish Reformer, 
have represented this marriage as a proof of his great am- 
bition ; and in the excess of their spleen, have ridiculously 
imputed to him the project of aiming to raise his progeny 
to the throne of Scotland ; because the family of Ochiltree 
were of the blood royal ! They are quite clear, too, that he 
gained the heart of the young lady by means of sorcery, 
and the assistance of the devil. But it seems, that power- 
ful as his black-footed second was, he could not succeed in 
another attempt which he had previously made ; for the 
same writers inform us, that he had paid his addresses to 
the lady Fleming, eldest daughter to the Duke of Chastel- 
herault, and was repulsed. The account of the appear- 
ance which he made at the time of his marriage, which 
shall be inserted in the notes, the reader will receive ac- 
cording to the degree of its probability, and the credit 
which he may think due to the authority upon which it 
rests .J 

The country continued in a state of quietness during the 
year 1564 ; but the same jealousies still subsisted between 

* Keith, 527, 528. Knox, 344, 245. Ran- brother-in-law of the Reformer, was Sir James 

dolph, in a letter to Cecil, 18th March, 156%, Stewart of Bothwelmuir, afterwards theinfa- 

says : " Knox askt in church to be marryed to mous favourite of James VI. who created him 

Margrett Steward, the daughter of the Lord Karl of Arran. Crawfurd, in his Officers of 

Ochiltree," referring to the proclamation of State, ()>. 448.) has published a protestation 

banns Keith, 251. which he made of his lineage, and title of 

+ Lord Ochiltree was descended from Ro- priority to the Duke of Lennox, his rival in 

bert, Duke of Albany, second son of King Ro- James's favour. He was usually called the 

bert II. His father exchanged the lands and good Lord Ochiltree. Knox says, that he -was 

title of Kvandale for those of Ochiltree. Dou- "a man rather born to mak peace then to 

glas's Peerage, 522. Crawford's Renfrew, and brag upoun the calsey." Histoiie, p. 504. 

Royal House of btewart, by Semple, part i. p. jj: See Note A. — Period Seventh* 
9<;-94. The second son of Lord Ochiltree, and 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



243 



the Court and the Church. Her Majesty's prejudices 
against the Reformed religion were unabated, and she main- 
tained a correspondence with its sworn enemies on the Con- 
tinent-, which could not altogether escape the vigilance of 
her Protestant subjects.* The preachers, on their side, 
did not relax in their zealous warnings against Popery, and 
concerning the dangers which they apprehended ; they 
complained of the beggary to which the greater part of 
their own number was reduced, and of the growing luke- 
warmness of the Protestant courtiers. The latter were un- 
easy under these reproaches, and in concert with the Queen, 
were anxious to restrain the license of the pulpit. They 
began by addressing themselves in private to some of the 
most moderate and complying of the ministers, whom they 
gained over by their persuasions to a partial approbation 
of their measures. Having in so far succeeded, they ven- 
tured to propose the matter more publicly, and to request 
the sanction of the leading members of the General As- 
sembly. 

Without designing to vindicate the latitude which might 
be taken by particular preachers at this time, I may say, 
in general, that a systematic attempt to restrain the liberty 
of speech in the pulpit, (farther than the correction of any 
occurring* excess might require,) would have been a mea- 
sure fraught with danger to the Protestant interest. The 
ministers were the most vigilant and incorrupt guardians 
of the public safety. Better it is to be awaked with rude- 
ness, or even by a false alarm, than to be allowed to sleep 
on in the midst of dangers. Who would muzzle the mouth 
of the wakeful animal that guards the house against thieves, 
because the inhabitants are frequently disturbed by his 
nocturnal vociferation ; or substitute in his place a " dumb 

* Robertson's History of Scotland, vol. ii, et submissions " In a letter written Jan. 3, 

108. Lond. 1S09. MS. Letters, (extracted tbe same year, she entreats the Cardinal of 

from the Barberini Library ) Adv Lib. A. 2. Lorraine to assure the Pope of her resolution 

11. In a letter to the Council of Trent. ISth to live and die a Catholic. And on the last 

March, 156^, Mary expresses her re^iet that day of the same month, she writes to his Holi- 

the situation of her affairs (hujus temporis ness himself, laments the damnable errors 

tanta injuria) did not permit her t«> send soi"° (damnibili errori) in which she found her sub- 

of her prelates to that council ; and assures jects plunged, ana informs him that herinten- 

them of her great and unalterable devotion tion, from the time she had left France, had 

to the Apostolic See, " Nostra perpetua men- uniformly been to re- establish the ancient re- 

Ve ac voluntate, in ejusdem seOis ohservantia ligion. 



244 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



dog, that cannot bark, sleeping, lying down, loving to 
slumber ?" 

Knox, the freedom and sharpness of whose censures the 
courtiers felt most deeply, was the person whom they chiefly 
wished to restrain ; but it was no easy matter either to 
overawe, or reason him into silence. In a conference 
which they demanded with the leading members of the 
General Assembly, in the month of June, this subject was 
discussed ; and a long debate ensued between Maitland and 
Knox, on the principal points of his doctrine which gave 
offence to the court. This debate " admirably displays 
the talents and character of both the disputants ; the acute- 
ness of the former, embellished with learning, but prone 
to subtilty ; the vigorous understanding of the latter, de- 
lighting in bold sentiments, and superior to all fear."* 
The dispute has been recorded at large by Knox in his 
History of the Reformation. After giving so full a view 
of some former disputes in which he was engaged, I must 
content myself with a brief account of the leading heads of 
the present. 

There were two things which Maitland found fault with 
in the Reformer's public services ; the mode in which he 
prayed for her Majesty, and the doctrine which he taught 
as to the authority of princes and duty of subjects. Prayers 
and tears, we have sometimes been reminded, are the only 
arms which Christians ought to employ against violence. 
But those who have deprived them of other weapons, have 
usually envied them the use of these also ; and if their 
prayers have not been smoothed down to the temper of 
their adversaries, so as to become mere compliments to 
princes, under colour of an address to the Almighty, they 
have often been pronounced seditious and treasonable.! 

Knox repeated his usual prayer for the Queen, and de- 
sired the Secretary to state what was faulty in it. " Ye 
pray for the Queen's Majesty with a condition," replied 
Maitland, " saying, e Illuminate her heart, if thy good 

♦ Dr. Robertson, ut supra, p. 109. cap. 9. Nor did the psalms and prayers of 

"t During the reign of Mary of England, the the primitive Christians escape punishment 

manner in which the Protestants prayed for under the tolerant Emperor Julian. Works 

her, in their conventicles, was declared High of the Rev. Samuel Johnson, p. 20-22. Lond. 

Treason. Act Pari. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, 1713. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



245 



pleasure be.' Where have ye example of such prayer?" 
— " Wherever the examples are." rejoined Knox, " I am 
assured of the rule, i If we shall ask any thing" according" 
to Ins will, he will hear us ;' and Christ commanded us to 
pray. 6 Thy will be done.' " — " But in so doing ye put a 
doubt in the people's head of her conversion/' said Mait- 

land " Not I, my lord ; but her own obstinate rebellion 

causes more than me to doubt of her conversion." — 
" Wherein rebels she against God?" — " In all the actions 
of her life, but in these two heads especially \ that she will 
not hear the preaching of the blessed evangel of Jesus 
Christ, and that she maintains that idol the mass." — " She 
thinks not that rebellion, but good religion." — " So thought 
they who offered their children to Moloch, and yet the 
Spirit of God affirms that they offered them imto devils, 
and not unto God." — " But yet ye can produce the exam- 
ple of none that has so prayed before you," said the Secre- 
tary, pressing his former objection " Well, then," said 

Knox, u Peter said these words to Simon Magus, ( Re- 
pent of this thy wickedness, and pray to God, that, if it be 
possible, the thought of thine heart may be forgiven thee.' 
And think ye not, my lord Secretary, that the same doubt 
may touch my heart as touching the Queen's conversion, 
that then touched the heart of the apostle ?" — ff « I would 
never hear you or any other call that in doubt/' replied 
Maitland " But your will is no assurance to my con- 
science." — " Why say ye that she refuses admonitions ?" 
said Maitland ; " she will gladly hear any man." — " But 
what obedience ensues ? Or, when shall she be seen to 
give her presence to the public preaching?"' — " I think 
never, so long as she is thus entreated," replied the Secre- 
tary " And so long," rejoined the Reformer, (< ye and 

all others must be content that I pray so as I may be as- 
sured to be heard of my God, either in making her com- 
fortable to his Church, or if he has appointed her to be a 
scourge to the same, that we may have patience, and she 
may be bridled." 

The second part of the debate related to Knox's doctrine 
respecting the limited authority of princes, and the right of 
the people to control them in the abuse of their power. Un- 



240 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

der this head, the lawfulness of suppressing the Queen's mass 
was discussed. Even here, Maitland was hardly pushed by 
his antagonist, and found it difficult to maintain his ground, 
after the resistance which he himself had made to the su- 
preme powers, and the principles which he professed in com- 
mon with the Reformer. For it is to be observed, that both 
parties held that idolatry might justly be punished by 
death.* Into this sentiment they were led, in consequence 
of their having adopted the untenable opinion that the ju- 
dicial laws given to the Jewish nation, were binding upon 
Christian nations, as to all offences against the moral law. 

In the course of the debate, Knox's colleague, Craig, 
gave an account of an interesting dispute on the same ques- 
tion, which he had heard in the university of Bologna, in 
Italy ; in which the judgments of the learned men, and the 
decision of the question, were strongly in favour of popu- 
lar liberty, and the limited power of princes.t The opinion 
delivered by Craig, caused some apprehension on the part 
of the courtiers, as to the result of the vote ; and the Clerk 
Register took occasion to remark, that at a previous con- 



* Knox, Historic pp. 357, 360. 

This was an opinion generally entertained 
among the Reformers ; and it was one ground 
(though, as we have seen, p. 192, not the only 
one) upon which they vindicated the penal 
statutes against the mass and image worship. 
At the same time, while they laboured to re- 
strain these evils, they discovered no disposi- 
tion to proceed to capital punishment, even 
when it was completely in their power. I 
never read nor heard of an instance, in the 
time of our Reformer, of a person being put 
to death, for performing any part of the Ro- 
man Catholic worship. If the reason of this 
disconformity between their opinion and their 
practice be asked, it may be answered, — their 
aversion to blood. " God (says our Reformer, 
addressing the Popish Princes who persecuted 
the Protestants) God will not use his saintes 
and chosen children to punish you. For with 
them is al vvaies mercie, yea, even althogh God 
have pronounced a curse and malediction ; as 
in thehistorie of Josua is plaine. But as ye 
pronounc ed wrong and cruel judgment with- 
out mercie, so will he punish you by such as in 
whom there is no mercie." Answer to an Ana- 
baptist, p. 449. — See Note B. Period Seventh. 

f Knox, Historie, p. 364,305. "Ye tell 
us what was done at Bologna," exclaimed one 
of the courtiers ; " we are in a kingdom, and 
they are but a commonwealth." — " My lord," 
replied Craig, " my judgment is, that every 



kingdom is a commonwealth, or at least should 
be, albeit that every commonwealth is not a 
kingdom ; and therefore I think that in a 
kingdom no less diligence ought to be taken 
that laws be not violated, than in a common- 
wealth, because the tyranny of princes who 
continually reign in a kingdom, is more hurt- 
ful to the subjects, than the misgovernmentof 
those that nom year to year are changed in 
free commonwealths." He added, "that the 
dispute to which he had referred was conduct- 
ed on general principles, applicable equally to 
monarchies and republics; and that one of 
the conclusions adopted was, that, although 
laws contrary to the law of God, and to the 
true principles of government, had been intro- 
duced, through the negligence of the people 
or the tyranny of princes, yet the same people, 
or their posterity, had a right to demand that 
all the things should be reformed according to 
the original institution of kings and common- 
wealths." Craig, who was rather facile in 
his disposition, and apt to be moulded by 
those who were about him, seems afterwards 
to have recanted the principle which he main- 
tained on this occasion. For I suppose he is 
the person who preached the sermon at Lin- 
lithgow, mentioned by Hume of Godscroft. 
History of the House of Douglas and Angus, 
ii. 383, 385. The historian has inserted toras 
very ingenious observations on the subject, by 
way of strictures on that sermon. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



24" 



ferenee it had been agreed that Knox should obtain Cal- 
vin's judgment on the question. This the Reformer de- 
clined, reminding the Secretary that he had himself under- 
taken to write to Geneva on the subject, but that he had 
not fulfilled his promise. 

After long conference, Maitland insisted that the votes 
should be called, and that by their decision some order 
should be established for preventing the recurrence of the 
evils of which he had complained. But Knox, protested 
against any determination of the question, which belonged 
to the whole General Assembly ; and the sentiments of the 
members being divided, the conference broke up without 
coming to any determinate resolution.* 

In the month of August, Knox went, by appointment of 
the General Assembly, as visitor of the churches in Aber- 
deen and the north, where he remained six or seven weeks, f 
The subsequent Assembly gave him a similar appointment 
to Fife and Perthshire.^ 

Our Reformer's predictions at the last meeting of Par- 
liament, were now fully realised. xAnother parliament was 
held in the end of 1564, but nothing was done for securing 
the Protestant religion. § The Queen's marriage approach- 
ed ; and as Darnley was understood to be inclined to Po- 
pery, if he had any religion at all, it naturally induced the 
nobility to provide additional securities for the Protestant 
Church ; and to insist that the royal sanction, hitherto 
withheld, should now be granted to its legal establishment. 
This the Lords demanded as the condition, of their consent ; 
but Mary artfully evaded the demand, and accomplished 
her object. While she was arranging her plans for the 
marriage, she sent for the superintendents of Lothian, 
Glasgow, and Fife, (for Knox was now inadmissible to her 
presence,) and amused them with fair words. She was 
not yet persuaded, she said, of the truth of their religion, 
but she was willing to hear conference and reasoning on 

* Knox, 348-366. merit, and cause the Stewart of Jhonne Knox 

f The Magistrates of Edinburgh, under- nous to keep table to him upoun the Town's 

standing that Mr. Christopher Goodman was expenssis." Records of Town Council for 23d 

appointed to preach during the absence of Aug. 1564. 

their own ministers, directed a committee nf + Keith, 535, 537, 540. 

their number to wait upon him, and •• offer § Knox, Historie, p. 368. 

bun in their names all honourabill interten- 



248 



LIFE OF JOHN ENOX. 



the subject : she was even content to attend the public ser- 
mons of some of them ; and " above all others, she would 
gladly hear the superintendent of Angus, for he was a mild 
and sweet-natured man, with true honesty and uprightness, 
Sir John Erskine of Dun."* But as soon as her marriage 
with Lord Darnley was over, she told them in very plain 
and determined language, " her Majesty neither will, nor 
may, leave the religion wherein she has been nourished, 
and brought up." f And there was no more word of hear- 
ing either sermon or conference. 

The friendship between the Earl of Murray and the 
Reformer, had been renewed in the beginning of 1585. 
The latter was placed in a very delicate predicament, by 
the insurrection under Murray and the other Lords who 
opposed the Queen's marriage. His father-in-law was one 
of the number. They professed that the security of the 
Protestant religion was the principal ground of their taking 
arms ; and they came to Edinburgh, to collect men to their 
standard. But whatever favour he might have for them, 
he kept himself clear from any engagement 4 If he had 
taken part in this unsuccessful revolt, we need not doubt 
that her Majesty would have embraced the opportunity of 
punishing him for it, when his principal friends had fled 
the kingdom. 

We find, in fact, that she immediately proceeded against 
him on a different, but far more slender pretext. The 
young King, who could be either Papist, or Protestant 
as it suited, went sometimes to mass with the Queen, and 
sometimes attended the Reformed sermons. To silence 
the suspicions of his alienation from the Reformed religion, 
circulated by the insurgent Lords, he, on the 19th of 
August, made a solemn appearance in St. Giles's Church, 
sitting on a throne, which had been prepared for his recep- 
tion. Knox preached that day on Isa. xxvi. 13, &c. and 
happened to prolong the service beyond his usual time. In 
one part of the sermon, he quoted these words of Scripture : 
" I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall 

* Knox, Historie, p. 373, 374. ley ; but he has not produced the evidence for 

f Ibid. p. 376. his assertion. Life of Queen Mary, i. 207, 

± Goodall says that Knox was engaged with 209. 
the Earl of Murray in a plot for seizing Darn- 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



249 



rale over them : children are their oppressors, and women 
rule over them ;" and in another part of it, he mentioned 
that God punished Ahab, because he did not correct his 
idolatrous wife Jesabel.* Though no particular applica- 
tion was made by the preacher, the King applied these 
passages to himself and the Queen, and returning to the 
palace in great wrath, refused to taste dinner. The Papists, 
who had accompanied him to Church, inflamed his resent- 
ment and that of the Queen, by their representations. 

That very afternoon Knox was taken from bed, and 
carried before the Privy Council. f Some respectable in- 
habitants of the city, understanding his citation, accom- 
panied him to the palace. He was told that he had offended 
the King, and must desist from preaching as long as their 
Majesties were in Edinburgh. He replied, that " he had 
spoken nothing but according to his text ; and if the Church 
would command him to speak or abstain, he would obey, 
so far as the word of God would permit him. "J Spotswood 
says, that he not only stood to what he had said in the pulpit, 
but added, " That as the King, for the Queen's pleasure, 
had gone to mass, and dishonoured the Lord God, so should 
he in his justice make her the instrument of his overthrow. 
This speech, (continues the archbishop's manuscript,) es- 
teemed too bold at the time, came afterwards to be remem- 
bered, and was reckoned among other his prophetical say- 
ings, which certainly were marvellous. The Queen, enraged 
at this answer, burst forth into tears. "§ 



* Sermon, apud Historie of the Reformat 
tion, Edin. 1644. 4to. Append, p. 120, 128. 
Spotswood says, that Knox, in his sermon, 
(either doubting the king's sincerity, or favour- 
ing the faction of the noblemen), " fell upon 
him with a bitter reproof." Historie, 191. 
But the archbishop does not seem to have 
read the sermon, which contains no reproof of 
the king, either bitter or mild. Indeed, the 
preacher seems to have used, on that occa- 
sion, less freedom in the application than ordi. 
nary. 

+ Preface to the Sermon. 

£ Ibid. Records of Town Council, ut infra. 
Historie, p. 381. In consequence of being cal- 
led before the Privy Council, he immediately 
wrote out the sermon, as exactly according to 
what he preached as he could, and sent it to 
the press, to let the impartial see, " upon how 
small occasions great offence is now taken." 
At the end of it is this postscript : " Lord, into 



thy hands I commend my spirit ; for the terrible 
roaring of gunnes and the noise of armour do so 
pierce my heart, that my soul thirstith to de- 
part." On the margin are these words : "The 
Castle of Edinburgh was shooting against the 
exiled for Christ Jesus's sake." Then follows 
the date at which the writing was linished. 
" The last day of August, 156/3, at four of the 
clock in the afternoon, written indigestly, but 
yet truly sofarre as memorie would serve, if 
those things that in publike I spake on Sun- 
day, August 19, for the which I was discharg- 
ed to preach for a time. Be merciful to thy 
flock, O Lord, and at thy pleasure put end to 
my misery. John Knox." 

§ Spotswood, 191, 192. Keith, 546, 547. 
Keith calls in question the archbishop's nar- 
ration ; because Knox, in his History, does 
not say that the Queen was present, and does 
not mention the prediction, although " fond 
enough to catch at and force such things upon 



250 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



The report of the inhibition laid upon the Reformer, 
created great agitation in the city. His colleague, who 
was appointed to supply his place during the suspension, 
threatened to desist entirely from preaching. The Town 
Council met, and appointed a deputation to wait on their 
Majesties, and request the removal of the inhibition ; and 
in a second meeting, on the same day, they came to a 
unanimous resolution, that they would (( in no manner of 
way consent or grant that his mouth be closed," but that 
he should be desired, " at his pleasure, and as God should 
move his heart, to proceed forward to true doctrine as 
before, which doctrine they would approve and abide at 
to their life's end."* 

It does not appear that he continued any time suspended 
from preaching. For the King and Queen left Edinburgh 
before the next Sabbath, f and the prohibition extended 
only to the time of their residence in the city. Upon their 
return, it is probable that the Court judged it unadvisable 
to enforce an order which had already created much dis- 
content, and might alienate the minds of the people still 
farther from the present administration. Accordingly, we 
find him exercising his ministry in Edinburgh with the 
same boldness as formerly. Complaints were made to the 
Council of the manner in which he prayed for the exiled 
noblemen ; but Secretary Maitland, who had formerly 
found so much fault with his prayers, defended them on the 
present occasion, saying that he had heard them, and they 
were such as nobody could blame. J 

Christopher Goodman had officiated with much accept- 
ance as minister of St. Andrew's, since the year 1560 ; but 
he was prevailed on, by the solicitations of his friends in 
England, to return about this time to his native country. § 
The commissioners from St. Andrew's were instructed to 
petition the General Assembly which met in December 

his readers." But it should be noticed, that the psalmebooke in the fire," which was the 

Knox did not write this part of the history; cause of Knox's denunciation against him. 

the fifth book being compiled after his deai.h, Life prefixed to History of the Reformation. 

and not being found in the ancient MSS. See * Records of Town Council, 23d August, 

Advertisement prefixed to the edition of his 1565. Keith, 547. 

Historie, Edin. 1732. It must be confessed, f Knox, Historie, p. 381. 

however, that Spotswood's account of this af- t Ibid. p. 389 

fair is inaccurate in a number of particulars. § See Note C. — Period Seventh. 

David Buchanan sajs that the king had " cast 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



25 I 



this year, that Knox should be translated from Edinburgh 
to their city. They claimed a right to him, as he had 
commenced his ministry among them ; and. they might 
think that the dissensions between the Court and him would 
induce him to prefer a more retired situation. But the 
petition was refused.* 

This Assembly imposed on him several important ser- 
vices. He was commissioned to visit the Churches in the 
south of Scotland, and appointed to write " a comfortable 
letter," admonishing the ministers, exhorters, and readers, 
throughout the kingdom, to persevere in the discharge of 
their functions, which many of them were threatening to 
throw up, on account of the non-payment of their stipends : 
and exciting the people among whom they laboured, to 
relieve their necessities.! He had formerly received an 
appointment to draw up the Form of Excommimication 
and Public Repentance. J At this time he was required to 
compose a Treatise of Fasting. The Assembly, having 
taken into consideration the troubles of the country, and 
the dangers which threatened the whole Protestant interest, 
appointed a general fast to be kept through the kingdom. 
The form and order to be observed on that occasion, they 
left to be drawn out by Knox and his colleague. As nothing 
had been hitherto published expressly on this subject, they 
were authorised to explain the duty, as well as state the 
reasons which at this time called for that solemn exercise. 
The whole was appointed to be ready before the time of 
the Fast, to serve as a directory to ministers and people. 
The treatise does credit to the compilers, both as to matter 
and form. It is written in a perspicuous and nervous style. 
In the grounds assigned for fasting, the critical state of all 
the Reformed Churches, the late decree of the Council of 
Trent for the extirpation of the Protestant name, the com- 
bination of the Popish princes for carrying this into exe- 
cution, and the barbarities exercised towards their brethren 

♦ Keith, 562. f Ibid. 533. church, and commanded to be printed by the 
T The appointment was laid upon him in Generall Assernblie." The order for printing 
June. 1563. Keith, 525. He does not seem it seems to have been first jjiven by the As- 
to have finished it till 1567 ; for this date is semblyin 156S,andrene^edialo71.-Psalmea 
added after a prayer at the end of the treatise, in meeter, ice. (commonly called Knox's Li- 
Then follows a postscript. •'This boofce is turgy) printed by Andro Hart, A. 16! 1. p. 
thought necessary and profitable for the 23,67. Dunlop's Concessions, ii. 705, 747. 



252 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 



in different countries, are all held forth as a warning to 
the Protestants of Scotland, and urged as calls to repent- 
ance and prayer. 

In fact, strong as their apprehensions were, the danger 
was nearer to themselves than they imagined. The most 
zealous and powerful Protestants being exiled, the Queen 
determined to carry into execution the design of which she 
had never lost sight ; and while she amused the nation 
with proclamations against altering the received religion, 
and tantalized the ministers with offers of more adequate sup- 
port, she was preparing for the immediate restoration of the 
Roman Catholic worship. No means were left unattempted 
for gaining over the nobility to that religion. The King 
openly professed himself a Papist, and officiated in some 
of their most superstitious rites. The Earls of Lennox, 
Cassilis, and Caithness, with Lords Montgomery and Seton, 
did the same.* The Friars were employed to preach at 
Holyroodhouse, and, to gain the favour of the people, en- 
deavoured to imitate the popular method of the Protestant 
preachers. f In the beginning of February 1586, a message 
arrived from the Cardinal of Lorrain, with a copy of the 
Catholic league for the general extirpation of the Protest- 
ants, and instructions to obtain her subscription to it, and 
her consent to proceed to extremities against the exiled 
nobility. Mary scrupled not to set her hand to this league. { 
The exiled noblemen were summoned to appear before the 
Parliament, on the Pith of March. The Lords of the 
Articles were chosen according to the Queen's pleasure ; 
the Popish ecclesiastics were restored to their place in 
Parliament ; the altars to be erected in St. Giles's Church 
for the service of the Roman Catholic worship, were pre- 
pared^ 

But these measures,when ripe for execution, were blasted, 



* Robertson, App. No. 14. Keith, App. p. as wer thare present; for sche knew weill 

16.5, 167. Knox, 389, 391. -nouch, that the Protestants wer more learn- 

f The friars were so little esteemed, that ed." Knox, Historie, p. 391. 

they soon wearied of preaching. They boasted ^ Keith, p. 326. App- 1G7. Robertson, App. 

that they would dispute with the Protestant No. 14. Melvil's Memoirs, 63, 64. 

ministers; but when the Commissioners of § Knox, 392, 394. Keith, App. 126. The 

the General Assembly waited on their Majes- Queen's Letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow, 

ties, and requested that this might be granted apud Keith, 331. Goodall and Blackwood, 

in their presence, the Queen replied, " that apud Robertson, ii. 145. Lond. 1809. 
bche wald not jeopard her relitfioun uuon sink 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



253 



in consequence of a secret engagement which the king had 
entered into with some of the Protestant nobles. The first 
effect produced by this engegement, was the well known 
assassination of Rizzio, an unworthy favourite of the Queen, 
who was the principal instigator of the measures against 
the Protestant Religion and the banished lords, and had in- 
curred the jealousy of the King, the contempt of the no- 
bility, and the hatred of the people. The removal of this 
minion from her Majesty's counsels and presence, would 
have been a meritorious act ; but the manner in which it 
was accomplished was marked with the barbarous man- 
ners of the age, and equally inconsistent with law and hu- 
manity.* 

A complete change in the state of the Court followed 
upon this : the Popish counsellors fled from the palace ; 
the banished lords returned out of England ; and the Par- 
liament was prorogued, without accomplishing any of the 
objects for which it had been assembled. But the Queen 
soon persuaded the weak and uxorious King to desert the 
noblemen, to retire with her to Dunbar, and emit a procla- 
mation disowning his consent to the late attempt, by which 
he exposed himself to the contempt of the nation, without 
regaining her affection. Having collected an army, she 
returned to Edinburgh, threatening to inflict the most ex- 
emplary vengeance on all who had been accessory to the 
murder of her secretary, and the indignity shewn to her 
person. She found herself, however, unable to resume her 
plan for altering the received religion ; and while the con- 
spirators against Rizzio were compelled to retire to Eng- 
land, the Earl of Murray, with the other lords who had 
opposed her marriage, were soon after pardoned. 

When the Queen came to Edinburgh, Knox left it, and 
withdrew to Kyle. There is no reason to think that he 
was privy to the conspiracy which proved fatal to Rizzio. 
But it is probable that he had expressed his satisfaction at 
an event which contributed to the safety of religion and 
the commonwealth ; if not also his approbation of the con- 

* The noblemen wished to bring Rizzio to child, that he might have the opportunity of 

a public trial, but the king would not wait for upbraiding her for the wrongs which he had 

this, and determined that he should be seized suffered. Keith, App. 121, 122. 
in the Queen's presence, although big with 



254 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



duct of the conspirators.* At any rate, he was, on other 
grounds, sufficiently obnoxious to the Queen ; and as her 
resentment on the present occasion was exceedingly in- 
flamed, it was deemed prudent for him to withdraw.! 

Having at last 66 got quit" of one who had long been 
troublesome to her, the Queen was determined to prevent 
his return to the capital. We need not doubt that the 
Town Council and inhabitants, who had formerly refused 
to agree to his suspension from preaching for a short time, 
would exert themselves to obtain his restoration. But she 
resisted the importunities of all his friends. She was even 
unwilling that he should find a refuge within the kingdom, 
and wrote to a nobleman in the west country, with whom 
he resided, to banish him from his house. J It does not 
appear that he returned to Edinburgh, or at least, that he 
resumed his ministry in it, until the Queen was deprived of 
the government. 

Being banished from his flock, he judged this a favour- 
able opportunity for paying a visit to England. Parental 
affection, on the present occasion, increased the desire 
which he had long felt to accomplish this journey. His 
two sons had some time ago been sent by him into that 
kingdom, probably at the desire of their mother's relations, 
to obtain their education in some one of the English semi- 
naries. Having obtained the Queen's safe-conduct, he ap- 
plied to the General Assembly, which met in December, 
1566, for their liberty to remove. They readily granted 
it, upon condition of his returning against the time of their 
next meeting in June ; and at the same time, gave him a 
most ample and honourable testimonial, in which they de- 
scribe him as (i a true and faithful minister, in doctrine 
pure and sincere, in life and conversation in our sight in- 
culpable," and one who "has so fruitfully used that talent 

* King James VI. having found great fault $ Letter from Archbishop Grindal to Bul- 
with Knox for approving of the assassination linger, 17th August, 1566, St rype's Grindal, 
of Rizzio, one of the ministers said, " that the App. 20. Letter from Bishop Parkhurst, writ- 
slaughter of David, [Rizzio,] so tar as it was ten in December, 1566. Burnet's Hist, of Re- 
the work of God, was allowed by Mr. Knox, form. hi. App. No. 91. In the Assembly which 
and not otherwise." Cald. MS. ad ann 1591. met in June this year, Mr. John Craig desired 
Knox himself does not, however, make this that " John Carnes, who had read prayers, and 
qualification, when he mentions the subject exhorted four years and more in Edinburgh, 
incidentally. Historie, p. 86. and had weill profited, might be joyned with 

f Knox, Historie, 395, and Answer to Ty. him as colleague in the kirk of Edinburgh, in 

tie, A. iiij. respect he was alone." Keith, 560. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



255 



granted to him by the Eternal, to the advancement of tne 
glory of his godly name, to the propagation of the king- 
dom of Jesus Christ, and edifying of them who heard his 
preaching, that of duty we most heartily praise his godly 
name, for that so great a benefit granted unto him for our 
utility and profit/' * 

The Reformer was charged with a letter from the Assem- 
bly to the bishops and ministers of England, interceding 
for lenity to such of their brethren as scrupled to use the 
sacerdotal dress enjoined by the laws. The controversy 
on that subject was at this time carried on with great 
warmth among the English clergy. It is not improbable, 
that the Assembly interfered in this business at the desire 
of Knox, to whom the composition of the letter was com- 
mitted, f He could not have forgotten the trouble which 
he himself had suffered on a similar ground, and he had a 
high regard for many of the scrnplers. This interposition 
did not procure for them any relief. Even though the 
superior clergy had been more zealous to obtain it than they 
were, Elizabeth was inflexible, and would listen neither to 
the supplications of her bishops, nor the advice of her 
counsellors. Knox's good opinion of the English Queen 
does not seem to hive been improved by this visit. J 

There was one piece of public service which he performed, 
before undertaking his journey to England. On the 23d 
of December, the Queen granted a commission to the Arch- 
bishop of St. Andrew's, under the Privy Seal, restoring 
him to his ancient jurisdiction, which had been abolished 
in 1550. by act of Parliament. § This step was taken, 
partly to prepare for the restoration of the Popish religion, 
and partly to facilitate another dark design which was soon 
after disclosed. The Protestants could not fail to be both 
alarmed and enraged at this daring measure. Moved both 
by his own zeal, and the advice of his brethren, the Re- 

* Keith, 564. the warld jose qnhilk is the third." Historie. 

+ Ibid. 565, 566. Knox, 40?. 403. Spots- p. -277. By comparing p. '269, it appears that 

wood, 198, 199. The letter was subscribed by this was written by him in li67, after his re- 

" John Davidson, for James Xic ldaon, writer turn from England. 

and clarke of the church of Edinbcrouirh. w § Lamg's History of Scotland, vol. i. 75. 76. 

Strype's Life of Archbishop Parker, App. SS. This historian has refuted the charges of for. 

Z Speaking of England, he says : " And yet gery which W hi taker had brought a^ai ,st 

is sche that now rigneth over thame nether Kn x and Calderwood on this head. Ibid. p. 

gude Protestant, nor vet resolute Pap?st , iet 78,79. 



256 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



former addressed a circular letter to the principal Protes* 
tants in the kingdom, requesting their immediate advice on 
the measures most proper to be adopted on this occasion, 
and inclosing a copy of a proposed supplication to the 
Queen. This letter discovers all the ardour of the writer's 
spirit, called forth by such an alarming occurrence. After 
mentioning the late acts for the provision of the ministry,* 
by which the Queen attempted to blind them, he says : 
" How that any such assignation, or any promise made 
thereof, can stand in any stable assurance, when that Ro- 
man Antichrist, by just laws once banished from this 
realm, shall be intrusted above us, we can no ways under- 
stand. Yea, further, we cannot see what assurance can 
any within this realm that hath professed the Lord Je- 
sus, have of life or inheritance, if the head of that odious 
Beast be cured among us." Having enforced his request, 
he adds : — " As from the beginning we have neither spared 
substance nor life, so mind we not to faint unto the end, 
to maintain the same, so long as we can find the con- 
currence of brethren ; of whom (as God forbid,) if we be 
destitute, yet are we determined never to be subject to the 
Roman Antichrist, neither yet to his usurped tyranny ; but 
when we can do no farther to suppress that odious Beast, 
we mind to seal it with our blood to our posterity, that the 
bright knowledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that Man 
of Sin, and his venomous doctrine, from our hearts and 
consciences. Let this our letter and request bear witness 
before God, before his Church, before the world, and be- 
fore your own consciences."! The supplication of the 
General Assembly to the Lords of the Privy Council, on 
the same subject, also bears marks of the Reformer's pen.f 
During the time Knox was in England, that tragedy, so 
well known in Scottish history, was acted, which led to a 
complete revolution in the government of the kingdom, 
and contrary to the designs of the actors, threw the power 
solely into the hands of the Protestants. Mary's affection 
for her husband, which had cooled soon after their mar- 



* Keith, p 561,562. The occurrence which ation of these acts in their favour, Ibid. p. 
had taken place helps to explain thecoWnuss 563. 

with which the Assembly received the inform- t Cald. MS. ap. Keith, 566, 567. + Ibid. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



2o7 



riage, was, from the time of Rizzio's assassination, eon- 
verted into a fixed hatred, which she was at little pains to 
conceal. In proportion as her mind was alienated from 
the King, the unprincipled Earl of Both well grew in her 
favour. He engrossed the whole management of public 
affairs, and was treated by her Majesty with every mark of 
regard and affection. In these circumstances, the neglected 
unhappy king was decoyed to Edinburgh, lodged in a soli- 
tary dwelling at the extremity of the city, and murdered 
on the night of February 9th, 1567 ; the house in which he 
lay being blown up with gunpowder. 

It would be out of place to enter here into the contro- 
versy respecting the authors of this murder, which has been 
agitated with imcommon keenness, from that day to the 
present time. The accusation of the Earl of Murray as a 
party to the deed, which was at first circulated with the 
evident design of turning away the public mind from the 
real perpetrators, and afterwards insinuated and brought 
forward directly in the conferences at York and Westmin- 
ster, by way of retaliating the charge exhibited by him 
against the Queen ; though still kept up by some of the zeal- 
ous partizans of Mary, is destitute of all proof, and utterly 
incredible. That Bothwell was the prime contriver and 
agent in the murder, cannot admit of a doubt with any im- 
partial and reasonable inquirer. And that Mary was privy 
to the design, and accessory to it by permission and appro- 
bation, there is, I think, all the evidence, moral and legal, 
which could reasonably be expected in a case of the kind. 
The whole of her behaviour towards the King, from the 
time that she brought him from Glasgow till she left him 
on the fatal night ; the remissness which she discovered in 
inquiring into the murder ; the shameful manner in which 
the farce of BothwelTs trial was conducted ; and the gla- 
ring act, (which struck with horror the whole of Europe, 
and even her own friends,) of taking to her bed, with in- 
decent haste, the man who was stigmatised as the murderer 
of her husband, afford the strongest presumption of her 
guilt ; and when taken in connexion with the direct evi- 
dence arising from letters and depositions, would have been 

s 



258 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



sufficient long ago to shut the mouths of any but the de- 
fenders of Mary, Queen of Scots. * 

Knox was absent from Edinburgh at the time of the 
Queen's marriage with Both well ; but his colleague ably 
supported the honour of his place and order on that occa- 
sion, when the whole nobility of Scotland observed a pas- 
sive and disgraceful silence. Being required by both the 
parties to publish the banns, Craig, after considerable re- 
luctance, and by the advice of his session, complied ; but he 
at the same time protested from the pulpit, on three several 
days, and took heaven and earth to witness, that he abhor- 
red and detested the intended marriage as unlawful and 
scandalous, and solemnly charged the nobility to use their 
influence to prevent the Queen from taking a step which 
would cover her with infamy. Being called before the 
Council, and accused of having exceeded the bounds of Ms 
commission, he boldly replied that the bounds of his com- 
mission were the word of God, good laws, and natural 
reason, to all of which the proposed marriage was contrary. 
And Both well being present, he charged him with the crime 
of adultery, the precipitancy with which the process of di- 
vorce had been carried through, the suspicions entertained 
of collusion between him and his wife, of his having mur- 
dered the King, and ravished the Queen ; all of which would 
be confirmed, if they carried their purpose into execution.! 

The events which followed in rapid succession upon this 
infamous marriage ; the confederation of the nobility for 
revenging the King's death, and preserving the person of 
the infant prince : the flight of Both well ; the surrender and 
imprisonment of Mary ; her resignation of the Government ; 
the coronation of her son ; and the appointment of the Earl 

* Those who wish to see the proof of these them in the illiberal and virulent abuse with 

assertions, may consult Mr. Hume's History which he has treated the most respectable of 

of the period, with the notes ; Dr. Robertson's his opponents. 

■with his Dissertation; and especially Mr. f Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 85, 87, 
Laing's Dissertation on the subject. Thislast 103. Anderson's Collections, ii. 278-283. 
writer has examined the point with great in- Knox, 405, 406. Spotswood, 202, £03. Craig 
dustry, acuteness, and judgment ; established gave in a defence of his conduct to the Gene- 
the genuineness of the letters to Bothwell, and ral Assembly, 30th Dec. 1567; but it was not 
cleared the whole evidence from the objec- until the 6th July, 1569, that the Assembly 
tions and cavils of the fantastical Whitaker, a expressed their formal approbation, and de- 
late author, who has equalled any of his pre- clared that "he had done the dewtie of a 
decessors in prejudice, and exceeded all of faithfull minister." 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



259 



of Murray as Regent during his minority, are ail well 
known to the readers of Scottish history. 

Knox seems to have returned to his charge at the time 
that the Queen fled with Bothwell to Dunbar. He was 
present in the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh 
on the 25th of June, and was delegated by them to go to the 
west country, and endeavour to persuade the Hamiltrns, 
and others who still stood aloof from the confederated lords, 
to join with them in settling the distracted affairs of the 
country, and to attend a general convention of the delegates 
of the Churches, to be held on the 20th of July following. ~ 
He was unsuccessful in this negociation. But the conven- 
tion was held, and the nobles, barons, and other commis- 
sioners, who were present,, subscribed a nivmber of articles 
with reference to religion and the state of the nation. f 

On the 29th of July, 1567, the Reformer preached the 
sermon at the coronation of King James VL in the parish 
Church of Stirling. i He objected to the ceremony of 
unction, as a Jewish rite, abused under the Papacy ; but it 
was deemed inexpedient to depart from the accustomed 
ceremonial on the present occasion. It was therefore per- 
formed by the Bishop of Orkney, the superintendents of 
Lothian and Angus assisting him to place the crown on the 
King's head.§ After the coronation, Knox, along with 
some others, took instruments, and craved extracts of the 
proceedings. J 

When the Queen was confined by the lords in the Castle 
of Lochleven, they had not resolved in what manner they 
should dispose of her person for the future. Some proposed 
that she should be allowed to leave the kingdom : some that 
she should be imprisoned during life ; while others insisted 
that she ought to suffer capital punishment. Of this last 
opinion was Knox, with almost all the ministers, and the 



* Keith, 574, 577. Knox, 410 
f Keith, 581-5S5. Knox,411. spots. 209, 
210. 

i Knox, 412. Buchanan calls it luculen- 
tara conciooem. Hist. lib. xviiL Oper. RucL 
tm. Lp. 366. 

§ Cald. MS. ii. 67, 68. Anderson's Collec- 
tions, li. 249. 

| Keith, 439. Keith expresses his surprise 
at Knox's taking instruments in the name of 



the estates, as he " coald properly belong to 
no estate at all," p 440. But the record does 
not sav that he toGt instruments in the name 
of the estates. It is evident that he acted in 
the name of the Church, which was considered 
as having an interest in the transaction, as bj 
one clause of the coronation oath, the king 
engaged to maintain the Protestant reli- 
gion, and the privileges of the churcn. Ibid, 
p. 458. 



260 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 



great body of the people. The chief ground upon which 
they insisted for this, was not her maladministration in the 
Government, or the mere safety and peace of the common- 
wealth ; which were the reasons upon which the Parliament 
of England, in the following century, proceeded to the exe- 
cution of her grandson. But they grounded their opinion 
upon the personal crimes with which Mary was charged. 
Murder and adultery, they reasoned, were crimes to which 
the punishment of death was allotted by the law of God, 
and of nations. From this penalty persons of no rank could 
plead exemption. The ordinary forms of judicial proce- 
dure, indeed, made no provision for the trial of a supreme 
magistrate for these crimes ; because the laws did not sup- 
pose that such enormous offences would be committed by 
them. But extraordinary cases required extraordinary re- 
medies ; and new offences gave birth to new laws. There 
were examples in Scripture of the capital punishment of 
princes, and precedents for it in the history of Scotland. * 

Upon these grounds, Knox scrupled not publicly to main- 
tain, that the estates of the kingdom ought to bring Mary 
to a trial ; and if she was found guilty of the murder of her 
husband, and an adulterous connexion with Bothwell, that 
she ought to be put to death. Throkmorton, the English 
ambassador, had a conference with him, with the view of 
mitigating the rigour of this judgment ; but though he 
acquiesced in the resolution adopted by the lords to detain 
her in prison, he retained his own sentiment, and after the 
civil war was kindled by her escape, repeatedly said, that 
he considered the nation as suffering for their criminal 
lenity, f 

The Earl of Murray, though he had been restored to his 
place in the Privy Council after his return from banish- 
ment, was never re-admitted into the confidence of the 
Queen. He had seldom appeared at Court, and after the 
King's murder, he retired to France, where he remained 
till summoned by a message from the Protestant lords, 
when Mary had resigned the crown, and appointed him 



* Keitb, 421, 422, 428. Throkmorton's sador) be most furious and impudent against 
Letters, 14th and 18th Juiy ; apud Robertson the Queen, and yet the men be mad enough." 
■Aup. Eo. 21. " The women (says the ambas- f Cald - Ms - 75. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



261 



Regent during her son's minority. Being formally invest- 
ed with the Government. (August 22d, 1767,) he imme- 
diately directed his attention to the settlement of religion, 
and the redressing of the principal grievances of which the 
Church had long complained. A Parliament being sum- 
moned to meet in the middle of December, he, with the 
advice of the Privy Council, previously nominated certain 
barons and commissioners of boroughs, to consult upon and 
digest such overtures as were proper to be laid before that 
Assembly. With these he joined Knox, and other four 
ministers, to assist in matters which related to the Church. 
This committee met in the beginning of December, and sat 
until the opening of the Parliament. The record of their 
proceedings, both as to civil and ecclesiastical affairs, is 
preserved ; and as many of their propositions were not 
adopted by the Parliament, it is valuable as a declaration 
of the sentiments of a number of the most able men in the 
kingdom.* 

On the 15th December, Knox preached at the opening 
of the Parliament, and exhorted them to begin with the 
affairs of religion, in which case they would find better suc- 
cess in their other business. The Parliament ratified all 
the acts which had been passed in 1560, in favour of the 
Protestant religion, and against Popery. New statutes of 
a similar kind were added. It was provided, that no prince 
should in future be admitted to the exercise of authority 
in the kingdom, without taking an oath to maintain the 
Protestant religion ; and that none but Protestants should 
be admitted to any office, not hereditary nor held for life. 
The ecclesiastical jurisdiction, exercised by the different 
Assemblies of the Church, was formally ratified ; and com- 
missioners appointed to define more exactly the causes which 
properly came within the sphere of their judgment. The 
thirds of benefices were appointed to be paid immediately 
to collectors appointed by the Church, who were to account 
to the Exchequer for the overplus, after paying the stipends 
of the ministers. And the funds of provostries, prebenda- 
ries, and chaplainries were appropriated to maintain bur- 
sars in colleges, f 

* See Note D. Period Seventh. f Cald - Ms « ad arm. 1567, and Acts l.Parl. James VI. 



262 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



In the act ratifying the jurisdiction of the Church, Knox 
was appointed one of the commissioners for drawing out 
the particular points which pertained to ecclesiastical juris- 
diction, to be presented to next meeting of Parliament. 
The General Assembly, which met about the same time, 
gave him a commission, along with some others, to act for 
them in this matter, and in general, to consult with the 
Regent and Council on such ecclesiastical questions as oc- 
curred after the dissolution of that Assembly. He was also 
appointed to assist the superintendent of Lothian in his 
visitation, and afterwards to visit the Churches in Kyle, 
Carrick, and Cunningham.* 

During the regency of Murray, there were no jars be- 
tween the Church and the Court, nor any of those unplea- 
sant complaints which had been made at every meeting of 
the General Assembly before that time, and which were 
afterwards renewed. f All the grievances of which they 
complained were not, indeed, redressed ; and the provision 
made by law was still inadequate for the support of such 
an ecclesiastical establishment as the nation required, in- 
cluding the seminaries of education. But the Regent not 
only received the addresses of the General Assemblies in a 
66 manner very different from that to which they had been 
accustomed ;" but showed a disposition to grant their peti- 
tions, as far as was in his power. It was chiefly through 
his influence that the favourable arrangement concerning 
the thirds of benefices was made ; and he endeavoured, 
though unsuccessfully, to obtain the consent of Parliament 
to the dissolution of the prelacies, and the appropriation of 
their revenues to the common fund of the Church. % 

Our Reformer had now reached that point from which 

* Cald. MS. Keith, 585, 586. sters were now refreshed with the allowance 

t Dr. Robertson says, that the regulations made be the last Parliament." MS. ad ann. 

respecting the thirds, made by the Parliament, 1567. And the Assembly, in their letter in- 

December, 1567, did not produce any consi- siting Willock to return from England, ex- 

derable change in the situation of the clergy, pressly say, " Our enemies, praised be God, 

and speaks of them as still " groaning under are dashed; religion established ; sufficient 

extreme poverty, unable to obtain any thing provision made for ministers," &c. Keith, 590. 

but fair words and liberal promises." History The account which I have given in the text 

of Scotland, ii. 250,312. Lond. 1809 But is, I think, supported by the Register of the 

the law which gave power to the collectors five General Assemblies which were held 

appointed by the Church to uplift the thirds, during the regency of Murray, 
and to pay the stipends, before any thing was | Letter from the Regent ta the General 

allowed to the Court, was certainly a consider- Assembly, ult. June, 1569. Buik of the Uni- 

able benefit. The Church herself viewed it in versal Kirk, p. 45-47. 
this light. Calderwood says, " that the mini- 



PERIOD SEVENTH 



263 



he could take a calm and deliberate view of the bustling 
scene through which he had passed, and the termination to 
which the arduous struggle, wherein he had been so long 
engaged, was now happily brought. The fabric of Papal 
tyranny was suppressed ; superstition and ignorance was 
overthrown ; true religion was established ; the supreme 
government of the nation was in the hands of one in whose 
wisdom and integrity he had the greatest confidence ; the 
Church was freed from many of those grievances under 
which she had hitherto groaned, and enjoyed the prospect 
of obtaining the redress of such as still remained. The 
work on which his heart had been so ardently set for such 
a long period, and for the success of which he had so often 
trembled, had prospered beyond his utmost expectation. 
He now congratulated himself on being released from all 
burden of public affairs, and spending the remainder of his 
days in religious meditation, and preparation for that event 
of whose approach he was daily admonished by his increa- 
sing infirmities.* He even secretly cherished the wish of 
resigning his charge in Edinburgh, and retiring to that 
privacy, from which he had been drawn at the commence- 
ment of the Scottish Reformation.! 

But "the way of man is not in himself." Providence 
had allotted to him further trials of a public nature : he 
was yet to see the security of the Reformed religion endan- 
gered, and the country involved in another civil war, even 
more distressing than the former, in as much as the prin- 
cipal persons on each side were professed Protestants. 
From the time that the Government was transferred from 
Mary to her infant son, and the Earl of Murray appointed 
to the regency, a number of the nobility, with the house of 
Hamilton at their head, had stood aloof, and from other 
motives as much as attachment to the Queen, had refused 
to acknowledge the authority of the Regent or at least 

* Cald MS. ii. 108. the performing -whereof I left that company, 

+ Speaking of the congregation of which he I would even as gladly return to them, if they 

had been pastor at Geneva, he says : — God stood in need of my labours, as ever I was glad 

comfort that dispersed little flock, amongst to be delivered from the rage of mine ene- 

whom I lived with quietness of conscience, mies. I can give you no reason than I should 

and contentment of heart; and amongst whom so desire, other than that my heart so thirst- 

I would be content to end my days, if so it eth." Letter, 14th February, 1568. Cald. 

might stand with God's good pleasure For MS.ii. 91. 

steiny it hath pleased His Majesty, above all t The Hamiltons were afraid that che 

men's expectations, to prosper the woik, for Duke's title to the succession would be in- 



264 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



withheld their approbation of his proceedings. The Popish 
party still entertained hopes of accomplishing the restora- 
tion of the ancient religion, Argyle and Chastelherault 
were alienated from Murray, the former in consequence of 
a family quarrel, the latter from a jealousy lest the recent 
settlement of the crown should invalidate his right to the 
succession. The active measures of the Regent to repress 
anarchv and disorder, naturally raised up enemies to his 
government among the turbulent and licentious ; and upon 
the escape of the Queen from imprisonment, they flocked 
to her standard, and avowed their design to restore her to 
the full exercise of the royal authority. The insurgent 
party, however, met with a prompt overthrow. In conse- 
quence of the defeat at Langside, Mary was driven from 
the kingdom, and her party broken ; and the Regent, by 
his vigorous measures, reduced the whole country to a state 
of obedience to the King's authority. 

Despairing to accomplish their object during his life, 
the partizans of Mary resolved to cut Murray off by pri- 
vate means. During the year 1568, two persons were em- 
ployed to assassinate him ; but the design was discovered.* 
This did not hinder new machinations. Hamilton of Both- 
wellhaugh, a nephew of the Archbishop of St. Andrew's, 
undertook to perpetrate the deed. He was one of the pri- 
soners taken at the battle of Langside, and after being 
arraigned, condemned, and brought out to execution, had 
his life given him by the Regent, f and was shortly after 
set at liberty along with the other prisoners.^: It is said 
that he was actuated by revenge, on account of an injury 
which he had received, by detaining one of his forfeited 
estates, or by the cruel manner in which his wife had been 
dispossessed of it.§ Whether this was really the case, or 

fringed, and were offended that the Regency, ways. One account makes the revenge to 

which they considered as his due, was confer- turn solely upon the treatment of his wife, 

red on Murray. Keith, 423. Throkmorton's who, expecting to be allowed to remain in 

Letters, 14th and ISth July, apud Robertson, her house of" Woodisiie," was " uncourtous- 

App. No. 21, Spotswood, 226, 227. Argyle lie and tinmercifullie put thairfra, allhir gu- 

and Huntly had at this time family quarrels dis tane fra hir, and schoe left stark naked, 

with Murray. Keith, 447, 450. The gentillwoman quhatforgrief ofmyndand 

* The Hist, of King James the Sext, p. <*S. exceeding cald, that schoe had then contrac- 

Birrell's Diary, 17. tit, conceaved sic madness as was almost in- 

f Ibid. p. 43. credible." Historie of King James the Sext, 

4: Ibid. p. 63. p. 74. Spotswood's account is very different. 

§ This story is related in very different He says, that Bothwdlhaugh had redeemed 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



265 



whether it was afterwards circulated to diminish the odium 
of his crime, and turn it away from his party, cannot per- 
haps be certainly determined. But it does not appear that 
he ever met with any thing in the conduct of the Regent, 
which can be pleaded as an excuse for his burstiug the ties 
of gratitude by which he was bound to him. Having con- 
certed the design with some of the leading persons of his 
faction, who incited him to carry it into execution,* he 
followed the Regent in his progress to Glasgow, Stirling, 
and Linlithgow ; and finding an opportunity in the last of 
these places, shot him through the body with a musket- 
ball. The wound proved mortal, and the Regent died on 
the same evening. While some of his friends, who stood 
round his bed, lamented the excessive lenity which he had 
shewn to his enemies, and in particular to his murderer, 
he replied with a truly noble and Christian spirit, that mo- 
thing would make him repent an act of clemency r .f 

The consternation which is usually produced by the fall 
of a distinguished leader, was absorbed in the deep distress 
which the tidings of the Regent's murder spread through 
the nation. The common people, who had experienced the 
beneficial effects of his short administration, to a degree 
altogether unprecedented in the country, felt as if each had 
lost a father, and loudly demanded vengeance against the 
authors of the parricide. Many who had envied or hated 
him during his life, were now forward to do justice to his 
virtues. Those who had not been able to conceal their satis- 
faction on the first intelligence of his death, became ashamed 
of the indecent exidtation which they had imprudently ex- 



his life by yielding up the lands of Woodhouse- 
be, which were given to the justice-cierk, and 
he refusing to part with them, Bothwellaaugh 
•* made his quarrel to the Regent, [i. e. re- 

•:-:5t'.: _ v :z :—± K;;;;: " " 
most innocent, and had restored him to Life 
and Liberty." Spots. History, p. 233. Craw- 
feed, in his Memoirs of the Affairs of Scot- 
land, p, 140. 1st edit, says, that i4 Murray sent 
some officers to take possession of the house, 
who not only turned the gentlewoman out of 
doors, but," Sec. This is the authority which 
has been icfied upon by all those writers who 
have criminated the Regent ; yet it is now 
discovered that this is one of those impudent 
forgeries by which that work is disgraced from 
beginning to end. See Hist, of King James 
the Sext, preface. 



* That the assassination of the Regent was 
the effect of a conspiracy, and not of personal 
revenge, is dear from many considerations. 
Within a few days after, his secretary, Mr. 
John Wood, was murdered in Fife. Ander- 
son's Coll. iii. S4. The house in which Both- 
welihaugh concealed himself, while he com- 
raitted the murder, belonged to the Archbi- 
shop of St. Andrew's, who confessed before his 
execution, that he " fuitherit the deed." His- 
tone of King James the Sext, p. 117. The 
horse on which the murderer escaped belong- 
ed to John Hamilton, Abbot of Arbroath, one 
of the Duke's sons. Cald. ad ann. 1.570. He 
rode immediately to Hamilton, where he was 
" received with great applause." Ibid. 

t Buch. Cald. Spot3. 



266 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



pressed. The Hamiltons were anxious to clear themselves 
from the imputation of a crime which they saw to be uni- 
versally detested. The murderer was dismissed by them, 
and was glad to conceal his ignominy, by condemning him- 
self to perpetual banishment. The only one of his crimes 
for which the Archbishop of St. Andrew's afterwards ex* 
pressed contrition, before his execution, was his accession 
to the murder of the Regent.* Nor were these feelings 
confined to Scotland : the sensation was general through 
England, and the expressions of grief and condolence from 
that country evinced the uncommon esteem in which he 
Was held by all ranks. 

It was the happiness of the Regent, that in his early 
years he fell into the company of men who cultivated his 
vigorous understanding, gave a proper direction to his 
activity, and instilled into his mind the principles of reli- 
gion and virtue. His early adoption of the Reformed sen- 
timents, the steadiness with which he adhered to them, the 
uniform correctness of his morals, his integrity, sagacity, 
and enterprising but cool courage, soon placed him in the 
first rank among those who embarked in the struggle for 
the reformation of religion, and maintenance of national 
liberties, and secured to him their cordial and unbounded 
confidence. The honours which Queen Mary conferred on 
him, were not too great for the services which he rendered 
to her ; and had she continued to trust him with the di- 
rection of her counsels, those measures would have been 
avoided which precipitated her ruin. He was repeatedly 
placed in a situation which would have tempted the ambi-* 
tion of others far less qualified ; yet he shewed no disposition 
to grasp at the supreme authority. When he accepted the 
Regency, it was in compliance with the decided and uncor- 
rupted voice of the acting majority in the kingdom, point- 

* Historie and Life of King James the Sext, Her husband, Hamilton of Both wellhaugh, put 

p. 117. " To thethrid head" (his participa- the guilty tyrant to death, as* base-born Mur- 

tion in the murder of the late Regent,) the ray rode through old Linlithgow's crowded 

Archbishop ** answerit thus : That he not only town.' " Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 571. Did 

knew lhairof, and w aid not stopp it, bot ra- I not respect the erudition of this writer, and 

ther furtherit the deed thairof, quhilk he re- pity his prejudice, (which, upon ecclesiastical 

pentit, and askit God merey for the same." and political subjects, is worthy of the darkest 

Yet an author, in the nineteenth century, can age into which he has carried his researches,) 

■write of this deed in the following terms there are few expressions which I would reckon 

" The heiress of W< odhouselie fell a sacrificeto too strong to be employed in reprobating the 

the corrupt tyrannj of the Regent Murray, spirit which is breathed in this passage. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



267 



ing him out as the fittest person for occupying that high sta- 
tion. His conduct, in one of the most delicate and embarras- 
sing situations in which a governor was ever placed, shewed 
that his countrymen were not mistaken in their choice. He 
united, in no ordinary degree, those qualities which are rare- 
ly combined in the same individual, and which make up the 
character of an accomplished prince. Excelling equally in 
the arts of war and peace, he reduced the country to uni- 
versal obedience to the King's authority by his military 
skill and valour, and preserved it in a state of tranquillity 
and order by the wise and impartial administration of jus- 
tice. Successful in all his warlike enterprizes, he never 
once tarnished the laurels of victory by cruelty or unne- 
cessary rigour to the vanquished. He knew how to main- 
tain the authority of the laws, and bridle the licentious, by 
salutary severity, and at the same time to temper the rigour 
of justice by the interposition of mercy. He used to sit 
personally in the courts of judicature, and exerted himself 
to obtain for all the subjects an easy and expeditious deci- 
sion of litigated causes. His uncommon liberality to his 
friends, to the learned, and to his servants ; and his unos- 
tentatious charity to the poor, have been celebrated by one 
who had the best opportunities of becoming acquainted 
with these amiable traits of his character.* Nor has the 
breath of calumny, which has laboured in many ways to 
blast his reputation, ever insinuated that he oppressed or 
burdened the public, during his regency, in order to enrich 
himself or his family. Add to all his exemplary piety, the 
only source of genuine virtue. His family was so regu- 
lated as to resemble a church rather than a court. Not a 
profane nor a lewd word was to be heard from any of his 
domestics. Besides the ordinary exercise of devotion, a 
chapter of the Bible was always read at dinner and sup* 
per ; and it was his custom on such occasions, to require 
his chaplain, or some other learned men, (of whom he had 
always a number about him,) to give their opinion upon 
the passage, for his own instruction and that of his family. 
" A man truly good," says Archbishop Spotswood, " and 



* Buchanan, Oper. p. 3S5. Rud. 



263 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



worthy to be ranked amongst the best governors that this 
kingdom hath enjoyed, and, therefore^ to this day honoured 
with the title of The Good Regent."* 

This may be deemed, perhaps, by some readers, an im- 
proper digression from the subject of this work. But even 
though it had been still less connected with it, though there 
had not subsisted that intimate familiarity and co-operation 
between the Regent and the Reformer, I could scarcely 
have denied myself the satisfaction of paying a small tri- 
bute to the memory of one of the greatest men of his age, 
who has been traduced and vilified in a most unjustifiable 
and wanton manner, in modern times ; and whose character 
has been drawn with unfavourable, and in my opinion, with 
unfair colours, by the most moderate of our historians. 
All that I have attempted, is to sketch the most prominent 
features of his character. That he was faultless, I am far 
from wishing to insinuate ; but the principal charges which 
have been brought against him, I consider as either irrele- 
vant, or unproved, or greatly exaggerated. That his ex- 
altation to the highest dignity in the State which a subject 
could enjoy, produced no unfavourable change on his be- 
haviour, is what none can be prepared to affirm ; but I have 
not seen the contrary established. The confidence which 
he reposed in his friends was great, and he was inclined to 
be swayed by their advice ; but that he became the dupe of 
worthless favourites, and fell by listening to their flattery, 
and refusing to hearken to wholesome advice, and not by 
the treachery of his friends, and the malice of his implaca- 
ble enemies, are assertions which have been repeated upon 
the authority of a single witness, unsupported by facts, and 
capable of being disproved. f 

The Regent died on the evening of Saturday the 23d of 
January, 1570 ; and the intelligence of his murder was con- 
veyed early next morning to Edinburgh. It is impossible 
to describe the anguish which the Reformer felt on this 
occasion. A cordial and intimate friendship had long sub- 
sisted between them. Of all the Scottish nobility, he placed 
the greatest confidence in Murray's attachment to religion ; 



* History, p. 234. 



f See Note E. — Period Seventh. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



269 



and his conduct after his elevation to the Regency, had 
served to heighten the good opinion which he formerly 
entertained of him. He looked upon his death as the 
greatest calamity which could befal the nation, and the 
forerunner of other evils.* When the shock produced by 
the melancholy tidings had subsided, the first thought that 
rushed into his mind was, that he had himself been the in- 
strument of obtaining from his clemency a pardon to the 
man who had become his murderer ; a thought which na- 
turally produced a very different impression on him from 
what it did on the dying Regent.f 

In his sermon that day, he introduced the subject ; and 
after saying, that God in his great mercy raised up godly 
rulers, and took them away in his displeasure on account 
of the sins of a nation, he thus poured out the sorrows of 
his heart in an address to God. " O Lord, in what misery 
and confusion found he this realm ! To what rest and quiet- 
ness now by his labours suddenly he brought the same, all 
estates, but especially the poor commons, can witness. Thy 
image, Lord, did so clearly shine in that personage, that 
the devil, and the wicked to whom he is prince, could not 
abide it ; and so to punish our sins and ingratitude, (who 
did not rightly esteem so precious a gift,) thou hast permit- 
ted him to fall, to our great grief, in the hands of cruel and 
traitorous murderers. He is at rest, Lord: we are left 
in extreme misery." J 

Only a few days before this, and after the murder was 
fully concerted, the Abbot of Kilwinning, Gavin Hamilton, 
applied to Knox to intercede with the Regent in behalf of 
some of his kinsmen, who were confined for practising 
against the Government. Knox signified his readiness to 
do all in his power for the relief of any of that family who 
were willing to own the authority of the King and Regent ; 



* Smetoni Responsio ad Hamiltonii Dialo- 
gum.p. 116 

+ " Upon the 22 of Mail, the Sherife of 
Linlithgow, the iaird of Innerweek, James 
Hamilton of Bothelhaugh, and six others, were 
put to an assyse ; their hands bound ; and 
pardoned, at the request of Mr. Knox, where- 
of he sore repented; for Bothwelhaugh killed 
the Regent shortiie after. " Cald. MS. ad ann. 
156S. 



± Cald. MS. ii. 150. He is said to have 
added this to his usual prayers after dinner 
and supper. But in a volume of Calderwood's 
History, in the Advocates' Library in Edin- 
burgh, (which has been transcribed more early 
than any copy which I have seen.) these words 
are scored out ; and, it is introduced as the 
prayer which he offered up in public, the day 
on which he was informed of the Regent's 
death. 



270 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



but he entreated the Abbot not to abuse him, by employing his 
services, if any mischief were intended against the Regent ; 
for " I protest," said he, " before God, who is the only 
witness now betwixt us, that if there be any thing attempted, 
by any of that surname, against the person of that man, in 
that case I discharge myself to you and them for ever.'* 
After the assassination, the Abbot sent to desire another 
interview ; but Knox refused to see him, and desired the 
messenger to say to him, " I have not now the Regent to 
make suit unto for the Hamiltons."* 

At this time there was handed about a fabricated ac- 
count of a pretended conference, held by the late Regent 
with Lord Lindsay, Wishart of Pitarrow, the tutor of 
Pitcur, James Macgill, and Knox ; in which they were 
"ep resented as advising him to set aside the young king, 
.aid place the crown on his own head. To give it the 
greater air of credibility, the modes of expression peculiar 
to each of the persons, were carefully imitated in the 
speeches put into their mouths. The design of it evidently 
w r as to lessen the odium of the murder, and the veneration 
of the people for the memory of Murray ; but it was uni- 
versally regarded as an impudent and gross forgery. Its 
fabricator was Thomas Maitland, a young man of talents, 
but corrupted by his brother the Secretary, who before 
this had engaged himself to the Queen's party, and was 
suspected of having a deep hand in the plot for cutting off 
the Regent.f 

On the day on which the Weekly Conference was held 
in Edinburgh, the same person slipped into the pulpit a 
schedule, containing words to this effect, " Take up now 
the man whom you accounted another God, and consider 
the end to which his ambition hath brought him." Knox, 
whose turn it was to preach that day, on entering the pulpit 
took up the paper, supposing it to be a note requesting the 
prayers of the congregation for a sick person, and having 
read it, laid it aside without any apparent emotion. But to- 
wards the conclusion of his sermon, after deploring the loss 
which the Church and Commonwealth had recently sustain- 



* Cald. MS. ad arm. 1570. 



t Cald. MS. ii. 151-157. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



271 



ed, and declaring the account of the Conference, which had 
been circulated, to be false and calumnious, he said that 
there were persons who rejoiced at the treasonable mur- 
der, and scrupled not to make it the subject of their mer- 
riment ; particularly there was one present, who had thrown 
in a writing insulting over an event which was the cause 
of grief to all good men. " That wicked man, whosoever 
he be, shall not go unpunished, and shall die where there 
shall be none to lament him." Maitland, when he went 
home, said to his sister, that the preacher was raving, 
when he spake in such a manner of a person who was un- 
known to him ; but she, understanding that her brother 
had written the line, reproved him, saying with tears, that 
none of that man's denunciations were wont to prove idle. 
Spotswood (who had his information personally from the 
mouth of that lady) says, that Maitland died in Italy, 
" having no known person to attend him."* 

Upon Tuesday the 14th of February, the Regent's corpse 
was brought from the palace of Holyrood House, and in- 
terred in the south aisle of the collegiate church of St. 
Giles'. Before the funeral, Knox preached a sermon on 
these words, u Blessed are the dead which die in the 
Lord." Three thousand persons were dissolved in tears 
before him, while he described the Regent's virtues, and 
bewailed his loss.f Buchanan paid his tribute to the me- 
mory of the deceased, by writing the inscription placed 
on his monument, with that expressive simplicity and bre- 
vity which are dictated by genuine grief. { A convention 
of the nobility was held after the funeral, at which it was 
resolved to avenge his death ; but different opinions were 
entertained as to the mode of doing this, and the Commons 

* Spotswood. p. 234 Mackenzie labours to -f Cald. MS. ii. 157- 
overthrow the Archbishop's narrative of this 1 The inscription, engraved on brass, is yet 
arrair. Lives of Scottish Writers, iii. 192, 196. to be seen; a copy of which shall be inserted 
But whatever opinion we ma? form about the in Note F. Period Seventh. But Buchanan 
prediction, it cannot be doubted that Spots- has, in his History, reared to him " a menu- 
wood had the best information to proceed up- ment more durable than brass," which will 
on as to the facts which he relates. Nor has preserve his memory as long as the language 
Mackenzie any other authority for what he in which it is written shall continue to be un- 
says about the death of Maitland, except the derstcod, and as long as a picture taken from 
Archbishop s, who must have been satisned life shall be preferred to the distorted iepre- 
that what he says in the account of Smeaton sentations of a jaundiced imagination. Nor 
was not inconsistent with what he had writ- has he neglected to celebrate the Regent io 
ten as to Knox's denunciation. his verses. Epigram, lib. ii. 29. iii. 7, 9, 18. 



272 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

complained loudly of the remissness with which it was 
carried into execution. The General Assembly, at their 
first meeting, testified their detestation of the crime, by 
ordering the assassin to be publicly excommunicated in all 
the chief towns of the kingdom, and appointing the same 
process to be used against all who should afterwards be 
convicted of accession to the murder. * 

During the sitting of the convention, Knox received a 
number of letters from his acquaintances in England, ex- 
pressive of their high regard for the character of the Re- 
gent, and their sorrow at so grievous a loss.f One of his 
correspondents, Dr. Laurence Humphrey, J urged him to 
write a memoir of the deceased Had he done this, he 
would no doubt, from his intimate acquaintance with him, 
have communicated a number of particulars of which we 
must now be content to remain ignorant. But though he 
had been disposed to undertake this task, the state of his 
health must have prevented its execution. 

The grief which he indulged, in consequence of this mourn- 
ful event, and the confusions which followed it, preyed upon 
his spirits, and injured his constitution^ In the month of 
October, he had a stroke of apoplexy, which affected his 
speech to a considerable degree. Upon this occasion, his 
enemies exulted, and circulated the most exaggerated 
tales. The report ran through England as well as Scot- 



* Spotswood, 235. 

f Among others, he received letters from 
Christopher Goodman, and John Willock. 
Cald. ut supra. It appears from this, that 
Willock had before this time returned to 
England, after he was recalled from it by the 
General Assembly in 1568. I find no men- 
tion of that Reformer, after this period, by any 
of the writers of that age. A late author has 
very wantonly attempted to load the memory 
of this excellent man with a capital crime. 
He gives the following extract from the paper 
office, 22d April, 1590, " Twa men, the ane 
namyt Johnne Gibsonne,Scottishman, preach- 
er, and the other Johnne Willokis, now baith 
lying in prison at Leicester, were convicted by 
a jury of robbery." <l The last of these con- 
victs," says he, " was the reforming co-adjutor 
of Knox." Chalmers's Life of Ruddiman, p. 
307. What evidence has this author for say- 
ing so ? Nothing but the sameness of the 
name ! Just as if a person, on reading in the 
public papers of one George Chalmers who was 
convicted of a robbery, (no unlikely thing,) 



should immediately take it into his head that 
this was, and could be no other, than the au- 
thor of the Life of Ruddiman and Caledo- 
nia ! It is evident that the second convict was 
no preacher, else this designation would have 
been added to his name, as well as to that of 
the first. It is probable that Willock, who 
was a preacher as early as 1540, was not alive 
in 1590: it is utterly incredible that he should 
then have been in a condition to act as a rob- 
ber. But it is paying too much regard to such 
a charge to bring exculpatoryproof, 

± In the copy of Cald. MS. belonging to the 
Church of Scotland, the name is written Win- 
fred : but in the copy in the Advocates' Libra- 
ry it is Umfrede. The person meant is evi- 
dently Dr. Laurence Humphrey, (Umfredius,) 
professor of divinity, and head of one of the 
colleges in the University of Oxford. This 
learned man was a Puritan, but enjoyed the 
patronage of Secretary Cecil. Strype's Annals, 
i. 421,430-432. 

§ Smetoni Respons. ad Hamilt. p. 116. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



273 



land, that John Knox would never preach nor speak more ; 
that his face was turned into his neck ; that he was be- 
come the most deformed creature ever seen ; that he was 
actually dead;* — a most unequivocal expression of the high 
consideration in which he was held, and which our Reformer 
received in common with some other great men of his age.f 



PERIOD VIII. 

FROM HIS BEING STRUCK WITH APOPLEXY, IN THE YEAR 1570, 
TO HIS DEATH, IN 1572. 

Those who flattered themselves that the Reformer's dis- 
order might prove mortal, were disappointed ; for he was 
restored to the use of his speech, and was able, in the 
course of a few days, to resume preaching, at least on Sab- 
bath. J He never recovered, however, from the debility 
which the apoplectic stroke had produced. 

The confusions which he had augured from the death of 
the good Regent soon broke out, and again spread the 
flames of civil discord through the nation. The Earl of 
Lennox, grandfather to the young Prince, was made Re- 
gent of the kingdom ; but his weakness and want of ta- 
lents, added strength to the party of the Queen. The Ha- 
miltons openly raised her standard; whilst Kirkaldy of 
Grange, governor of the castle of Edinburgh, who had 
been corrupted by Maitland, after concealing his defection 
for a time under the flag of neutrality, declared himself on 
the same side, and became the principal agent in attempt- 
ing to overturn the government which he had been so zea- 
lous in erecting. The defection of Grange was a source 

* Eannat\ne's Journal, p. 54. Cald. MS. On that occasion the Popish clergy of Noyon 
li. 206. Bannatyne says " the disorder was a (his native city) met, and, rather premature- 
kind of apoplexia, called by the phisitiones ly, gave public thanks to God for his death. 

resolutione ;" probably a more gentle stroke Melch. Adam, Vit. Exter. Theol. p. 93 

of the disorder, attended with relaxation of " Plusieurs grands hommes (says Senebier) 

the system. ont partagfi cet honneur avec Calvin, et ont 

■f" In 1556, Calvin was suddenly seized in eu, comme lui, la satisfaction de connoitre la 

the pulpit with a fever, which confined him profonde estime qu'on avoit concue pour eux." 

to his bed for a considerable time, and from Histoire Litteraire de Geneve, torn. 1. 228, 
which it was not thought he would recover. £ Bannatyne's Journal, p. 55. 

T 



274 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



of great injury to the inhabitants of Edinburgh, and of dis- 
tress to Knox. He had a warm affec tion for the governor, 
not only from their acquaintance in the Castle of St. An- 
drew's, and during their confinement on board the French 
galleys, but also on account of the important services which 
he had rendered to the Reformation ; and he continued al- 
ways to think that he was at bottom a sincere friend to re- 
ligion. Under this conviction, he spared no pains in en- 
deavouring to prevent him from renouncing his fidelity to 
the King, and afterwards to reclaim him from his apos- 
tacy. But in both he was unsuccessful. 

In the end of the year 1570, he was personally involved 
in a disagreeable quarrel with Kirkalcty of Grange. A 
servant belonging to the castle, having been imprisoned by 
the magistrates on a charge of murder, the governor sent 
a party from the garrison, who forced the tolbooth, and 
carried off the criminal. Knox, in his sermon on the fol- 
lowing Sabbath, condemned this riot, and violation of the 
house of justice. Had it been done by the authority of a 
blood-thirsty man, and one who had no fear of God, he 
would not, he said, have been so much moved at it ; but he 
was affected to think that one of whom all good men had 
formed so great expectations, should have fallen so far as 
to act such a part ; one who, when formerly in prison, had 
refused to purchase his own liberty by the shedding of 
blood. An exaggerated report of this censure being con- 
veyed to the castle, the governor, in great rage, made his 
complaint, first to Knox's colleague, and afterwards for- 
mally to the kirk-session, that he had been traduced as a 
murderer ; and required that his character should be vindi- 
cated as publicly as it had been calumniated. Knox ex- 
plained, and vindicated what he had said in the pulpit. On 
a subsequent Sabbath, Grange, who had been absent from 
the church nearly a whole year, came clown to St. Giles's, 
accompanied with a number of the persons who had been 
active in the murder and riot. Looking upon this as an 
attempt to overawe the authorities, and outbrave the scan- 
dal which his conduct had given, Knox took occasion to 
discourse particularly of the sin of forgetting benefits re- 
ceived from God, and warned his hearers against confiding 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



275 



in the divine mercy -while they were knowingly transgress- 
ing any of the commandments, or proudly defending their 
transgression. 

Kirkaldy was much incensed at these admonitions, which 
he considered as levelled at him ; and in speaking of the 
preacher, made use of very threatening language. The 
report having spread that the governor of the castle was 
become a sworn enemy to Knox, and intended to kill him, 
several of the noblemen and gentlemen of Kyle and Cun- 
ningham sent a letter to Grange, in which, after mention- 
ing his former appearances for religion, and the reports 
which had reached their ears, they warned him against do- 
ing any thing to the injury or prejudice of the man whom 
" God had made the first planter and chief waterer of his 
church among them," and protested that u his death and 
life were as dear to them as their own deaths and lives."* 

Knox was not to be deterred by threatenings, from do- 
ing what he considered to be his duty. He persisted in 
warning his hearers to avoid all participation with those 
who, by supporting the pretensions of the Queen, pre- 
vented the punishment of notorious crimes, and sought the 
overthrow of the King's authorky, and the Reformed reli- 
gion. When the General Assembly met in March 1571, 
anonymous libels were thrown into the assembly-house, 
and placards fixed on the church-door, accusing him of se- 
ditious railing against their sovereign the Queen, refusing 
to pray for her welfare and conversion, representing her as 
a reprobate, whose repentance was hopeless, and uttering 
imprecations against her. The assembly having, by public 
intimation, required the accusers to come forward and 
substantiate their charges, another anonymous bill ap- 
peared, promising that the writer would do so against next 
assembly, if the Accused continued his offensive speeches, 
and was " then law-byding and not fugitive according to 
his accustomed manner." 

Several of his friends dealt with him to pass over these 
malicious libels in silence, but he refused to comply with 
this advice, considering that the credit of his ministry was 



* Bannatyne's Journal, p. 67-87. 



276 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



implicated. Accordingly, he produced them in the pulpit, 
and returned a particular answer to the accusations which 
they contained. That he had charged the late Queen with 
the crimes of which she had been notoriously guilty, he 
granted ; but that he had railed against her, they would 
not, he said, be able to prove, without proving Isaiah, Je- 
remiah, and other inspired writers, to be railers. " He 
had learned plainly and boldly to call wickedness by its 
own terms, a fig a fig, and a spade a spade." He had 
never called the Queen reprobate, nor said that her repent- 
ance was impossible ; but he had affirmed that pride and 
repentance could not remain long together in one heart* 
He had prayed that God, for the comfort of his church, 
would oppose his power to her pride, and confound her 
and her assistants, in their impiety : this prayer, let them 
call it imprecation or execration, as they pleased, had 
stricken, and yet would strike, whoever supported her. 
To the charge of not praying for her, he answered, ** I 
am not bound to pray for her in this place, for sovereign 
to me she is not ; and I let them understand that I am not 
a man of law that has my tongue to sell for silver, or fa- 
vour of the world."* What title she now had, or ever had 
to the government, he would not dispute : the estates had 
deprived her of it, and it belonged to them to answer for 
this : as for him, he had hitherto lived in obedience to all 
lawful authority within the kingdom. To the insinuation 
that he might not be " law-byding" against next assembly, 
he replied, that his life was in the custody of Him who had 
preserved him to that age at which he was not apt to flee, 
nor could any yet accuse him of leaving the people of his 
charge, except at their own command. f 

* Crawfurd, in his Memoirs of Scotland, p. f Touching these " famous lybells," Knox 

186. Edin. anno 1706, amongother things dis- addressed the following letter to the General 

graceful to the Reformers, says that they openly Assembly, which met at Stirling in August, 

avowed, on this occasion, "That to pray for, or 1571: "Master John Knox Epistle, — The 

forgive our real or reputed enemies, was no part mightie Spirit of comfort, wisdome, and con- 

of a Christian's duty." It is sufficient to say, cord in God, remaine ever with yow. Deare 

that there is not one word of this in the " au- Brethren, if abilitie of body would have suf- 

thentick MS." from which he professes that ferit, I sould not have troubled yow with this 

bis memoirs were " faithfully published." See my rude inditement. I have not forgot what 

Historie and Life of King James the Sext, p. was layed to my charge, be famous lybells, the 

1 13, 114. The public are under great obliga- last Assembly, and what a brag of adversaries 

tionstoMr. Malcolm Laing, for exposing this maid personall to accuse at this Assembly, 

literary forgery, which has continued so long qwhilk I pray you patiently to heare, and judge 

to impose upon our most acute and industri- of me as ye will answer to God; ffor unto yow 

*»* historians. upon that neid, submit I myself, being assurit 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



•277 



After these defences, his enemies fled, as their last resort, 
to an attack upon his " Blast of the Trumpet," and accused 
him of inconsistency in writing against female government, 
and yet praying for Queen Elizabeth, and seeking her aid 
against his native country. This accusation he also met in 
the pulpit, and refuted with great spirit. After vindicating 
his consistency, he concludes in the following maimer : 
" One thing, in the end, I may not pretermit, that is, to 
give him a lie in his throat, that either dare or will say, 
that ever I sought support against my native country. 
What I have been to my country, albeit this unthankful 
age will not know, yet the ages to come will be compelled 
to bear witness to the truth. And thus I cease, requiring 
of all men that has to oppose any thing against me, that 
he will do it so plainly as I make myself and all my doings 
manifest to the world ; for to me it seems a thing most 
unreasonable, that, in my decrepid age, I shall be com- 
pelled to fight against shadows and hoickts, that dare not 
abide the light."* 

The conduct of our Reformer at this time, affords a 
striking display of the imextinguishable ardour of his mind. 
He was so debilitated in body, that he never went abroad 
except on Sabbath days, to preach in the forenoon, and 
could not even mount the pulpit without assistance. f Pre- 
vious to the breaking out of the last disturbances, he had 
given up attendance upon Church Courts, and ceased to 
take any active part in public affairs. But whenever he saw 

that I neither offendit God nor good men in ness and strength in God, ye withstand the 

any thing that hitherto hes beene laved to my merciless devorers of the patrimonie of the 

charge. And now, brethren, because the de- Kirk. Give men -will spoyll, let them doe it to 

cay of naturall strength threatens unto me their owne perrell and condemnatione ; but 

certaine and suddaine departure frae the mi- communicat ye not with their sins, of what 

*erie of this life.; of love and conscience I ex- estate that ever they be ,* neither be consent 

horte yow, yea in thefeare of God Ichargeand nor yet be silence, but -with publick protesta- 

commandyow, that ye take heed to yourselffis, tione, make this knawne unto the world, that 

and to the flock over theqwhilk God hes placit ye are innocent of sic robberrie, qwhilk will, 

yow pastors. To discourse of the behaviour of or it be lang, provock God's vengeance upon 

yourselffis, I may not ; but command yow to the committers thereof, whereof ye will seek 

be faithfull to the hock, I dare not ceass. Un- redress of God and man. God give you wis- 

faithfull and tryitors to the flock shall ye be dome and stout courage in so just a cause, and 

before the Lord Jesus, if that with jour con- me ane happie end. At St. Androis, 3d Au- 

sent, directly or indirectly, ye surf er unworthie gust, 1571. Your brother in Christ Jesus, 

men to be thrust into the ministrie of the Johne Knox. Booke of the UniversaU Kirk, 

Kirk, under what pretence that ever it be. Peterkin's edit. pp. 128, 129. 

Remember the Judge before whom ye must * The accusation and defences maybe seen 

make account, and resist that tyrannie as ye at full length in his secretary, Bannatyne's, 

wald avoyd hell tyre. This battell, I grant, Journal, p. 99, 12a 

will be hard; but, in the second poynt, it will f Bannatyne, p. 77. 
be harder; that is, that with the lyke upright- 



278 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



the welfare of the Church and Commonwealth threatened, 
he forgot his resolutions and his infirmities, and entered 
into the cause with all the keenness of his more vigorous 
days. Whether the public proceedings of the nation, or 
his own conduct, were arraigned and condemned, whether 
the attacks upon them were open or clandestine, he stood 
prepared to repel them ; and convinced the adversaries, 
that they could not accomplish their designs without op- 
position, as long as he was able to move a tongue.* 

His situation in Edinburgh became very critical in April 
1571 , when Grange received the Hamiltons, with their 
forces, into the castle. Their inveteracy against him was 
so great, that his friends were obliged to watch his house 
during the night. They offered to form a guard for his 
protection when he went abroad ; but the governor of the 
castle forbade this, as implying a suspicion of him, and 
offered to send Melvill, one of his officers, to conduct him 
to and from Church. " He wold gif the woulf the wedder 
to keip," says Bannatyne. At the request of the citizens, 
Kirkaldy applied to the Duke and his friends for protec- 
tion ; but they refused to pledge their word for his safety, 
because 66 there were many rascals among them who loved 
him not, and might do him harm without their knowledge/' 
Intimations were often given him of threatenings against 
his life ; and one evening, as he sat in his house, a musket 
ball was fired in at the window, and lodged in the roof of 
the room. It happened that he sat at the time in a different 
part of the room from that which he usually occupied, 
otherwise the ball, from the direction which it took, must 
have struck him.f Upon this a number of the inhabitants, 

* The lively interest which he continued in writing, to the period between 1567 and 
to take in public affairs, is apparent from the 1570, of which nothinsj now remains. Ibid, 
letters of his correspondence. Captain Craw- 298,299. The following clause, in a prayer 
ford of Jordanhill sent him, at his desire, a composed by him about this time, upon find- 
minute account of the taking of Dumbarton ing himself unable to finish the history, shews 
Castle in 1571, with an inventory of the arms, the important light in which he viewed that 
ammunition, and provisions found in it. Ban- work : — " Rease thou up the spreitis of some 
natyne, 123. There are two letters to him to observe thy notable workis, faithfullie to 
from Alexander Hay, clerk of the Privy Coun- comit the same to writ, that the prosperities 
cil, informing him of the most important [posterities] to come may praise thy holie 
transactions in England, and on the Conti- name, for the greatt graces plentifullie powr- 
nent. Ibid. p. 294-502. From these letters, ed foorth upon this unthankfull generatione. 
(Dec. 1 and 14, 1571,) it also appears, that he Johne Knox, trusting end of trawell.'' Ibid, 
■was then engaged in continuing his History, 129. 

and had applied to Hay for materials. From f Cald. MS. ad ann. 1572. Life prefixed t* 

the public papers, mentioned in one of the History, anno 1644. 
letters, it would seem that he had advanced, 



PI R10D EIGHTH, 



279 



along* with his colleague , repaired to him, and renewed the 
request which they had formerly made, that he would re- 
move from Edinburgh, to a place where his life would be in 
greater safety, until such time as the Queen's party should 
evacuate the town. But he refused to yield to them, ap- 
prehending that his enemies wished to intimidate him into 
flight, that they might canry on their designs more quietly, 
and then accuse him of cowardice. Being unable to pre- 
suade him by any other me ans, they at last had recourse to 
An argument which prevailed. They told him that they 
were determined to defend 1dm, if attacked, at the peril of 
their lives ; and if blood was shed in the quarrel, which was 
highly probable, they would leave it on his head. Upon 
this, he consented, " sore against his will," to leave that 
city.* 

On the 5th of May he left Edinburgh, and crossing the 
firth at Leith, travelled by short stages to St. Andrew's, 
which he had chosen as the place of his retreat, f Alexander 
Gordon, bishop of Galloway, occupied his pulpit. He 
preached and prayed in a manner more acceptable to the 
Queen's party than his predecessor { but little to the satis- 
faction of the people, who despised him on account of his 
weakness, and disliked him for supplanting their favourite 
pastor. The Church of Edinburgh was for a time dis- 
solved. A great number of its most respectable members 
either were driven from the city, or left it through dissatis- 
faction. The celebration of the Lord's Supper was sus- 
pended. During a whole week" there was neither preach- 
ing nor prayer, neither was there any sound of bell heard 
in all the town, except the ringing of the cannon. "§ 

Amidst the extreme hostility with which both parties were 
inflamed, and which produced many of the evils of intes- 
tine war, as well as several disgraceful acts of mutual re- 
taliation, various proofs were exhibited of the personal 
antipathy which the Queen's adherents bore to the Re- 

* Bannatyne, 139-146. her innocence, although the town was at that 
f Bannatyne, 144, 146. time full of armed men, enlisted under her 

* The principles upon which the Bishop banners. Bannatyne, 181 , 182. 
vindicated the authority of the Queen, and the § Bannatyne, 144, 169, 170. Hist, of King 
duty of praying for her in the pulpit, shew the James the Sext, 12.3, 124. Knox's Epist le to 
strong and universal opinion of her guilt at his Brethren of the Church of Edinburgh, now 
that time. He did not venture to insinuate dispersed. Streveling, 1571. 



280 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

former. An inhabitant of Leith was assaulted, and his body 
mutilated, because he was of the same name with him. A 
servant of John Craig, being met one day by a reconnoit- 
ring party, and asked who was his master, answered in his 
trepidation, " Mr Knox," upon which he was seized ; and 
although he immediately corrected his mistake, they de- 
sired him to (i hold at his first master," and dragged him to 
prison. Having fortified St. Giles's steeple, to overawe the 
town, the soldiers baptized one of the cannons by the name 
of Knox, which they were so fond of firing, that it burst, 
killed two of the party, and wounded others.* They cir- 
culated the most ridiculous tales respecting his conduct at 
St. Andrew's. John Law, the letter-carrier of St. Andrew's, 
being in the Castle of Edinburgh, " the ladie Home and 
utheris wald neidis thraip in his face, that" John Knox 
" was banist the said toune, becaus that in the yarde he had 
reasit sum Sanctis, amongis whome thair came up the devUl 
with hornis, which, when his servant Richart sawe, [he] 
ran woode, and so died."f 

Although he was now free from personal danger, Knox 
did not find St. Andrew's that peaceful retreat which he had 
expected. The friends of Kirkaldy and Sir James Balfour 
were a considerable party in that quarter, and the Hamil- 
tonshad their partisans both in the University, and among 
the ministry. These were thorns in the Reformer's side, 
and made his situation uneasy as long as he resided among 
them. Having left Edinburgh, because he could not be 
permitted to exonerate his conscience, by testifying against 
the designs of persons whom he regarded as conspirators 
against the legal Government of the country and the secu- 
rity of the Reformed religion, it was not to be expected 
that he would preserve silence on this subject at St. An- 
drew's. Accordingly, in the discourses which he preached 
on the eleventh chapter of Daniel's prophecy, he frequently 
took occasion to advert to the transactions of his own time, 
and to inveigh against the murder of the late King and the 
Regent. This was very grating to the ears of the oppo- 
site faction, particularly to Robert and Archibald Hamil- 



* Bannatyne, 154, 240, 322. first inventit lie (says the same Richart) I wald 

f Ibid 309, 310. " Gif this had been thair never have bleckit paper for it." 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



281 



ton, the former a minister of the city, and the latter a pro- 
fessor in one of the colleges. Displeased with Knox's cen- 
sures of his relations, and aware of his popularity in the 
pulpit, Robert Hamilton circulated in private, that it did 
not become him to exclaim so loudly against murderers, for 
he had seen his subscription, along with that of the Earl of 
Murray, to a bond for assassinating Darnley. But when 
the Reformer applied to him by letter, and threatened to 
bring his conduct before the Church, unless he gave satis- 
faction for the slander which he had propagated, Hamilton 
denied that he had ever spoken such words. 

Archibald Hamilton being complained of for withdraw- 
ing from Knox's sermons, and accusing him of intolerable 
railing, endeavoured to bring the matter under the cogni- 
zance of the masters of the university, among whom his 
influence was great.* Knox did not scruple to give an 
account of his conduct before the professors, for their satis- 
faction ; but he judged it necessary to enter a protestation 
that his appearance should not invalidate the liberty of the 
pulpit, nor the authority of the regular church-courts, to 
whom, and not to any university, the judgment of religious 
doctrine belonged.! This incident accounts for the zeal 
with which he expresses himself on that subject, in his let- 
ter to the General Assembly which met in August, 1572 ; 
in which he exhorts them, above all things, to preserve the 
Church from the bondage of the universities, and not to 
exempt them from ecclesiastical jurisdiction, or allow them 
to sit in judgment on the doctrines taught from the pulpit. { 

Another source of distress to the Reformer, at this time, 
was a scheme which the courtiers had formed for altering 
the polity of the Church, and securing to themselves the 
principal part of the ecclesiastical revenues. This plan 

* Archibald Hamilton a short time after gow, (who had lately left the Roman Catholic 

this left Scotland, and going to France, made communion,) published an elegant and mas- 

a recantation of the Protestant religion. As terly reply to it, which exhibits, among other 

an evidence of the sincerity of his conversion, things, the great contrast between a man who 

he published the dialogue De Confusione Cal- has exchanged a corrupt system of religion for 

▼inianae Sectaa apud Scotos ; a book which I the sake of a more pure, and one who has taken 

have frequently referred to, and which strik- the opposite course. 

ingly exemplifies the adage, Omnis apostata f Hamiltonii Dialog p. 61. Smetonii Res- 
osor acerrimus sui ordinis. In the copious pons, ad Hamilt. Dialog, p. 90, 99. Banna- 
abuse of Knox with which it abounds, we are tyn e , 383, 385 
reminded of the present quarrel. Thomas £ Bannatyne, 564. 
Smeton, Principal of the University of Glas- 



282 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



seems to have been concerted under the regency of Len- 
nox ; it began to be put into execution during that of Mar, 
and was afterwards completed by Morton. We have al- 
ready had occasion to notice the aversion of many of the 
nobility to the Book of Discipline, and the principal source 
from which this aversion sprung. While the Earl of Mur- 
ray administered the government, he prevented any new 
encroachments upon the rights of the Church ; but the 
succeeding regents were either less friendly to them, or less 
able to bridle the avarice of the more powerful nobles. 
Several of the richest benefices becoming vacant by the 
decease or sequestration of the Popish incumbents, who had 
been permitted to retain them, it was necessary to deter- 
mine in what manner they should be disposed of for the 
future. The Church had uniformly required that their re- 
venues should be divided, and applied to the support of the 
religious and literary establishments ; but with this de- 
mand the courtiers were by no means disposed to comply. 
At the same time, the total secularization of them was 
deemed too bold a step ; nor could laymen, with any shadow 
of consistency, or by a valid title, hold benefices which the 
law declared to be ecclesiastical. The expedient resolved 
on was, that the bishoprics and other livings should be 
presented to certain ministers, who, previous to their ad- 
mission, should make over the principal part of their re- 
venues to such noblemen as had obtained the patronage of 
them from the Court. 

The Archbishopric of St. Andrew's, vacant by the exe- 
cution of Hamilton after the capture of Dumbarton castle, 
(April 2, 1571,) was gifted to the Earl of Morton, who 
presented John Douglas, rector of the university, to that 
See, entering into a private agreement with him respecting 
its revenues. Against this proceeding the commissioners 
of the General Assembly held at Stirling, August 157 1* 
protested ; but the influence of Morton prevailed, in spite 
of the opposition of the clergy, and of the more zealous and 
disinterested barons. The new scheme for seizing on the 
ecclesiastical livings, was confirmed in Parliament ; bishop- 
rics and other great benefices were now publicly conferred 
on noblemen, minors, and other persons, wholly unquali- 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



283 



fied for the ministry. Pluralities were multiplied, and the 
Church courts interfered with in the exercise of their juris- 
diction. 

These transactions having excited great discontent in the 
country, the Regent and Council summoned a convention 
of certain ministers and superintendents, which was held at 
Leith in Jannary 1572. The professed object of the meet- 
ing was to consult about an order that might prove more 
acceptable ; but through the influence of the Court, it was 
agreed that the name and office of archbishop, bishop, &c. 
should be continued during the King's minority ; and that 
qualified persons from among the ministers should be ad- 
vanced to these dignities. No greater power, however, 
was allotted to them than to superintendents, with whom 
they were equally subject to the Assemblies of the Church.* 
The subject was resumed in the Assembly at Perth, (Au- 
gust 1572,) which passed the following resolution : — i( That 
the regulations contained certain titles, such as archbishop, 
dean, archdean, chancellor, and chapter, which savoured 
of Popery, and were scandalous and offensive to their ears ; 
and that the whole Assembly, including the commission- 
ers which had met at Leith, unanimously protested that 
they did not approve of these titles, that they submitted to 
vhe regulations merely as an interim arrangement, and that 
they would exert themselves to obtain a more perfect order 
from the Regent and Council." Such was the origin and 
nature of that species of Episcopacy which was introduced 
into the Reformed Church of Scotland, in the minority of 
James VI. It does not appear to have proceeded in any 
degree from predilection to hierarchical government, but 
from the desire which the courtiers had to secure to them- 
selves the revenues of the Church. This was emphatically 
expressed by the name of tulchan bishops,\ which was 
commonly applied to those who were at that time admitted 
to the office. 

Encroachments were, however, made upon the jurisdio 

* Calderwood, De reg. eccl. Scotic. relatio, f A Tulchan is a calf's skin stuffed with 

p. 8, anno 1618, and epist. Philad. Vind. apud straw, set up to make the cow give her milk 

Altare Damasc. p. 727, 729. Lugd. Batav. freely. 
1708. Petrie, part ii. p 372, 374. 



284 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



tion of the Church in different ways, particularly by the 
presentation of unqualified persons, who were sometimes 
continued in the enjoyment of livings, without the admis- 
sion of the Church ; by the granting of pluralities, and even 
by civil courts assuming the cognizance of causes of an 
ecclesiastical nature. Of all of these, we find the ministers 
complaining about this time.* 

Knox, as might have been expected, did not fail to op- 
pose these abuses, and encroachments on the rights and 
property of the Church. In a letter addressed to the Ge- 
neral Assembly, held at Stirling in August, 1571* he 
warned his brethren of the conflict which he foresaw they 
would have to maintain, and exhorted them to resist to the 
uttermost. The same keen indignation at the avarice of 
the nobility he expressed in writing to Wishart of Pittar- 
row. " What order God shall put into the mind of the 
authority to take for staying of their present troubles, I 
know not, but ever still my dull heart feareth the worst, 
and that because no appearance of right conversion unto 
God, but both the parties stands as it were fighting against 
God himself in justification of their wickedness. The mur- 
derers assembled in the castle of Edinburgh, and their as- 
sisters, justify all that they have done to be well and rightly 
done ; and the contrar party as little repenteth the troub- 
ling and oppressing of the poor kirk of God as ever they 
did ; for if they can have the kirk-lands to be annexed to 
their houses, they appear to take no more care of the in- 
struction of the ignorant, and of the feeding of the flock of 
Jesus Christ, than ever did the Papists, whom we have 
condemned, and yet are worse ourselves in that behalf ; 
for they, according to their blind zeal, spared nothing that 
either might have maintained or holden up that which they 
took for God's service ; but we, alace ! in the midds of the 
light forge tt the heaven and draw to the earth." 

It has been insinuated, that Knox approved of the reso- 
lutions of the convention at Leith to restore the Episcopal 
office ; and the articles sent by him to the General Assem- 
bly, August 1572, have been appealed to as a proof of 



* See Note A. Period Eighth. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



2*5 



this.* But all that can be deduced from these articles is, 
that he desired the conditions and limitations agreed upon 
by that convention, to be strictly observed in the election 
of bishops, in opposition to the granting of bishoprics to 
laymen, (of which one glaring instance had just taken 
place, in giving the bishopric of Ross to Lord Methven,) 
and also to the simoniacal pactions which the ministers 
made with the nobles, on receiving presentations. Pro- 
vided one of the propositions made by him to the Assem- 
bly had been enforced, and the bishops had been boimd to 
give an account of the whole of their rents, and either to 
support ministers in the particular places from which they 
derived these, or else to pay into the funds of the Church 
the sunis requisite for this purpose, it is evident that the 
mercenary views both of the patrons and presentees would 
have been defeated, and the Church would have gained her 
object, the use of the Episcopal revenues. It was the pro- 
spect of this, that induced some honest ministers to agree 
to the proposed regulations, at the convention held in Leith. 
But it required a greater portion of disinterested firmness 
than falls to the most of men, to act upon this principle, t 
and the nobles were able to find, even at this period, a suf- 
ficient number of pliant, needy, or covetous ministers, to 
be the partners or the dupes of their avarice. 

Though our Reformer had recommended the appoint- 
ment of superintendents at the first establishment of the 
Reformation, and was of opinion that a power to inspect 
congregations, within a particular district, might be dele- 
gated to some minister ; there is no reason to think that 
on this occasion he departed from his principles, which, as 
we have already seen, were hostile to Episcopacy. At 
this very time he received a letter from his friend Beza, 
expressing his satisfaction that they had banished the order 
of bishops from the Scottish Church, and admonishing 
him and his colleagues to beware of suffering it to re-enter 
under the deceitful pretext of preserving unity. J In the 

* Robertson's History of Scotland, ii. 35S, it, and professed his readiness to apply its 

559. Lond 1S09. funds to the support of the ministry withinthe 

f I have read somewhere (though I cannot diocese, 
at present 6nd my authority) that Mr. Robert ± In the same letter Beza commends Knox 
Pont, when offered a bishopric, took the ad- for' establishing not merely the purity of doc- 
vice of the General Assembly as to accepting trine in the Scottish Church, but also disci 



286 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



General Assembly, which met at St. Andrew's in March 
1572, the " making of bishops" was introduced, and he 
" opponit himself directlie" unto it.* 

He had an opportunity of declaring his mind more pub- 
licly on this head, at the installation of Douglas as Arch- 
bishop of St. Andrew's, who had through the Earl of "Mor- 
ton obtained a gift of that See from the Crown. f Knox 
was offended with this appointment in every point of view. 
Having preached on the day appointed for the inaugura- 
tion of the new archbishop, (February 13th, 1572,) Mor- 
ton desired him to preside in the service ; but he positively 
refused, and pronounced an anathema against both the 
donor and the receiver of the dignity. The provost of St. 
Salvador's having said that his conduct proceeded from dis- 
appointment, because the bishopric had not been conferred 
on himself, he, on the following Sabbath, repelled the in- 
vidious charge. He had refused, he said, a greater bi- 
shopric than that of St. Andrew's, which he might have had 
by the favour of greater men than Douglas had his.J What 
he had spoken was for the exoneration of his conscience, 
that the Church of Scotland might not be subject to that 
order, especially after a very different one had been esta- 
blished in the Book of Discipline, had been subscribed by 
the nobility, and ratified by Parliament. He lamented also 
that a burden should be laid upon one old man, which 
twenty men of the best gifts could not sustain. § At the 
meeting of the General Assembly, he not only entered a 
formal protest against this procedure, but opposed himself 
directly to the making of bishops. In his private letter 
to Wishart of Pittarrow, which has already been referred 
to, as well as in his public letter to the Assembly which met 
at Stirling in 1571, he expressed his strong disapprobation of 
the new plans for defrauding the Church of her patrimony, 
and encroaching upon her free jurisdiction.!, 

pline and good order, without which the § Bannatyne, 321, 324, 375. Cald. MS.ii. 
former could not be preserved for any time, 269, 338, 340. Mr. James Meivill says, that 
Bezae Epistol. Theol ep. lxxix. p. 344, 555. be spake against the appointment of Douglas, 
edit. 1572. " bot sparinglie, because he lovit the man," 

* Mr. James Melville's Diary, p. 26. MS. and rather in the language of regret than of 
Adv. Lib. censure. MS. Diary, p. 27. 

f Ibid. p. 27. | Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 53. Cald. 

j: Meaning the See of Rochester, offered MS. ii. 269, 270, 280, 281. Petrie, part ii. 
him by Edward VI. of England and his Coun- 370. Spots. 258. Collier says, that in the 
See Note C. Period Second. letter to the Assembly at Stirling, M there are 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



287 



While he was engaged in these contests, his bodily 
strength was every day sensibly decaying. Yet he conti- 
nued to preach, although unable to walk to the pulpit 
without assistance ; and, when warmed with his subject, he 
forgot his weakness, and electrified the audience with his 
eloquence. James Melville, afterwards minister of An- 
struther, was then a student at the college, and one of his 
constant hearers. The account which he has given of his 
appearance, as well as of the transactions concerning the 
bishops, during his residence in St. Andrew's, is exceedingly 
striking ; and as any translation would enfeeble it, we shall 
give it in his own words.* " Of all the benefits I haid 
that year [1571 J was the coming of that maist notable pro- 
fet and apostle of our nation, Mr. Jhone Knox, to St. An- 
drew's, who, be the faction of the Queen occupeing the 
castell and town of Edinbrugh, was compeliit to remove 
therefra, with a number of the best, and chusit to come to 
St. Andrew's. I heard him teache there the prophecies of 
Daniel, that simmer, and the wintar following. I haid my 
pen and my litle buike, and tuk away sic things as I could 
comprehend. In the opening up of his text, he was mode- 
rat the space of half an houre ; but when he enterit to ap- 
plication, he made me so to grew,j- and tremble, that I could 
not haid a pen to wryt. I hard him oftymes vtter these 
thretenings in the hicht of ther pryde, quhilk the eis of 
monie saw cleirlie brought to pass within few yeirs vpon 
the Captean of that Castle, (Kirkaldy,) the Hamiltones, 
and the Quein hirselff. He was very weik. I saw him, 
everie day of his doctrine, go hulie and fear, % with a fur- 
ring of marticks about his neck, a staff in the an hand, and 
gud godlie Bichart Ballanden, his servand, halding up the 
uther oxter •,§ from the abbey to the parish kirk, and be the 
said Richart, and another servant, lifted up to the pulpit, 
whar he behovit to lean, at his first entrie ; bot, er he haid 
done with his sermone, he was sae active and vigorous, 

some passages not unbecoming a person of in- Diary that allude to our Reformer, are here 

tegritj and courage," ii. 535. Those who are quoted at much greater length than in any pre- 

acquainted with the spirit of this historian, ceding edition of Knox's Life, 
•will think this high praise from such a quar- t i. e. thrill, 
ter. ± i. e. slowly and warily. 

* The interesting passages in MeWiil's § i. e. arm-pit. 



288 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



that he was lyk to ding the pulpit in blads? and flie out 
ofit."f 

" He ludgit down in the Abbay besyde our Collage, and 
our Primarius, Mr. James Wilkie, our Regents, Mr. Nicol 
Dalgleise, Mr. Wily earn Colace, and Mr. Jhone Dauid- 
sone, went in ordinarlie to his grace efter denner and sup- 
per. Our Regent taried all the vacans to heir him, whow- 
beit he haid vrgent effeares of his brother sonnes to handle, 
to whom he was tutor. Mr. Knox wald sum tyme com in 
and repose him in our collage yeard, and call ws schollars 
vnto him, and bless ws, and exhort ws to knaw God and his 
wark in our contrey, and stand be the guid cause, to vse 
our tyme weill, and lern the guid instructiones, and follow 
the guid exemple of our maisters. Our haill collage, mais- 
ters and schollars, war sound and zelus for the guid cause ; 
the vther twa colleges nocht sa ; for in the New Collage, 
whowbeit Mr. Jhone Dowglass, then Rector, was gude 
aneuche, the thrie vther maisters and sum of the Regentes 
war euill myndit, v&. Mrs. Robert, Archbald and Jhone 
Hamiltons, (wharof the last twa becam efter apostates,) 
hated Mr. Knox and the guid cause ; and the Commissar 
Mr. Wllyeam Skein could nocht lyk weill of his doctrine." 

" In the tyme of his being in St. Andros, ther was a 
Generall Assemblie hauldin in the scholles of St. Leonard's, 
our Collage. Their, amangs vther things, was motioned 
the making of Bischopes, to the quhilk Mr. Knox opponit 
himselff directlie and zealuslie. Yit a number of commis- 
sionars of the kirk meatt at Leithe with the lords that haid 
the guid caus in hand, (wharof eurie an e was hounting for 
a fatt kirk leiving, quhilk gart them feght the fastar,) and 
ther aggreit to mak Bischopes ; the warst turn that euer 
was done for the kirk leiving, as experience atteanes de- 
clared, when they war named Tulchains, that is, califs 
skinnes stuffed with stra, to cause the cow giff milk ; for 
euerie lord gat a bischoprie, and sought and presented to 
the kirk sic a man as wald be content with least, and set 
tham maist of fewes, takes, and pensions. Amangs the rest 



* I. e. beat the puipit in pieces. the later editions of Dr. Robertson's History 

t Melvill's Diary, printed copy, pp. 21, 24, of Scotland, 
to'. This description may partly be seen in 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



289 



the Erie of Mcrtoungat the bischoprik of St. Andros, efter 
the hanging of Jhone Hamiltone, and presented thervnto 
that honorable father of the Yniuersitie, as Rector therof 
for the present, Mr. Jhone Dowglass, a guid. ^right-harted 
man, bot ambitins and simple, nocht knawing wha delt 
with him. I hard Mr. Knox speak against it, bot sparing- 
lie, because he louit the man, and with regrat, saying, 
s Alas ! for pitie, to lay vpone an auld weak man's bak, 
that qnhilk twentie of the best gifts could nocht bear. It 
will wrak him and disgrace him." And indeid it cam to 
pass sa ; for within twa or thrie yeirs he died, during the 
quhilk he haid nather that honour, welthe, nor helthe as he 
was wount to haiff, ever repenting that he tuk it on. That 
was the first tyme I hard Mr. Patrick Constantine, wha, 
then new retourned out of France with young Mr. James 
Macgill, the Clark Register eldest sone, thought, be the 
said Clarks court, wha was grait with the Erie of Mortoun, 
to haiff bein preferit to the bischoprik, bot coming schort, 
becam a zealus preatchour against bischopes. I hard a 
sermont of his the ouk efter the bischope was maid, vpone 
ane extraordinar day that he might haiff the graitter au- 
dience, wherein he maid thrie sorts of bischoppes : my Lord 
Bischope, my Lord s Bischope, and the Lord's Bischope. 
6 My Lord Bischope,' said he, ' was in the papistrie ; my 
Lord's Bischope is now, when my Lord getts the benefice, 
and the Bischope serues for na thing bot to mak his tytle 
sure ; and the Lord's Bischope is the trew minister of the 
gospell.' Mr. Patrik was then weill lyked, and of guid 
expectation with sic as knew him nocht intus. The yeir 
efter was maid bischope Geordie of Murro, whom I saw 
a haill wintar mumling on his pretching af his peapers 
euerie day at our morning prayers, and haid it nocht weill 
par ceur when all was done ; and efter him Bischope Pa- 
tone of Dunkell. This greivit the hart of the men of God 
to the dead ; bot the warres war sa hart, and the Lords 
cryed they behud to leaue tham giff they gat nocht the 
kirk leiving, and monie knew nocht yit the corruption and 
vnlawfulnes of that invention of men, and sa the mater past 
fordwart. 

" At Mr. Knox coming to St. Andros, Robert Lekpriuik, 

u 



290 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



printer, transported his lettres and press from Edinbruch to 
St. Andros, whar first I saw that excellent art of printing, 
and haid then in hand Mr. Patrik Constant's Catechisme 
of Calvin, converted in Latin heroic vers, quhilk with the 
author was mikle estimed of. 

" About the same tyme cam to St. Andros to visit Mr. 
Knox, Johne Durie, fellow minister at Leith with Mr Dauid 
Lindsay, wha was then for stoutnes and zeall in the guid 
cause mikle renouned and talked of ; for the gown was na 
sooner af, and the Byble out of hand fra the kirk, when on 
ged the corslet, and fangit was the hag-hot, and to the fields. 
Him I saw first at St. Andros with Mr. Knox." 

During his stay at St. Andrew's, Knox published a vindica- 
tion of the Reformed religion, in answer to a letter written 
by a Scots Jesuit, called Tyrie. The argumentative part 
of the work was finished by him in 1568 ; but he sent it 
abroad at this time, with additions, as a farewell address 
to the world, and a dying testimony to the truth which he 
had so long taught and defended.* Along with it he pub- 
lished one of the religious letters which he had formerly 
written to his mother-in-law, Mrs. Bowes ; and in an adver 
tisement prefixed to this, he informs us that she had lately 
departed this life, and that he could not allow the oppor- 
tunity to slip of acquainting the public, by means of this 
letter, with the principal cause of that intimate Christian 
friendship which had so long subsisted between them. 

The ardent desire which he felt to be released, by death, 
from the troubles of the present life, appears in all that he 
wrote about this time. " Wearie of the world,*' and 
" thristing to depart," are expressions frequently used by 
him. The dedication of the above work is thus inscribed : 
" John Knox, the Servant of Jesus Christ, now wearie of 
the world, and daylie luiking for the resolution of this my 
earthly tabernakle, to the faithful that God of his mercie 
shall appoint to fight after me." In the conclusion of it he 
says, " Call for me, deir brethren, that God, in his mercy, 

* Tyrie published a reply under the title of " Mr. Knox makes some good and solid obser- 

" The Refutation of ane Answer made be vations, from which, in my opinion, the Je- 

Schir Johne Knox to ane Letter, send be suit [in his reply] has not handsomely extri- 

James Tyrie, to his vmquhyle brither." Pa- cated himself " History, App. p. 255. 
rissiis, 1573. Keith says, speaking of this book, 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



291 



will pleis to put end to my long and painful battell. For 
now being unable to fight, as God sometymes gave strenth, 
I thrist an end, befoir I be moir troublesum to the faithfull. 
And yet, Lord, let my desyre be moderat be the holy 
spirit." In a prayer subjoined to the dedication are these 
words. " To thee, Lord, I commend my spirit. For 
I thrist to be resolved from this body of sin, and am assured 
that I sail rise agane in glorie ; howsoever it be that the 
wicked for a tyme sail trode me and others thy servandes 
under their feit. Be merciful, Lord, unto the kirk within 
this realm ; continew with it the light of thy evangell ; 
augment the number of true preicheris. And let thy 
mercyfull providence luke upon my desolate bedfellow, the 
fruit of hir bosome, and my two deir children, Nathanael 
and Eleazar. Now, Lord, put end to my miserie." The 
advertisement " to the Faithful Reader," dated from St. 
x\ndrew's, 12th July, 1572, concludes in the following man- 
ner : " I hartly salute and take my good night of all the 
faithful in both realmes, earnestly desyring the assistance 
of their prayers, that without any notable slander to the 
evangel of Jesus Christ, I may end my battel. For, " as 
the worlde is wearie ofme 9 so am I of it:' 

The General Assembly being appointed to meet at Perth 
on the 6th August, he took his leave of them in a letter, 
along with which he transmitted certain articles and ques- 
tions which he recommended to their consideration. The 
Assembly returned him an answer, declaring their appro- 
bation of his propositions, and their earnest desires for his 
preservation and comfort.* The last piece of public ser- 

ter ; q whilks names war thocht sclanderous 

and offensive to the eares of many of the bre- 
thren, appeirand to sound to Papistrie; there- 
fore the haiil Assembly, in ane voyce, alsweel 
they that -was in Comrnissione at Leith as 
uthers, solemnly protests, that they intend not 
be using sic names, to ratify, consent and agree 
to any kinde of Papistrie or superstitione, and 
wisches rather the saids names to be changit 
in uthers, that are not sclanderous or offen- 
sive ; and. in lyke manner, protests that the 
saids heids and articles agriet upon, be only 
receavit as ane interim, untiU farther and mair 
perfect order be obtaynit, at the hands of the 
King's Majesty's Regent and N'obilitie,forthe 
whilk they will pre ass, as occasion shall serve : 
Unto iheqwhilk protestation the haiil Assem- 
blie, in ane voice, adheres." Booke of the 
Universal! Kirk, Peterkin's Edit. p. 133. 



* Bannatyne, 364-369. Cald. ii. 355, 566. 
There is no record of this valedictory letter in 
the Booke of the Universal! Kirke; but in 
Season 3d of this year, we find the following 
unanimous protest against the late prelacic 
innovations : 44 Forswameikle as in the As- 
sembly balden in Leith in January last, there 
was certaine Commissioners ap pom tit to tra- 
neil with the Nobiiitie and their Commissio- 
ners, to reasone and conclude upon diverse 
articles and heads, then thocht good to be 
mafia i it upon ; according to the whilk Com- 
miscione they hate proceidit to diverse dyatts 
and conventions, and tinallie concludit for 
that tyme upon the saids heads and articles ; 
as the same prodocit hi this Assemblie pro- 
ports : In the qwhilks, being considerit and 
read, are found certain names, sic as Arch 
Bishope, Deane, Archdeane, Chamber, Chap- 



292 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

vice which he performed at their request, was examining 
and approving a sermon which had been lately preached 
by David Ferguson, minister of Dunfermline. His sub- 
scription to this sermon, like every thing which proceeded 
from his mouth or pen, about this time, is uncommonly 
striking. " John Knox, with my dead hand, but glaid 
heart, praising God, that of his mercy he levis such light 
to his kirk in this desolatioun."* 

From the rapid decline of our Reformer's health, in spring 
1572, there was every appearance of his ending his days 
in St. Andrew's ; but it pleased God that he should be re- 
stored once more to his flock, and allowed to die peaceably 
in his own bed. In consequence of a cessation of arms, 
agreed to in the end of July, between the Regent and the 
adherents of the Queen, the city of Edinburgh was aban- 
doned by the forces of the latter, and secured from the an- 
noyance of the garrison in the castle. As soon as the 
banished citizens returned to their houses,! they sent a de- 
putation to St. Andrew's, with a letter to their minister, 
expressive of their earnest desire "that once again his voice 
might be heard among them," and entreating him imme- 
diately to come to Edinburgh, if his health would at all 
permit him, for, said they, " Leath we are to diseas or 
hurt your persone ony wayis, and far leather to want you." J 
After reading the letter, and conversing with the commis- 
sioners, he agreed to return ; but under the express condi- 
tion, that he should not be urged to observe silence respect- 
ing the conduct of those who held the castle against the 
Regent ; 66 whose treasonable and tyrannical deeds," he 
said, " he would cry out against, as long as he was able to 
speak." He, therefore, desired them to acquaint their con- 

* " Ane sermone prechit before the Regent God the Father, of his Son, our Lord Jesus 

and nobilitie, upon a part of the third chapter Christ, and of the Holie Spirit, tackand to 

ef Malachi, [verse 7-12. J in the Kirk of Leith, witness his hoiie name," that they would with 

at the time of the Generall Assemblie, on their lives, lands, and goods, promote the 

Sonday the 13. of Januarie. Anno Do. 1571. Gospel professed among them, maintain the 

Be David Fergusone, minister of the evangell authority of the King and Regent, assist and 

at Dunfermlyne. Tmprentit at Sanctandrois, concur with others against the enemies in the 

be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno Do. MDLXXII." castle, defend one another if attacked, and 

The dedication to the Regent Mar is dated submit any variances which might arise among 

20th August, 1572. themselves to brotherly arbitration, or to the 

+ Previous to the cessation of arms, the judgment of the Town Council. Bannatyne, 

banished citizens (who had taken up their re- 561-364. 

sidence chiefly in Leith) entered into a solemn ^ Bannatyne, 370-373. 
league, by which they engaged " in the fear of 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



293 



stituents with this, lest they should afterwards repent of his 
austerity, and be apprehensive of ill-treatment on his ac- 
count. This he repeated upon his return to Edinburgh, 
before he entered the pulpit. Both the commissioners and 
the rest of their brethren assured him, that they did not 
mean to put a bridle in his mouth ; but wished him to dis- 
charge his duty as he had been accustomed to do.* 

On the 17th of August, to the great joy of the Queen's 
faction, whom he had overawed during his residence among 
them, the Reformer left St. Andrew's, along with his fa- 
mily, and was accompanied on his journey by a number of 
his brethren and acquaintances. Being obliged by his 
weakness to travel slowly, it was the 23d of the month be- 
fore he reached Leith, from which, after resting a day or 
two, he came to Edinburgh. The inhabitants enjoyed the 
satisfaction of seeing him again in his own pulpit, on the 
first Sabbath after he arrived ; but his voice was now so 
enfeebled that he could not be heard by the half of the 
congregation. Nobody was more sensible of this than him- 
self. He therefore requested his session to provide a smaller 
house in which he could be heard, if it were only by a hun- 
dred persons ; for his voice, even in his best time, was not 
able to extend over the multitude which assembled in the 
large church, much less now when he was so debilitated. 
This request was accordingly complied with.f 

During his absence, a coolness had taken place between 
his colleague and the parish, who found fault with him for 
temporizing during the time that the Queen's faction re- 
tained possession of the city. In consequence of this, they 
had separated, and Craig was gone to another part of the 
country. J Knox, perceiving that he would not long be 
able to preach, and that he was already incapacitated for 
all other ministerial duties, was extremely solicitous to have 
one settled as his colleague, that the congregation might 
not be left " as sheep without a shepherd," when he was 
called away. The kirk-session had petitioned the last Ge- 
neral Assembly for leave to choose from the ministry a 
colleague to the Reformer. This request was granted ; and 

* Bannatyne, 371, 373. f Ibid * P« 373 > 385, Smetoni Respons, pp. 117, 118. 

$ See Note B. — Period Eighth. 



294 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



liberty being given them to choose any minister within the 
kingdom, those of Dundee and Perth excepted, they now 
unanimously fixed upon James Lawson, sub-principal of 
the College of Aberdeen. This choice was very agreeable 
to the Reformer, who, in a letter sent along with those of 
the superintendent and session, urged him to comply with 
the call without delay. Though this letter has already 
appeared in print,* yet as it is not long, and is very de- 
scriptive of his frame of mind at this interesting period, I 
?hall lay it before the reader. 

rc All worldie strenth, yea ewin in thingis spirituall, de- 
cayes ; and yit sail never the work of God decay. Belovit 
brother, seeing that God of his mercie, far above my ex- 
pectatione, has callit me ones agane to Edinburgh, and yit 
that I feill nature so decayed, and daylie to decay, that I 
luke not for a long continewance of my battell, I wald 
gladlie anes discharge my conscience into your bosome, and 
into the bosome of vtheris, in whome I think the feare of 
God remanes. Gif I hath had the habilitie of bodie, I suld 
not have put you to the pane to the whilk I now requyre 
you, that is, anes to visit me, that we may conferre toge- 
ther of heawinlie things ; for into earth there is no stabilite, 
except the kirk of Jesus Christ, ever fightand under the 
crosse, to whose myghtie protectione I heartlie commit you. 
Of Edinburgh the vii of September, 1572. Jhone Knox." 

In a postscript these expressive words were added " Haste, 
brother, lest you come too late." 

In the beginning of September, intelligence reached 
Edinburgh, that the Admiral of France, the brave, the 
generous, the pious Coligni, was murdered in the city of 
Paris, by the orders of Charles IX. Immediately on the 
back of this, tidings arrived of that most detestable and 
Unparalleled scene of barbarity and treachery, the general 
massacre of the Protestants throughout that kingdom. Post 
after post brought fresh accounts of the most shocking and 
unheard-of cruelties. Hired cut-throats, and fanatical can- 
nibals marched from city to city, paraded the streets, and 
entered into the houses of those that were marked out for 



* Bannatyne, 386. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



295 



destruction. No reverence was shewn to the hoary head, 
no respect to rank or talents, no pity to tender age or sex. 
Aged matrons, women upon the point of their delivery, and 
children, were trodden under the feet of the assassins, or 
dragged with hooks into the rivers ; others, after being 
thrown into prison, were instantly brought out, and but- 
chered in cold blood. Seventy thousand persons were 
murdered in one week. For several days the streest of 
Paris literally ran with blood. The savage monarch, 
standing at the windows of the palace, with his courtiers, 
glutted his eyes with the inhuman spectacle, and amused 
himself with firing upon the miserable fugitives who sought 
shelter at his merciless gates.* 

The intelligence of this massasre (for which a solemn 
thanksgiving was offered up at Rome by order of the Pope)f 
produced the same horror and consternation in Scotland as 
in every other Protestant country .J It inflicted a deep wound 
on the exhausted spirit of Knox. Besides the blow struck 
at the whole reformed body, he had to lament the loss of 
many individuals, eminent for piety, learning, and rank, 
whom he numbered among his acquaintances. Being con- 
veyed to the pulpit, and summoning up the remainder of 
his strength, he thundered the vengeance of heaven against 
that cruel murderer and false traitor, the King of France, 
and desired Le Croc, the French Ambassador, to tell his 
master, that sentence was pronounced against him in Scot- 
land, that the divine vengeance would never depart from 
him, nor from his house, if repentance did not ensue ; but 
his name would remain an execration to posterity, and 
none proceeding from his loins would enjoy that kingdom 
in peace. The ambassador complained of the indignity 
offered to his master, and required the Regent to silence 
the preacher ; but this was refused, upon which he left 
Scotland. § 

* Memoires <3e Sut!y, torn. i. 16. Paris, be adopted for defence against the cruel an< 
1664. Brantosme Memoires, apud Jurieu, treasonable conspiracies of the Papists- Ban- 
Apologiepour la Reformation, torn. i. 420. natyne, 397-401. Strype has inserted the 
Smetoni Respons. ad Hamilt. Dial. p. 117. preamble, and one of the articles of a suppli- 

•f The Pope's Bull for the Jubilee may be cation presented by this convention to the 
seen in Strype's Life of Archbishop Parker, Regent and Council. Annals, ii. 180, 181. 
App. No. 68, p. 108. This may be compared -with the more full ac 

£ The Regent Mar issued a proclamation count of their proceedings, in Bannatyne, 
on the occasion, summoning a general con- 406-411. 
vention of deputies from all parts of the king- § Bannatyne, 401, 402. 
dom, to deliberate on the measures proper to 



296 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Lawson, having* received the letters of invitation, has- 
tened to Edinburgh, and had the satisfaction to find that 
Knox was still able to receive him. Having preached to 
the people, he gave universal satisfaction.* On the follow- 
ing Sabbath, 21st September, Knox began to preach in the 
Tolbooth Church, which was now fitted up for him. He 
chose for the subject of his discourses, the account of our 
Saviour's crucifixion, as recorded in the xxvii. chapter of 
the Gospel according to Matthew, a theme upon which he 
often expressed a wish to close his ministry. On Sabbath 
the 9th of November, he presided in the installation of 
Lawson as his colleague and successor. The sermon was 
preached by him in the Tolbooth Church ; after it was 
ended, he removed, with the audience, to the larg^e Church, 
where he went through the accustomed form of admission, 
by proposing the questions to the minister and people, ad- 
dressing an exhortation to both, and praying for the divine 
blessing upon the connection. Upon no former occasion 
did he deliver himself more to the satisfaction of those who 
were able to hear him. After declaring the mutual duties 
of pastor and congregation, he protested, in the presence 
of Him before whom he expected soon to appear, that he 
had walked among them with a good conscience, preaching 
the Gospel of Jesus Christ in all sincerity, not studying to 
please men, nor to gratify his own affections ; he praised 
God, that he had been pleased to give them a pastor in his 
room, when he was now unable to teach ; he fervently 
prayed, that any gifts which had been conferred on himself 
might be augmented a thousand fold in his successor ; and 
in a most serious and impressive manner, he exhorted and 
charged all present to adhere stedfastly to the faith which 
they had professed. Having finished the service, and pro- 
nounced the blessing with a cheerful but exhausted voice, 
he came down from the pulpit, and, leaning upon his staffs 
crept down the street, which was lined with the audience, 
who, as if anxious to take the last sight of their beloved 
pastor, followed him until he entered his house, from which 
he never again came out alive, f 



* ^Ir. James Melville, speaking of Lawson, bot he meltit my heart with teares.'' MS. 
calls him, " a man of singular learning, zeal, Diary, p. 28. 

and eloquence, whom I never hard preache + As it is unnecessary to repeat the quota 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



297 



On the Tuesday following, (Nov. 11,) he was seized 
with a severe cough, which, together with the defluction, 
greatly affected his breathing. When his friends, anxious 
to prolong his life, proposed to call in the assistance of 
physicians, he readily acquiesced, saying that he would 
not neglect the ordinary means of health, although he was 
persuaded that the Lord would soon put an end to all his 
troubles.* It had been his ordinary practice to read every 
day some chapters of the Old and New Testaments ; to 
which he added a certain number of the Psalms of David, 
the whole of which he perused regularly once a month. 
On Thursday the 13th, he grew worse, and was obliged 
to desist from his course of reading ; but he gave direc- 
tions to his wife, and to his secretary, Richard Bannatyne, 
that one of them should every day read to him, with a dis- 
tinct voice, the 17th chapter of the Gospel according to 
John, the 53d of Isaiah, and a chapter of the Epistle to 
the Ephesians. This was punctually complied with dur- 
ing the whole time of his sickness ; so that scarcely an 
hour passed in which some part of Scripture was not read. 
Besides the above passages, he, at different times, fixed on 
certain Psalms, and some of Calvin's French sermons on 
the Ephesians. Sometimes as they were reading these 
sermons, thinking him to be asleep, they asked him if he 
heard, to which he answered, " I hear, (I praise God,) and 
understand far better," which words he uttered for the last 
time, about four hours before his death. 

The same day on which he fell sick, he desired his wife 
to discharge the servants' wages ; and next day wishing to 
pay one of his men servants himself, he gave him twenty 



tions, the reader may be informed, once for 
all, that the account of the Reformer's last 
illness and death is taken frcm the following 
authorities : " Eximii viri Joannis Knoxii, 
Scoticanae Ecclesiae instauratoiis, Vera extre- 
mae vitae et obitus H«toria," published by 
Thomas Smeton, principal of the University 
of Glasgow, at the end of his " Responsio ad 
Hamiltonii Dialogum. Edinburgi, apud Jo- 
hannem Rosseum. Pro Henrico Charteris. 
Anno Do. 1579. Cum Prmlegio Regali :" — 
M Journal of the Transactions in Scotland, 
(Annii) 1570-1.575, by Richard Bannatyne, 
secretary to John Knox," 415-429, edited 
from an authentic MS. by J. Graham Dalyell, 



Esq. Anno 1S06; — Spotswood's History, p. 
265-267. Anno 1677, and Calderwood's MS. 
History, ad ann. 1572; copy in Advocates' 
Library, Edinburgh, transcribed anno 1654. 
The two first of these worts contain the most 
ancient and authentic narratives, both being 
•written at the time of the event, and by per- 
sons who were eye and ear-witnesses of -what 
they relate. 

* The house then occupied by the Reform ■ 
er, was near the bottom of the High street, 
opposite Tweeddale Court, a little below the 
Fountain Well. It had upon it the inscription, 
©EOS. DEUS, GOD. In the winter of 1858, 
it narrowly escaped being consumed by fire. 



298 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



shillings above his fee, adding, " Thou wilt never receive 
more of me in this life." To all his servants he gave suit- 
able exhortations to walk in the fear of God, and as be- 
came Christians who had been educated in his family. 

On Friday the 14th, he rose from bed sooner than his 
usual hour ; and thinking that it was the Sabbath, said 
that he meant to go to church, and preach on the resur- 
rection of Christ, upon which he had meditated through 
the whole night. This was the subject upon which he 
should have preached in his ordinary course. But he was 
so weak, that he needed to be supported from his bed-side 
by two men, and it was with great difficulty that he could 
sit on a chair. 

Next day at noon, John Durie, and Archibald Steward, 
two of his intimate acquaintances, came into his room, not 
knowing that he was so sick. He rose, however, on their 
account ; and having prevailed on them to stay dinner, he 
came to the table, which was the last time that ever he sat 
at it. He ordered a hogshead of wine which was in his cellar 
to be pierced ; and with a hilarity which he delighted to 
indulge among his friends, desired Archibald Steward to 
send for some of it as long as it lasted, for he would not 
tarry until it was all drunk. 

On Sabbath the 16th, he kept his bed, and mistaking it 
for the first day of the Fast appointed on account of the 
French massacre, refused to take any dinner. Fairley of 
Braid, who was present, informed him that the fast did not 
commence until the following Sabbath, and sitting down, 
and dining before his bed, prevailed on him to take a little 
food. 

He was very anxious to meet once more with the session 
of his church, to leave them his dying charge, and bid 
them a last farewell. In compliance with his wish, his 
colleague, the elders, and deacons, with David Lindsay, 
one of the ministers of Leith, assembled in his room on 
Monday the 17th, when he addressed them in the follow- 
ing words, which made a deep and lasting impression on 
the minds of all : 6 ' The day now approaches, and is be- 
fore the door, for which I have frequently and vehemently 
vhirsted, when I shall be released from my great labours 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



299 



and innumerable sorrows, and shall be with Christ. And 
now, God is my witness, whom I hare served in spirit, in 
the gospel of his Son, that I have taught nothing but the 
true and solid doctrine of the gospel of the Son of God ; 
and have had it for my only object to instruct the igno- 
rant, to confirm the faithful, to comfort the weak, the fear- 
ful, and the distressed, by the promises of grace, and to 
fight against the proud and rebellious, by the divine threat- 
enings. I know that many have frequently and loudly 
complained, and do yet complain, of my too great seve- 
rity ; but God knows that my mind was always void oi 
hatred to the persons of those against whom I thundered 
the severest judgments. I cannot deny but that I felt 
the greatest abhorrence at the sins in which they indulged, 
but I still kept this one thing in view, that, if possible, I 
might gain them to the Lord. What influenced me to ut- 
ter whatever the Lord put into my mouth so boldly, with- 
out respect of persons, was a reverential fear of my God, 
who called, and of his grace appointed me to be a steward 
of divine mysteries, and a belief that he will demand an 
account of my discharge of the trust committed unto me, 
when I shall stand before his tribunal. I profess, there- 
fore, before God, and before his holy angels, that I never 
made merchandise of the sacred word of God, never stu- 
died to please men, never indulged my own private pas- 
sions or those of others, but faithfully distributed the talent 
intrusted to me, for the edification of the church over which 
I watched. Whatever obloquy wicked men may cast on 
me respecting this point, I rejoice in the testimony of a 
good conscience. In the mean-time, my dearest brethren, 
do you persevere in the eternal truth of the Gospel ; wait 
diligently on the flock over which the Lord hath set you. 
and which he redeemed with the blood of his only begot- 
ten Son. And thou my brother, Lawson, fight the good 
fight, and do the work of the Lord joyfully and resolutely. 
The Lord from on high bless you, and the whole church 
of Edinburgh, against whom, as long as they persevere in 
the word of truth which they have heard of me, the gates 
of hell shall not prevail." Having warned them against 



300 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



countenancing those who disowned the king's authority, 
and made some observations on a complaint which Mait- 
land had lodged against him before the session, he was so 
exhausted that he was obliged to desist from speaking. 
Those who were present were filled with both joy and 
grief by this affecting address. After reminding him of 
the warfare which he had endured, and the triumph which 
awaited him, and joining in prayer, they took their leave 
of him drowned in tears. 

When they were going out, he desired his colleague and 
Lindsay to remain behind, to whom he said : — " There is 
one thing that greatly grieves me. You have been wit- 
nesses of the former courage and constancy of Grange in 
the cause of God ; but now, alas ! into what a gulph has 
he precipitated himself! I intreat you not to refuse to go, 
and tell him from me, that John Knox remains the same 
man now when he is going to die, that ever he knew him 
when able in body, and wills him to consider what he was, 
and the estate in which he now stands, which is a great 
part of his trouble. Neither the craggy rock, (the Castle,) 
in which he miserably confides, nor the carnal prudence of 
that man (Maitland) whom he esteems a demi-god, nor the 
assistance of strangers, shall preserve him j but he shall 
be disgracefully dragged from his nest to punishment, and 
hung on a gallows before the face of the sun, unless he 
speedily amend his life, and flee to the mercy of God. 
That man's soul is dear to me, and I would not have it 
perish, if I could save it." The ministers undertook to 
execute this commission, and going up to the Castle, ob- 
tained an interview with the governor, and delivered their 
message. He at first exhibited some symptoms of relent- 
ing, but having consulted with Maitland, he returned and 
gave them a very unpleasant answer. This being reported 
to Knox, he was much grieved, and said that he had been 
very earnest in prayer for that man, and he still trusted that 
his soul would be saved, although his body should come to 
a miserable end. After the Castle surrendered, and Kir- 
kaldy was condemned to die, Lindsay attended him at his 
earnest desire, and received much satisfaction from conver- 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



301 



sation with him. When he was on the scaffold, he desired 
the minister to repeat Knox's last words about him, and 
said that he hoped they would prove true.* 

This tragical fate of Kirkaldy, if we may credit Mr. 
James Melvill, was foretold by our Reformer during his last 
residence in St. Andrew's. The account which he gives 
of Knox's prophetic warnings, as well as of the " verie soar 
threatening of his sermonts," is too interesting to be omit- 
ted. " Ther was twa in St. Andros wha war his aydant 
heirars, and wrot his sermonts, an my condisciple Mr. An- 
dro Yowng, now minister of Dumblean, wha transleated 
sum of tham in Latin, and read tham in the hall of the 
Collage instead of his orations : that vther was servant to 
Mr. Robert Hamilton, minister of the town, whom Mr. 
Robert causit to wrait, for what end God knawes. The 
threatenings of his sermonts war verie soar, and sa parti- 
cular, that sic as lyket nocht the cause, tuk occasion to re- 
protche him as a rashe raler without warrand. And Mr. 
Robert Hamilton himselff being offendit, conferrit with Mr. 
Knox, asking his warrand of that particular thretning 
against the Castell of Edinbruche, that it sould run lyk a 
sand glass ; it sould spew out the Captan with scham, he 
sould nocht com out at the yet, bot down ower the walies 
— and sic lyk. Mr. Knox answerit, ( God is my warrant, 
and vie sail sie it.' Whill as the vther was skarslie satis- 
feit, and tuk hardlie with it, the nixt sermont from pulpit, 
he repeates the threatnings, and addes therto, 6 Thow that 
will nocht beleiue my warrand sail sie it with thy eis that 
day, and sail say, What haif I to do heir ?' This sermont the 
said Mr. Robert's sarvand wrot, and being with his mais- 
ter in Edinbruche a twa yeir therefter at the taking of the 
Castell, they ged vpe to the Castell-hill, saw the forwark 
of the Castell all demolisched, and rinning lyk a sandie 
bray ; they saw the men of wear all sett in ordour. The 
Captan, with a lytle cut of a staff in his hand* taking down 
ower the wals vpon the leathers, and Mr. Robert, troublet 
with the thrang of the peiple, sayes to his man, " Go, what 
half I ado heir !' and in going away, the servant remem- 



* Dlaty, printed copy, 26 29. 



302 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Ders his maister of that sermont, and the words ; wha was 
compellit to glorifie God, and say, he was a trew prophet* 
" Ane vther strange particular was recompted to me he 
Mr. Dauid Lindsay, minister of Leithe : That efter Mr. 
Knox haid taken bed, he cam in to visit him, as he was 
accustomed, and asked him whow he did. He answerit, 
i Weill, brother, I thank God ; I haiff desyrd all this day 
to haif yow, that I may send yow yit to yon man in the 
Castell, whom yie ken I haif loued sa deirlie : Go, I pray, 
and tell him that I haif send yow to him yit annes to warn 
and bid him, in the nam of God, leaue that euill cause, and 
gif ower that Castell ; gift nocht, he salbe brought down 
ower the wals of it with shame, and hing against the sune : 
Sa God has assurit me.' Mr. Dauid, whowbeit he thought 
the message hard, and the thretning ower particular, yit 
obeyit, and past to the Castell ; and meiting with Sir Ro- 
bert Meluill walkin on the wall, tauld him, wha was, as he 
thought, mikle movit with the mater. Therefter com- 
muned with the Captan, whom he thought also sumwhat 
moved ; but he past from him in to the Secretar Lithintone, 
with whom, when he haid conferrit a whyll, he cam out to 
Mr. Dauid again, and said to him, 6 Go, tell Mr. Knox he 
is bot a drytting prophet.' Mr. Dauid returning, tauld 
Mr. Knox he haid dischargit the commissoin fathfullie, but 
that it was nocht we ill accepted of efter the Captan had 
conferrit with the Secretar. 6 Weill,' sayes Mr. Knox, ' I 
haif bein ernest with my God anent tha twa men ; for the 
an I am sorrie that sa sould befall him, yit God assures me 
ther is mercie for his saul ; for that vther I haif na war- 
rand that euer he salbe weill.' Mr. Dauid sayes, he thought 
it hard, yit keipit it in mynd till Mr. Knox was at rest with 
God. The Engliss armie cam in with munition meit for 
the seage of the castell, and within few dayes the captean is 
fean to rander, and com down the leathers ower the wals ; 
he is committed to a ludging in the town with a custodie 
of souldarts. Mr. Dauid, because of grait acquentance, 
comes to visit him, whom he employes to go to the Erie 
of Morton and offer him his haill heritage, the band of 
manrent of all his frinds, and to pass af the countrie in 
exyll during his will. Mr. Dauid goes that night and 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



303 



speakes the Erie, then being Regent, proponing to him 
the offers. The Regent goes asyde and consultes with the 
Abbot of Dumfermling and Clark Register, therefter Mr. 
Dauid comes craving his answer. It was giffen, It could 
nocht be ; the peiple could nocht be satisfeit, nor ther 
cause clerit and crowned with [out] exemplar punisment 
of that man and his eounsellour the Secretar. Mr. Dauid 
the morn be nyne hours comes agean to the Captean, the 
Lard of Grange, and taking him to an fore stare of the 
ludgin apart, resoules him it behoued him to suffer. 6 O 
then, Mr. Dauid,' sayes he, « for our auld frindschipe and 
for Chryst's seak, leaue me nocht.' So he remeans with 
him, wha paessing vp and down a whyll, cam to a schot, 
and seeing the day fear, the sune cleir, and a skaffald pre- 
paring at the Cross in the Hiegatt, he falls in a grait stu- 
die, and alters countenance and cullour ; quhilk, when Mr. 
Dauid perceaved, he cam to him and askes him what he 
was doing. * Fathe, Mr. Dauid,' sayes [he], * I perceaue 
weill now that Mr. Knox was the trew servant of God, and 
his thretning is to be accomplissed ;' and desyred to hear 
the treuthe of that againe. The quhilk Mr. Dauid re- 
hersed, and addit thervnto, that the sam Mr. Knox at his 
retourning had tauld him that he was ernest with God for 
him, was sorie, for the loue he buir him, that that sould 
com on his bodie, bot was assurit ther was mercie for his 
saull. The quhilk he wald haiff repeated ower againe to 
him, and thervpon was graitlie comforted, and becam to 
be of guid and cheirfull cowrage ; sa that he dyned mode- 
ratlie, and therefter tuk Mr. Dauid aparte for his strenth- 
ning to suffer that dethe, and in end beseikes him nocht to 
leaue him, bot convoy him to the place of execution. * And 
tak heid,' sayes he, ' I hope in God, efter I salbe thought 
past, to giff yow a taken of the assurance of that mercie to 
my saull according to the speakine of that man of God.' 
Sa about thrie hours efter none, he was brought out and 
Mr. Dauid with him, and about foure the sune being wast 
about af the northwert nuk of the steiple, he was put af 
the leddar, and his face first fell to the est, bot within a 
bonie whyll turned about to the west, and ther remeaned 
against the sune ; at quhilk tyme Mr. Dauid, euer present, 



304 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



sayes, he marked him when all thought he was away, to 
lift vpe his hands that war bund befor him, and ley tham 
doun again saftlie, quhilk moued him with exclamation to 
glorifie God befor all the peipil. This last part of his exe- 
cution I hard also of Jhone Durie, wha was present with 
him on the skaffald. 

" Sa in lyk maner whateuer he spak concerning the Ha- 
miltones and the Quein, whowbeit in appeirance in the 
mean tyme bot contrar, and monie guid folks thought hard 
and strange, yit cam to pass, and was marked in particular 
to the grait glorie of God, terrour of the enemies, and ioy 
of the godlie." 

After Knox's interview with the session, he was much 
worse : his difficulty of breathing increased, and he could 
not speak without obvious and great pain. Yet he con- 
tinued still to receive persons of every rank, who came in 
great numbers to visit him ; and he suffered none to go 
away without exhortations, which he uttered with such, 
variety and suitableness as astonished those who waited 
upon him. Lord Boyd came in and said, " I know, Sir, 
that I have offended you in many things, and am now come 
to crave your pardon." His answer was not heard, as the 
attendants retired and left them alone. But his Lordship 
returned next day, in company with the Earl of Morton, 
and the laird of Drumlanrig. His conversation with Morton 
was very particular, as related by the Earl himself before 
his death. He asked him, if he was previously acquainted 
with the design to murder the late King. Morton having 
answered in the negative,* he said, " Well, God has beauti 
fied you with many benefits which he has not given to every 
man ; as he has given you riches, wisdom, and friends, 
and now is to prefer you to the government of the realm, f 
And therefore, in the name of God, I charge you to use all 
these benefits aright, and better in time to come than ye 

* He acknowledged afterwards that he did understood that Morton would be raised to 

know of the murder; but excused himself for that dignity. He was elected Regent on the 

concealing it. The Queen, he said, was the day of Knox's death. Bannatyne, 411, 412, 

doer, and as for the King, he was " sic a bairne, 427. The author of the Historie of King James 

that thair was nothing tauid him bat he wald the Sext, says, that the Regent died October 

reveill it to hir." Bannatyne, 494, 497. 1 3, and adds, " efter him dyed Johne Knox, in 

f The Regent Mar died on the 29th Octo- that same moneth," p. 197. But he has mis- 

ber preceding. The nobility were at this taken the time, 
time met to chouse his successor, and it was 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



305 



have done in times bypast ; first to God's glory, to the 
furtherance of the evangel, the maintainance of the Church 
of God, and his ministry ; next for the weal of the King, 
and his realm, and true subjects. If so ye shall do, God 
shall bless you and honour you ; but if ye do it not, God 
shall spoil you of these benefits, and your end shall be igno- 
miny and shame."* 

On Thursday the 20th, Lord Lindsay, the Bishop of 
Caithness, and several gentlemen visited him. He exhorted 
them to continue in the truth which they had heard, for 
there was no other word of salvation, and besought them 
to have nothing to do with those in the castle. The Earl 
of Glencairn (who had often visited him) came in, with 
Lord Ruthven. The latter, who called only once, said 
" If there be any thing, Sir, that I am able to do for you, 
I pray you charge me." His relpy was, " I care not for 
all the pleasure and friendship of the world." 

A religious lady of his acquaintance desired him to praise 
God for what good he had done, and was beginning to speak 
in his commeudation, when he interrupted her. " Tongue, 
tongue, lady, flesh of itself is over proud, and needs no 
means to esteem itself." He put her in mind of what had 
been said to her along ago, " Lady, lady, the black one 
has never trampit on your fute," and exhorted her to lay 
aside pride, and be clothed with humility. He then pro- 
tested as to himself, as he had often done before, that he 
relied wholly on the free mercy of God, manifested to man- 
kind through his dear Son Jesus Christ, whom alone he 
embraced for wisdom, and righteousness, and sanetification, 
and redemption. The rest of the company having taken 
their leave of him, he Said to the laird of Braid, Every 
one bids me good night, but when will yon do it ? I have 
been greatly indebted unto you, for which I shall never be 
able to recompense you ; but I commit you to one that is 
able to do it, to the eternal God." 

Upon Friday the 21st, he desired Richard Bannatyne 
to order his coffin to be made. During that day, he was 

* Morton gave this account of his confer- admonition true, he replied, " I have fancHt 
ence -with the Reformer, to the ministers indeid." Morton's Confession, apud Baana- 
who attended him, before his execution. Be- tyne, 60S, 509. 
in£ asked by them if he had not found Knox » 

X 



306 



LIFE OF JOHN KXOX. 



much engaged in meditation and prayer. These words 
were often in his mouth ; " Come, Lord Jesus. Sweet 
Jesus, into thy hands I commend my spirit. Be merciful, 
Lord, to thy Church which thou hast redeemed. Give 
peace to this afflicted commonwealth. Raise up faithful 
pastors who will take the charge of thy Church. Grant 
us, Lord, the perfect hatred of sin, both by the evidences 
of thy wrath and mercy." In the midst of his meditations, 
he would often address those who stood by, in such sen- 
tences as these : iS O serve the Lord in fear, and death shall 
not be terrible to you. Nay, blessed shall death be to those 
who have felt the power of the death of the only begotten 
Son of God." 

On Sabbath 23d, (which was the first day of the national 
Fast,) during the afternoon-sermon, he, after lying a con- 
siderable time quiet, suddenly exclaimed, " If any be pre- 
sent, let them come and see the work of God." Richard 
Bannatyne thinking that his death was at hand, sent to the 
church for Johnston of Elphinston. When they came to 
his bed-side, he burst out in these rapturous expressions : 
" I have been these two last nights in meditation on the 
troubled state of the Church of God, the spouse of Jesus 
Christ, despised of the world, but precious in the sight of 
God. I have called to God for her, and have committed 
her to her head, Jesus Christ. I have fought against spi- 
ritual wickedness in heavenly things, and have prevailed. 
I have been in heaven, and have possession. I have tasted 
of the heavenly joys, where presently I am." He then 
repeated the Lord's prayer and creed, interjecting some 
aspiration at the end of every petition, and article. 

After sermon many came in to visit him. Perceiving 
that he breathed with great difficulty, some of them asked 
if he felt much pain. He answered that he was willing to 
lie there for years, if God so pleased, and if he continued 
to shine upon his soul, through Jesus Christ. When they 
thought him asleep, he was employed in meditation, and 
at intervals exhorted and prayed. 66 Live in Christ. Live 
in Christ, and then flesh need not fear death. Lord, grant 
true pastors to thy Church, that purity of doctrine may be 
retained. Restore peace again to this Commonwealth, 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



307 



with godly riders and magistrates. Once, Lord, make an 
end of my trouble." Stretching his hands toward heaven, 
he said, " Lord, I commend my spirit, soul, and body, and 
all, into thy hands. Thou knowest, Lord, my troubles : 
I do not murmur against thee." His pious ejaculations 
were so numerous, that those who waited on him could re- 
collect only a part of them : for seldom was he silent, when 
they were not employed in reading or in prayer. — During 
the course of that night his trouble greatly increased. 

Monday, the 24th of November, was the last clay that 
he spent on earth. That morning he woidd not be per- 
suaded to lie in bed, but, though unable to stand alone, 
rose between nine and ten o'clock, and put on his stock- 
ing's and doublet. Being conducted to a chair, he sat about 
half an hour, and then went to bed again. In the progress 
of the day, it appeared evident that his end drew near. 
Besides his wife and Richard Bannatyne, Campbell of Kin- 
yeancleugh. Johnston of Elphingston, and Dr. Preston, 
three of his most intimate acquaintances, waited by his bed- 
side. Mr. Campbell asked him if he had any pain. u It 
is no painful pain, but such a pain as shall, I trust, put end 
to the battle. I must leave the care of my wife and chil- 
dren to you/' continued he, " to whom you must be a hus- 
band in my room." About three o'clock in the afternoon 
one of his eyes failed, and his speech was considerably 
affected. He desired his wife to read the 15th chapter of 
1st Corinthians. "Is not that a comfortable chapter?" 
said he, when it was finished. fit what sweet and salu- 
tary consolation me Lord hath afforded me from that chap- 
ter!" A little after, he said, <£ Now, for the last time, I 
imend my soul, spirit, and body, (touching three of his 
lingers,) into thy hand, O Lord.'" About five o'clock he 
said to his wife, Go, read where I cast my first anchor ;" 
upon which she read the 17th chapter of John'- gospel, and 
afterwards a part of Calvin's sermons on the Ephesians. 

After this he appeared to fall into a slumber, during 
which he uttered heavr moans. The attendants looked 
every moment for his dissolution. At length he awaked 
as if from sleep, and being asked the cause of his sighing 



308 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



so deeply, replied, " I have formerly, during my frail life,, 
sustained many contests, and many assaults of Satan ; but 
at present that roaring lion hath assailed me most furiously, 
and put forth all his strength to devour, and make an end 
of me at once. Often before has he placed my sins before 
my eyes, often tempted me to despair, often endeavoured 
to ensnare me by the allurements of the world ; but with 
these weapons, broken by the sword of the Spirit, the Word 
of God, he could not prevail. Now he has attacked me in 
another way ; the cunning serpent has laboured to persuade 
me that I have merited heaven and eternal blessedness, by 
the faithful discharge of my ministry. Bat blessed be God 
who has enabled me to beat down and quench this fiery 
dart, by suggesting to me such passages of Scripture as 
these, What hast thou that thou hast not received? By the 
grace of God I am what I am : Not I, but the grace of 
God in me. Being thus vanquished, he left me. Where 
fore I give thanks to my God through Jesus Christ, who 
was pleased to give me the victory ; and I am persuaded 
that the tempter shall not again attack me, but within a 
short time, I shall, without any great bodily pain, or an- 
guish of mind, exchange this mortal and miserable life for 
a blessed immortality through Jesus Christ." 

He then lay quiet for some hours, except that now and 
then he desired them to wet his mouth with a little weak 
ale. At ten o'clock they read the evening-prayer, which 
they had delayed beyond their usual hour, from an appre- 
hension that he was asleep. After they were concluded, Dr. 
Preston asked him, if he had heard the prayers. " Would 
to God," said he, " that you and all men had heard them 
as I have heard them : I praise God for that heavenly 
sound." The doctor rose up, and Mr. Campbell sat down 
before the bed. About eleven o'clock, he gave a deep 
sigh, and said, Now it is come. Richard Bannatyne im- 
mediately drew near, and desired him to think upon those 
comfortable promises of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which he 
had so often declared to others ; and perceiving that he 
was speechless, requested him to give them a sign that ha 
heard them, and died in peace. Upon this he lifted up 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



309 



one of his hands,* and sighing twice, expired without a 
struggle. 

He died in the sixty-seventh year of his age, not so 
much oppressed with years, as worn out and exhausted by 
his extraordinary labours of body and anxieties of mind. 
Few men ever were exposed to more dangers, or under- 
went such hardships. From the time that he embraced the 
Reformed religion, till he breathed his last, seldom did he 
enjoy a respite from these ; and he emerged from one scene 
of difficulties, only to be involved in another, and a more 
distressing one. Obliged to flee from St. Andrews to 
escape the fury of Cardinal Beaton, he found a retreat in 
East Lothian, from which he was hunted by Archbishop 
Hamilton. He lived for several years as an outlaw, in 
daily apprehension of falling a prey to those who eagerly 
sought his life. The few months during which he enjoyed 
protection in the castle of St. Andrew's, were succeeded by 
a long and rigorous captivity. After enjoying some re- 
pose in England, he was again driven into banishment, 
and for five years wandered as an exile on the Continent., 
When he returned to his native country, it was to engage 
in a struggle of the most perilous and arduous kind. After 
the Reformation was established, and he was settled in the 
capital, he was involved in a continual contest with the 
Court. When he had retired from warfare, and thought 
only of ending his days in peace, he was again called into 
the field ; and although scarcely able to walk, was obliged 
to remove from his flock, and to avoid the hatred of his 
enemies, by submitting to a new banishment. Often had 
his life been threatened ; a price was publicly set upon his 
head; and persons were not wanting who were disposed 
to attempt his destruction. No wonder that he was weary 
of the world, and anxious to depart. With great propriety 
might it be said, at his decease, that " he rested from his 
labours" 

On Wednesday the 26th of November, he was interred 

* Bannarrne (p. 4'27) says " he lifted up his duobusque emissis suspiriis, e mortale corpore 

head;" but I have followed the account of migravit, citra ullum aut pedum, aut aliarum 

Smeton, (p. 125), -which seems more natural : partium corporis motum, ut potius dormire 

" Manum itaque, quasi novas vires jamjam quam occidisse videretur." 
n: oritur us concipiens, coelum versus eriget, 



310 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



in the churchyard of St. Giles.* His funeral was attended 
by the newly-elected Regent, Morton, the nobility who 
were in the city, and a great concourse of people. When 
his body was laid in the grave, the Regent pronounced his 
eulogium, in the well-known words, " There lies He, who 
never feared the face of man" 

The character of this extraordinary man has been drawn 
with very opposite colours, by different writers, and at dif- 
ferent times. The changes which have taken place in the 
public opinion about him, with the causes which have pro- 
duced them, form a subject not uncurious, nor unworthy of 
attention. 

The interest excited by the ecclesiastical and political 
revolutions of Scotland, in which he acted so conspicuous 
a part, caused his name to be known throughout Europe, 
more extensively than those of most of the Reformers. 
When we reflect that the Roman Catholics looked upon 
him as the principal instrument of the overthrow of their 
religious establishment in this country, we are prepared to 
expect that the writers of that persuasion would represent 
his character in an unfavourable light ; and that, in addi- 
tion to the common charges of heresy, and apostacy, they 
would describe him as a man of a restless, turbulent spirit, 
and of rebellious principles. We will not even be greatly 
surprised though we find them charging him with whore- 
dom, because, being a priest, he entered into wedlock, once 
and a second time ; or imputing his change of religion to 
a desire of throwing off the bonds by which the Popish 
clergy were so strictly tied to celibacy. But all this is no- 
thing to the portraits which they have drawn of him, in 
which he is unblushingly represented, to the violation of 
all credibility, as a man, or rather a monster, of the most 
profligate character, who gloried in depravity, avowedly 

* Cald. MS. ad ann. 1572. Bannatyne, and the greater part of the seats, was then an 

429. Spotswood, 267. The area of the Par- aisle ; and the church was considerably more 

liament Square was formerly the church-yard to the north of the building than at present 

of St. Giles. Some think that he was buried The small church fitted up for him a few 

in one of the aisles of his own church. The weeks before his death, is called by Bannatyne 

place where the Reformer preached is that the Tolbooth. Whether it was exactlv tliat 

which is now called The Old Church. It has, part of the building now called the Tolbooth 

however, undergone a great change since his Church, I do not know See Note C Period 

time. The place now occupied by the pulpit, Eighth. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



311 



indulged in the most vicious practices, and to crown the 
description, upon whom Providence fixed an evident mark 
of reprobation at his death, which was accompanied with 
circumstances that excited the utmost horror in the be- 
holders.* This might astonish us, did we not know, from 
undoubted documents, that there was a number of writers, 
at that time, who, by inventing or retailing such malignant 
calumnies, attempted to blast the fairest and most unble- 
mished characters among those who appeared in opposition 
to the Church of Rome ; and that, ridiculous and exaggerat- 
ed as the accusations were, they were greedily swallowed 
by the slaves of prejudice and credulity. The memory of 
none was loaded with a greater share of this obloquy than 
our Reformer's. But these accounts have long ago lost 
every degree of credit ; and they now remain only as a 
proof of the spirit of lies, or of strong delusion, by which 
these writers were actuated, and of the deep and deadly 
hatred which was conceived against the accused, on ac- 
count of his strenuous and successful efforts to overthrow 
the fabric of Papal superstition and despotism, 

Knox was known and esteemed by the principal persons 
among the Reformed in France, Switzerland, and Ger- 
many. We have had occasion repeatedly to mention his 
friendship with the Reformer of Geneva. Beza, the suc- 
cessor of Calvin, was personally acquainted with him ; in 
the correspondence which was kept up between them by 
letters, he expressed the warmest regard, and highest 
esteem for him ; and he afterwards raised an affectionate 
tribute to his memory, in his " Images of Illustrious Men" 
This was done, at a subsequent period, by the German 
biographer, Melchior Adam, the Dutch Verheiden, and the 
French La Roque. The late historian of the literature of 
Geneva,f (whose religious sentiments are very different 
from those of his countrymen in the days of Calvin,) al- 
though he is displeased with the philippics which Knox 
sometimes pronounced from the pulpit, says, that he " im- 
mortalized himself by his courage against Popery, and his 
firmness against the tyranny of Mary," and that though a 



* See Note D — Period Eighth. f Mons. Senebier, Hist. Lit. de Geneve, 1. 377. 



312 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



violent, he was always an open and honourable enemy to 
the Catholics. 

The affectionate veneration in which his memory was 
held in Scotland after his death, evinces that the influence 
which he possessed among his countrymen during his life, 
was not constrained, but founded on the opinion which 
they entertained of his virtues and talents. Bannatyne has 
drawn his character in the most glowing colours ; and al- 
though allowances must be made for the enthusiasm with 
which a favourite servant wrote of a beloved and revered 
master, yet as he lived long in his family, and was himself 
a man of respectablity and learning, his testimony is by no 
means to be disregarded. In a speech which he delivered 
in the General Assembly, 10th March, 1571, Bannatyne 
says : — i( It has plesit God to mak me a servant to that 
man Jhone Knox, whom I serve, as God beiris me witnes, 
not so mekle in respect of my woridlie commoditie, as for 
that integrity and vprightness which I have ever knowin, 
and presentlie vnderstandis to be in him, especiallie in the 
faythfull administratione of his office, in teaching of the 
word of God ; and gif I vnderstude, or knew that he ware 
a fals teacher, a seducer, a rasere of schisme, or ane that 
makis divisione in the kirk of God, as he is reported to be 
by the former accusationes, I wald not serve him for all 
the substance in Edinburgh."* The same person in his 
Journal, after giving an account of Knox's death, adds : — 
" In this manner," says he, " departed this man of God ; 
the light of Scotland, the comfort of the Church within 
the same, the mirror of godliness, and pattern and exam- 
ple to all true ministers, in purity of life, soundness in doc- 
trine, and boldness in reproving of wickedness ; one that 
cared not the favour of men, how great soever they were. 
What dexterity in teaching, boldness in reproving, and 
hatred of wickedness was in him, my ignorant dulness is not 
able to declare, which if I should preisf to set out, it were as 

* Journal, p. 104, 105. The reader -will ecclesiastical papers, and the compiling of 

observe, that the word servant, or servitor, the history of public proceedings was commit- 

in those days was used with greater latitude ted to our Reformer, from the time of his last 

than in our time, and in old writings often return to Scotland, he kept a person of this 

signifies the person whom we call by the more description in his family, and Bannatyne held 

honourable names of clerk, secretary, or man the situation, 
of business. As the drawing of the principal f i. e. labour. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



313 



one who would light a candle to let men see the sun ; see- 
ing all his virtues are better known, and notified* to the 
world a thousand fold than I am able to express." f 

Principal Smeton's character of him, while it is less lia- 
ble to the suspicion of partiality, is equally honourable and 
flattering. " I know not," says he, " if ever so much 
piety and genius were lodged in such a frail and weak 
body. Certain I am, that it will be difficult to find one in 
whom the gifts of the Holy Spirit shone so bright, to the 
comfort of the Church of Scotland. None spared himself 
less in enduring fatigues of body and mind : none was more 
intent on discharging the duties of the province assigned 
to him." And again, addressing his traducer, Hamilton, 
he says, " This illustrious, I say illustrious, servant of 
God, John Knox, I will clear from your feigned accusa- 
tions and slanders, rather by the testimony of a venerable 
assembly than by my own denial. This pious duty, this 
reward of a well-spent life, all of them most cheerfully dis- 
charge to their excellent instructor in Christ Jesus. This 
testimony of gratitude they all owe to him who, they know, 
ceased not to deserve well of all, till he ceased to breathe. 
Released from a body exhausted in Christian warfare, and 
translated to a blessed rest, where he has obtained the sweet 
reward of his labours, he now triumphs with Christ. But 
beware, sycophant, of insulting him when dead ; for he 
has left behind him as many defenders of his reputation 
2s there are persons who were drawn, by his faithful 
preaching, from the gulph of ignorance to the knowledge 
of the gospel.''^ 

The divines of the Church of England who were con- 
temporary with our Reformer, entertained a great respect 
for his character. I have already produced the mark of 
esteem which Bishop Bale conferred on him, as also the 
terms of approbation in which he was mentioned by the 
learned Dr. Fulke.§ Aylmer, in a work written to con- 
fute one of his opinions, bears a voluntary testimony to his 
learning and integrity. || Bishop Ridley, who stickled more 

* In the printed book it is " not hid." I § See above, p. 135, note \. 

suppose it should be " notified." || Harborowe for Faithful and Trewe Sub- 

+ Bannatyne, 427, 429. iects, B. B. 2. C. C. 2. Life of Aylmer, p. 

X Smetoni, Resp. ad. Hamilt. Dial. p. 95, 238. 
115. 



314 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



for the ceremonies of the Church than any of his brethren 
at that period, and was displeased with the opposition which 
Knox made to the introduction of the English liturgy at 
Frankfort, expressed his high opinion of him, as " a man 
of wit, much good learning, and earnest zeal.* Whatever 
dissatisfaction they felt at his pointed reprehensions of 
several parts of their ecclesiastical establishment, the Eng- 
lish dignitaries, under Elizabeth, rejoiced at the success of 
his exertions, and without scruple expressed their approba- 
tion of many of his measures which were afterwards severely 
censured by their successors.! I need scarcely add, that 
his memory was held in veneration by the English puritans. 
Some of the chief men among them were personally ac- 
quainted with him, during his residence in England, and on 
the Continent ; others corresponded with him by letters. 
They greatly esteemed his writings, eagerly sought for his 
manuscripts, and published several of them, with testimo- 
nies of their high commendation. J 

But towards the close of the sixteenth century, there 
arose another race of prelates, of very different principles 
from the English Reformers, who began to maintain the 
divine right of diocesan episcopacy, with the intrinsic ex- 
cellency of a ceremonious worship ; and to adopt a new 
language respecting other Reformed Churches. Dr. Ban- 
croft, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, was the first 
writer among them who spake disrespectfully of Knox,§ 
after whom it became a fashionable practice among the 
hierarchical party. This was resented by the ministers of 
Scotland, who warmly vindicated the character of their 



* Strype's Life of Grindall, p. 19, 20. 

+ Burnet, vol. ii. Appendix, part iii. B. vi. 
p. 351, 352. 

% In a dedication of Knox's Exposition of 
the Temptation of Christ, John Field, the 
publisher, says, " If ever God shall vouchsafe 
the Church so great a benelite ; when his in- 
finite letters, and sundry other treatises shall 
be gathered together, it shall appear what an 
excellent man he was, and what a wonderfull 
losse that Church of Scotland susteined when 
that worthie man was taken from them. If, 
by yourselfe or others, you can procure any 
other his writings or letters here at home, or 
abroad in Scotland, be a meane that we may 
receive them. It were great pittie that any 
the least of his writinges should be lost; for 



he evermore wrote both godly and diligently 
in questions of divinitie, and also of church 
policie ; and his letters being had together, 
would together set out an whole historie of 
the churches where he lived. 

§ In a sermon preached by him at Paul's 
Cross, before the Parliament of England, Feb. 
9, 1588, on 1 John iv. \. and afterwards pub- 
lished. He enlarged on the subject in two pos- 
terior treatises, the one entitled " Dangerous 
Positions; or Scottish Genevating, and Eng. 
lish Scottizing;" the other, " A survey of the 
Pretended Holy Discipline." Mr. John David- 
son, minister first at Liberton, afterwards at 
Prestonpans, answered Bancroft in a book en- 
titled, " Dr. Bancroft's Rashness in Rayling 
against the Kirk of Scotland." 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



315 



Reformer, at the price of incurring' the deep and lasting 
displeasure of their sovereign King James, who began to 
long for his accession to the throne of England, and was 
carrying on a private correspondence with Bancroft for 
introducing Episcopacy into Scotland. His Majesty took 
great offence at this, and said that Knox, Buchanan, and 
the Regent Murray, " could not be defended but by traitors 
and seditious theologues." Andrew Melville told him that 
they were the men who set the crown on his head, and 
deserved better than to be so traduced. James complained 
that Knox had spoken disrespectfully of his mother • to 
which Patrick Galloway, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, 
replied, " If a King or a Queen be a murderer, why should 
they not be called so ?" Walter Balcanquhal, another 
minister of the city, having, in a sermon preached October 
29, 1590, rebuked those who disparaged the Reformer, the 
King sent for him, and in a passion protested, that " either 
he should lose his crown, or Mr. Walter should recant his 
words." Balcanquhal "prayed God to preserve his crown, 
but said, that if he had his right wits, the King should 
have his head, before he recanted any thing he spake."* 
The antipathies of James and his son Charles L to the 
Presbyterian form of worship, are matters of history ; but 
all their efforts to establish prelacy and passive obedience 
were ineffectual. Long after the government of the Church 
of Scotland was conformed to the English model, the Scots 
prelates professed to look back to their national Reformer 
with gratitude and veneration ; and as late as 1639, Arch- 
bishop Spotswood described him as " a man endued with 
rare gifts, and a chief instrument that God used for the 
work of those times.f 

Our Reformer was never a favourite with the friends of 
absolute monarchy. The prejudices which they entertained 
against him, were taken up in all their force, subsequent to 
the Revolution of 1689, by the adherents of the Stuart 
family, whose religious notions, approximating very nearly 
to the Popish, joined with their slavish principle respecting 
non-resistance of kings, led them to disapprove of almost 
every measure adopted at the time of the Reformation, 

* Cald. MS add ann. 1590, quarto copy in f Spotswood, 261. 

Adv. Lib. vol. ii. p. 260, 261. 



Sl'J 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



and to condemn the whole as a combination of disorder, 
sedition, and rebellion against lawful authority. The spirit 
by which the Jacobite faction was actuated, did not become 
extinct with the family which was so long the object of 
their devotion ; and though they transferred their alle- 
giance to the House of Hanover, they did not renounce 
their political principles. The alarm produced by that 
revolution which of late has shaken the thrones of so 
many of the princes of Europe, has greatly increased this 
party ; and with the view of preserving the present consti- 
tution of Britain, principles have been widely disseminated, 
which, if they had been generally received in the sixteenth 
century, would have perpetuated the reign of Popery and 
arbitary power in Scotland. From persons of such prin- 
ciples, nothing favourable to our Reformer can be expect- 
ed. But the greatest torrent of abuse poured upon his 
character, has proceeded from those literary champions who 
have come forward to avenge the wrongs, and vindicate 
the innocence of the peerless, and immaculate Mary, Queen 
of Scots. Having conjured up in their imagination the 
image of an ideal goddess, they have sacrificed to the ob- 
ject of their adoration, all the characters which, in that age, 
were most estimable for learning, patriotism, integrity, 
and religion. As if the quarrel which they had espoused 
exempted them from the ordinary laws of controversial 
warfare, and conferred on them the absolute and indefeas- 
ible privilege of calumniating and defaming at pleasure, 
they have pronounced every person who spake, wrote, or 
acted against that Queen, to be a hypocrite or a villain. 
In the raving style of these writers, Knox was " a fanati- 
cal incendiary, a holy savage, the son of violence and bar- 
barism, the religious Sachem of religious Mohawks." * 

The increase of infidelity, and of indifference to religion 
in modern times, especially among the learned, has con- 
tributed, in no small degree, to swell the tide of prejudice 
against our Reformer. Whatever satisfaction such per- 
sons may express or feel at the reformation from Popery, 
as the means of emancipating the world from superstition 

* Whitaker's Vindication of Queen Mary, Robertson he calls " a disciple of the old 

passim. The same writer designs Buchanan school of slander — a liar — and one for whom 

M a serpent — daring calumniator — leviathan bedlam is no bedlam." See Note E. Period 

of slander — the second of all human forgers, Eighth, 
.nd the first of all human slanderers " Dr 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



317 



and priestcraft, they must necessarily despise or dislike 
men who were inspired with the love of religion, and in 
whose minds the acquisition of civil liberty, and the ad- 
vancement of literature, held a subordinate place to the 
propagation of the doctrines and institutions of Jesus Christ. 
Nor can it escape observation, that even among the friends 
of the Reformed doctrine, in the present day, prejudices 
against the characters and proceedings of our Reformers, 
are far more general than they were formerly among the 
adherents to the discipline and government of the Presby- 
terian Church. Impressed with the idea of the high illu- 
mination of the present age, and having formed a corres- 
pondingly low estimate of the attainments of those which 
preceded it ; imperfectly acquainted with the enormity and 
extent of the corrupt system of religion which existed in 
this country at the era of the Reformation ; inattentive to 
the spirit and principles of the adversaries with which our 
Reformers were obliged to contend, and to the dangers 
and difficulties with which they struggled, — they have too 
easily received the calumnies which have been circulated 
to their prejudice, and rashly condemned measures which 
may be found, upon examination, to have been necessary 
to secure and to transmit the invaluable blessings which 
they now enjoy. 

Having given this account of the opinions entertained 
respecting our Reformer, I shall endeavour to sketch, with 
as much truth as I can, the leading features of his cha- 
racter. 

That he possessed strong natural talents is unquestion- 
able. Inquisitive, ardent, acute ; vigorous and bold in his 
conceptions, he entered into all the subtleties of the scho- 
lastic science then in vogue ; yet, disgusted with its bar- 
ren results, he sought out a new course of study, which gra- 
dually led to a complete revolution in his sentiments. In 
his early years, he had not access to that finished education 
which many of his contemporaries obtained in foreign 
universities, and he was afterwards prevented, by his un- 
settled and active mode of life, from prosecuting his studies 
with leisure ; but his abilities and application enabled him 
in a great measure to surmount these disadvantages, and he 
remained a stranger to none of the branches of learning 



318 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



cultivated in that age by persons of his profession. He 
united the love of study with a disposition to active em- 
ployment, two qualities which are not always found in the 
same person. The truths which he discovered, he felt an 
irresistible impulse to impart unto others, for which he 
was qualified by a bold and fervid eloquence, singularly 
adapted to arrest the attention, and govern the minds of a 
fierce and unpolished people. 

From the time that he embraced the Reformed doctrines, 
the desire of propagating them, and of delivering his coun- 
trymen from the delusions and corruptions of Popery, be- 
came his ruling passion, to which he was always ready to 
sacrifice his ease, his interest, his reputation, and his life. 
An ardent attachment to civil liberty held the next place 
in his breast to love of the Reformed religion. That the 
zeal with which he laboured to advance these, was of the 
most disinterested kind, no candid person who has paid at- 
tention to his life can doubt for a moment, whatever opi- 
nion he may entertain of some of the means which he em- 
ployed for that purpose. " In fact, he thought only of 
advancing the glory of God, and promoting the welfare of 
his country."* Intrepidity, a mind elevated above sordid 
views, indefatigable activity, and constancy which no dis- 
appointments could shake, eminently qualified him for the 
hazardous and difficult post which he occupied. His in- 
tegrity was above the suspicion of corruption ; his firm- 
ness proof equally against the solicitations of friends, and 
the threats of enemies. Though his impetuosity and cou- 
rage led him frequently to expose himself to danger, we 
never find him neglecting to take prudent precautions for 
his safety. The opinion which his countrymen entertained 
of his sagacity as well as honesty, is evident from the confi- 
dence which they reposed in him. The measures taken for 
advancing the Reformation, were either prompted at his 
suggestion, or adopted by his advice ; and we must pro- 
nounce them to have been as wisely planned as they were 
boldly executed. 

His ministerial functions were discharged with the great- 
est assiduity, fidelity, and fervour. No avocation or infir- 



* Mons. Senebier. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



319 



mity prevented him from appearing in the pulpit. Preach- 
ing was an employment in which he delighted, and for 
which he was qualified, by an extensive acquaintance with 
the Scriptures, and the happy art of applying them, in the 
most striking manner, to the existing circumstances of the 
Church, and of his hearers. His powers of alarming the 
conscience, and arousing the passions, have been frequently 
mentioned ; but he excelled also in opening up the con- 
solations of the Gospel, and calming the breasts of those 
who were agitated with a sense of their sins. When he 
discoursed of the griefs and joys, the conflicts and triumphs 
of genuine Christians, he declared what he himself had 
known and felt. The letters which he wrote to his familiar 
acquaintances, breathe the most ardent piety. The reli- 
gious meditations in which he spent his last sickness, were 
not confined to that period of his life ; they had been his 
habitual employment from the time that he was brought 
to the knowledge of the truth, and his solace amidst all 
the hardships and perils through which he passed. 

With his brethren in the ministry he lived in the utmost 
cordiality. We never read of the slightest variance be- 
tween him and any of his colleagues. While he was 
dreaded and hated by the licentious and profane, whose 
vices he never spared, the religious and sober part of his 
congregation and countrymen felt a veneration for him, 
which was founded on his unblemished reputation, as well 
as his popular talents as a preacher. In private life, he 
was beloved and revered by his friends and domestics. He 
was subject to the occasional illapses of melancholy, and 
depression of spirits, arising partly from natural constitu- 
tion, and partly from the maladies which had long preyed 
upon his health ; which made him (to use his own expres- 
sion) churlish, and less capable of pleasing and gratifying 
his friends than he was otherwise disposed to be. This he 
confessed, and requested them to excuse ;* but his friend- 
ship was sincere, affectionate, and steady. When free 
from this morose affection, he relished the pleasures of so- 
ciety, and, among his acquaintances, was accustomed to 



*See Extracts from his Letter to "Mrs. in England, 19th August, 1569 ;" in the Ap- 
Locke, 6th April, 1559 and to " A Friend pendix. 



320 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



unbend his mind from severer cares, by indulging in inno- 
cent recreation, and the sallies of wit and humour, to 
which he had a strong propensity, notwithstanding the 
grave tone of his general deportment. 

Most of his faults may be traced to his natural tempera- 
ment, and the character of the age and country in which 
he lived. His passions were strong ; he felt with the ut- 
most keenness on every subject which interested him : and 
as he felt he expressed himself, without disguise or affecta- 
tion. The warmth of his zeal was apt to betray him into 
intemperate language ; his inflexible adherence to his opi- 
nions inclined to obstinacy ; and his independence of mind 
occasionally assumed the appearance of haughtiness and 
disdain. A stranger to complimentary or smooth language, 
little concerned about the manner in which his reproofs 
were received, provided they were merited, too much im- 
pressed with the evil of the offence, to think of the rank or 
character of the offender, he often " uttered his admoni- 
tions with an acrimony and vehemence more apt to irritate 
than to reclaim." But he protested, at a time when per- 
sons are least in danger of deception, and in a manner 
which should banish suspicions of the purity of his mo- 
tives, that in his sharpest rebukes he was influenced by 
hatred of the vices, not the persons of the vicious, and that 
his aim was always to discharge his own duty, and if pos- 
sible to reclaim the guilty. 

Those who have charged him with insensibility and in- 
humanity, have fallen into a mistake very common with 
superficial thinkers, who, in judging of the characters of 
persons living in a state of society very different from their 
own, have pronounced upon their moral qualities from the 
mere aspect of their exterior manners. He was stem, not 
savage ; austere, not unfeeling ; vehement, not vindictive. 
There is not an instance of his employing his influence to 
revenge any personal injury which he had received. Rigid 
as his maxims as to the execution of justice were, there are 
more instances on record of his interceding for the pardon 
of criminals, than perhaps of any man of his time ; and un- 
less when crimes were atrocious, or the safety of the State 
was at stake, he never exhorted the executive authority to 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



321 



the exercise of severity. The boldness and ardour of his 
mind, called forth by the peculiar circumstances of the 
time, led him to push his sentiments on some subjects to 
an extreme, and no consideration could induce him to re- 
tract an opinion of which he continued to be persuaded ; 
but his behaviour after his publication against female go- 
vernment, proves that he was not disposed to hazard the 
disturbance of the public peace by urging their adoption. 
His conduct at Frankfort evinced his moderation in reli- 
gious differences among brethren of the same faith, and that 
he was disposed to make all reasonable allowances for those 
who could not go the same length with him in Reforma- 
tion, provided they abstained from imposing upon the con- 
sciences of others. The liberties which he took in census 
ing from the pulpit the actions of individuals of the highest 
rank and station, appear the more strange and intolerable 
to us, when contrasted with the silence and timidity of mo- 
dern times ; but we should recollect that they were then 
common, and that they were not without their utility, in 
an age when the licentiousness and oppression of the great 
and powerful often set at defiance the ordinary restraints 
of law. 

In contemplating such a character as that of Knox, it is 
not the man, so much as the Reformer, that ought to en- 
gage our attention. The admirable wisdom of Providence 
in raising up persons endued with qualities suited to the 
work allotted them to perform for the benefit of mankind, 
demands our particular consideration. The austere and 
rough Reformer, whose voice once cried in the wilderness 
of Judea, who was " clothed with camel's hair, and girt 
about the loins with a leathern girdle," who came neither 
eating nor drinking, who, laying the axe to the root of every 
tree, warned a generation of vipers to flee from the wrath 
to come, saying even to the tyrant upon the throne, " It is 
not lawful for thee ;" he, I say, was fitted for serving 
the will of God in his generation ;" and " wisdom was 
justified"* in him, according to his rank and place, as well 
as in his Divine Master whose advent he announced, 



* Luke vii. 35. 



322 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



who M did not strive, nor cry, nor cause his voice to be 
heard in the streets ; nor break the bruised reed, nor 
quench the smoking flax." To those who complain, that 
they are disappointed at not finding', in our national Re- 
former, a mild demeanour, courteous maimers, and a win- 
ning address, we may say, in the language of our Lord to 
the Jews concerning the Baptist, — " What went ye out into 
the wilderness for to see ? A reed shaken with the wind ? 
What went ye out for to see ? A man clothed in soft rai- 
ment ? Behold, they which are gorgeously apparelled, and 
live delicately, are in kings' courts. But what went ye 
out for to see ? A prophet ? Yea, I say unto you, and more 
than a prophet." Those talents which fit a person for act- 
ing with propriety and usefulness in one age and situation, 
would altogether unfit him for another. Before the Refor- 
mation, superstition, shielded by ignorance and armed with 
power, governed with gigantic sway. Men of mild spirits, 
and gentle manners, would have been as unfit for taking 
the field against this enemy, as a dwarf or a child for en- 
countering a giant. Ci What did Erasmus in the days of 
Luther? What would Lowth have done in the days of 
Wickliffe, or Blair in those of Knox ?" It has been justly 
observed concerning our Reformer, that " those very qua- 
lities which now render his character less amiable, fitted 
him to be the instrument of Providence for advancing the 
Reformation among a fierce people, and enabled him to 
face danger, and surmount opposition, from which a per- 
son of a more gentle spirit would have been apt to shrink 
back."* Viewing his character in this light, if we cannot 
regard him as an amiable man, we may, without hesitation, 
pronounce him a Great Reformer. 

There are perhaps few who have attended to the active 
and laborious exertions of Knox, who have not been led 
insensibly to form the opinion that he was of a robust con- 
stitution. This is however a mistake. He was of small 
stature, and of a weakly habit of body ;f a circumstance 
which serves to give a higher idea of the vigour of his 
mind. His portrait seems to have been taken more than 



* Dr, Robertson. in fragili et imbecillo corpusculocollocarit.** 

« w»ud scioan unquam — magis ingenium bmetoni Kespons. ad Dialog. Hamilt. p. 115 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



323 



once during his life, and has been frequently engraved. 
It continues still to frown in the chamber of Queen Mary, 
to whom he was often an ungracious visitor. We discern 
in it the traits of his characteristic intrepidity, austerity, 
and keen penetration. Nor can we overlook his beard, 
which, according to the custom of the times, he wore long, 
and reaching to his middle ; a circumstance which I men- 
tion the rather, because some writers have assured us, that 
it was the chief thing which procured him reverence among 
his countrymen. f A Popish author has informed us, that 
he was gratified with having his picture drawn, and ex- 
presses much horror at this, after he had caused all the 
images of the saints to be broken.^ 

There is one charge against him which I have not yet 
noticed. He has been accused of setting up for a prophet, 
of presuming to intrude into the secret counsel of God, and 
of enthusiastically confounding the suggestions of his own 
imagination, and the effusions of his own spirit, with the 
dictates of inspiration, and immediate communications from 
heaven. Let us examine the grounds of this accusation a 
little. It is proper to hear his own statement of the grounds 
upon which he proceeded, in many of those warnings which 
have been denominated predictions. Having, in one of his 
treatises, denounced the judgments to which the inhabi- 
tants of England exposed themselves, by renouncing the 
Gospel, and returning to idolatry, he gives the following 
explication of the warrant which he had for his threaten- 
ings. " Ye wald knaw the groundis of my certitude. God 
grant that, hering thame, ye may understand, and sted- 
fastlie believe the same. My assurances ar not the mar- 
valles of Merlin, nor yit the dark sentences of prophane 
prophesies ; but the plane treuth of Godis word, the invin- 
cibill justice of the everlasting God, and the ordinarie cours 
of his punismentis andplagis frome the beginning, ar my as- 

* A print of him, cut in wood, was inserted, ± Laingaeusde Vita et Moribus Haeretic, p 

by Beza, in his Iconea. There is another in 6b, 66. The same writertells us, as a proof of 

Verheideni Imagines. See also Grainger's Calvin's vain-glory, that be allowedhis picture 

Eiogr. History of England, i. 164. to be carried about on the necks of men and 

T Henry Fowlis, apud Mackenzie's Lives of women, like that of a god ; and that when re- 
Scottish Writers, iii. 131, 1 33. The learned minded that the picture of Christ was as pre- 
Fellow of Lincoln College had perhaps disco- cious as his, he returned a profane answer, 
vered that the magical virtue, ascribed to *' fertur eum hoctantum respondlsse, Qui huic 
Knox by Popish writers, resided in his beard. rei invidet crepet medius." Ibid 



324 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



surance and groundis. Godis word threatneth destruction!! 
to all inobedient ; his immutabill justice must requyre the 
same ; the ordinar punishments and plaguis schawis ex- 
empillis. What man then can ceis to prophesie ?"* We 
find him expressing himself in a similar way, in his defences 
of the threatenings which he uttered against those who 
i&ad been guilty of the murder of King Henry, and the 
Regent Murray. He denies that he had spoken " as one 
that entered into the secret counsel of God," and insisted 
that he had merely declared the judgment which was pro- 
nounced in the divine law against murder, and which had 
often been exemplified in the vengeance that overtook them 
even in this life.f In so far then his threatenings, or pre- 
dictions (for so he repeatedly calls them) do not stand in 
need of an apology. 

There are, however, several of his sayings which can- 
not be vindicated upon these principles, and which he him- 
self rested upon different grounds. { Of this kind were, the 
assurance which he expressed, from the beginning of the 
Scottish troubles, that the cause of the Congregation would 
ultimately prevail ; his confident hope of again preaching 
in his native country and at St. Andrew's, avowed by him 
during his imprisonment on board the French galleys, and 
frequently repeated during his exile ; with the intimations 
which he gave respecting the death of Thomas Maitland, 
and Kircaldy of Grange. It cannot be denied that his 
contemporaries considered these as proceeding from a pro- 
phetic spirit, and have attested that they received an exact 
accomplishment. 

The most easy way of getting rid of this delicate ques- 
tion is, by dismissing it at once, and summarily pronounc- 
ing that all pretensions to extraordinary premonitions, since 
the completing of the canon of inspiration, are unwarrant- 
ed : that they ought, without examination, to be discarded 
and treated as fanciful and visionary. Nor would this fix 
any peculiar imputation on the character or talents of our 
Reformer, when it is considered that the most learned per- 

* Letter to the Faithfull in Londoun, New- J See the Epistle to the Reader, prefixed to 
castell, and Earwick, apud MS. Letters, p. his Sermon, apud History, p, 113. Edin. 1644, 
113. 4 to. 

* Bannatyne, 111, 112, 420, 421. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



325 



sons of that age were under the influence of a still greater 
weakness, and strongly addicted to the belief of judicial 
astrology. But I doubt much if this method of determin- 
ing the question would be consistent with doing justice to 
the subject. I cannot propose to enter into it in this place, 
and must confine myself to a few general observations. 
Est periculum, ne, autneglectis his, impiafraude, autsuscep- 
tis, anili super stitione, obligemur* On the one hand, the dis- 
position which mankind discover to pry into the secrets of 
futurity, has been always accompanied with much credu- 
lity, and superstition ; and it cannot be denied, that the age 
in which our Reformer lived was prone to credit the mar- 
vellous, especially as to the infliction of divine judgments 
upon individuals. On the other hand, there is great dan- 
ger of running into scepticism, and of laying down general 
principles which may lead us obstinately to contest the 
truth of the best authenticated facts, and even to limit the 
Spirit of God, and the operation of Providence. This is 
an extreme to which the present age inclines. That there 
are instances of persons having presentiments and premo- 
nitions as to events that happened to themselves and others, 
there is, I think, the best reasoa to believe. The esprits 
forts who laugh at vulgar credulity, and exert their inge- 
nuity in accountiug for such phenomena upon ordinary 
principles, have been exceedingly puzzled with these, a 
great deal more puzzled than they have confessed ; and 
the solutions which they have given are, in some instances, 
as mysterious as any thing included in the intervention of 
superior spirits, or divine intimations, f The canon of our 
faith is contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New 
Testament ; we must not look to impressions, or new reve- 
lations, as the rule of our duty ; but that God may, on par- 
ticular occasions, forewarn persons of some things which 
shall happen, to testify his approbation of them, to encou- 

* Cicero de Dir. lib. i. infinitely less mystery than the multitude be- 

+ This is acknowledged by one who labour- lieve, and a little more than sceptics believe ;" 

ed more in this employment than any of them, and that those who reject them wholly, give 

and with more acuteness. " De tels faits, reason either to suspect their sincerity, or to 

dont l'univers est tout plein, embarrassent charge them with prejudice, and incapacity 

plus les esprits forts qu'ils ne le temoignent." to discern the force of evidence. Ibid. Art. 

Bayle, Dictionnaire, Art. Maldonat. NoteG. Majus. Note D 
He elsewhere says, that dreams " contain 



326 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



rage them to confide in him in peculiar circumstances, or for 
other useful purposes, is not, I think, inconsistent with the 
principles of either natural or revealed religion. If this is 
enthusiasm, it is an enthusiasm into which some of the 
most enlightened and sober men, in modern as well as an- 
cient times, have fallen.* Some of the Reformers were 
men of singular piety ; they " walked with God ;" they 
(< were instant in prayer ;" they were exposed to uncommon 
opposition, and had uncommon services to perform ; they 
were endued with extraordinary gifts, and, I am inclined 
to believe, were occasionally favoured with extraordinary 
premonitions, with respect to certain events which con- 
cerned themselves, other individuals, or the Church in ge- 
neral. But whatever intimations of this kind they enjoyed, 
they did not rest the authority of their mission upon them, 
nor appeal to them as constituting any part of the evidence 
of those doctrines which thev Breached to the world. 

Our Reformer left behind mm a widow, and five chil- 
dren. His two sons, Nathanael and Eleazar, were born 
to him by his first wife, Mrs. Marjory Bowes. We have 
already seen that, about the year 1566, they went to Eng- 
land, where their mother's relations resided. They re- 
ceived their educatu>« a* St. John'* College, in the Uni- 
versity of Cambridge, ana after finishing it, died in the 
prime of life.f It appears that they died without issue, 
and the family of the Reformer became extinct in the male 
line. His other three children were daughters of his second 
wife.J Dame Margaret Stewart, his widow, afterwards 
married Sir Andrew Ker of Fadounside, a strenuous sup- 
porter of the Reformation^ The names of his daughters 

* " Setting aside these sorts of divination + See Note F. Period Eighth, 
as extremely suspicious," says a modern au- $ In the Recordsof the General Assembly, 
thor, who was not addicted to enthusiastic March 1573, is the following act : " The As- 
notions, " there remain predictions by dreams, semblie, considering that the travells of umqll 
and by sudden impulses, upon persons who Johne Knox merits favourablie to be remem- 
were not of the fraternity of impostors; these brit in hte posteritie, gives to Margaret Stew- 
were allowed to be sometimes preternatural, art, his relict, and hir thrie daughters, of the 
by many of the learned Pagans, and cannot, I said umqll Johne, the pensione qlk he him- 
think, be disproved, and should not be totally selfe had, in his tyme, of the kirk, and that for 
rejected." Dr. Jortin's Remarks on Ecclesias- the year next approachand, and following his 
tical History, vol. i. p. 93. See also p. 45, 77. deceis, of the year of God, 1573, to their edu- 
Lond. 1805. The learned reader may also cation and support, extending to five hun- 
consult the Epicrisis of Witsius upon this dreth merks money, twa ch. quhait, sax ch. 
question : the whole dissertation, in which he beir, four ch. aittes." Buik of the Universall 
exposes the opposite extreme, is well entitled Kirk, p. 56. 

to a perusal. Miscellanea Sacra- torn. i. p. § Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, p. 522. 
391. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



327 



were Martha, Margaret, and Elizabeth. The first was 
married to Mr. James Fleming, a minister of the Church 
of Scotland ;* the second to Zachary Pont, son of Mr. 
Robert Pont, minister of St. Cuthbert's,f near Edinburgh ; 
and the third to Mr. John Welch, minister of Ayr. J 

Mrs. Welch seems to have inherited a considerable por- 
tion of her father's spirit, and she had her share of hard- 
ships similar to his. Her husband was one of those who 
resisted the arbitrary measures pursued by James VI. for 
overturning the government and liberties of the Presbyte^ 
rian Church of Scotland. As a prelude to this, the King 
had determined to abolish the General Assembly, the stated 
meetings of which he had for a considerable time prevented 
by successive prorogations. The ministers, however, un- 
awed by the despotism of the Court, resolved to keep the 
diet which had been appointed to be held at Aberdeen, in 
July, 1605. On the day of meeting, the King's Commis- 
sioner charged them to dissolve, which was immediately 
obeyed ; nevertheless, several of the leading members, in- 
cluding Welch and five of his brethren, were thrown into 
prison. When called before the Privy Council, they de- 
clined the jurisdiction of that Court, as not the proper 
judges of their cause, whereupon they were arraigned, and 
by a packed and corrupted jury, found guilty, and con- 
demned to the death of traitors. § Leaving her children at 
Ayr, Mrs. W elch attended her husband in prison, and was 
present at Linlithgow, with the wives of the other pannels, 
on the day of trial. When informed of the sentence, these 

* He was the grandfather of Mr. Robert cellor went eat and consulted with the other 

Bleating, minister in London, and author of lerds, who dealt with the rehictant jurymen to 

the well-known book, The fulfilling of the condemn the pannels, in order to please his 

Scriptures. B«t Mr. Robert's father was of Majesty, promising that no punishment should 

a different marriage. Fleming's Practical Dis- be inflicted. By such disgraceful and illegal 

course on the Death of King William, preface, means, they at last obtained a majority of 

p. 14. Lond. 170?. three. The Reformation of Religion in Scot- 

+ See Note G. Period Eighth. land, written be Mr. John Forbes. MS. p. 

£ Life of Mr. John Welch, 11, prefixed to 131-151. The copy of this History, which is 

his sermons, Gias. 177 1. He was the fatcer of now before me, was transcribed " ex Authoris 

Mr. Josias Welch, minister of Templepatrick authographo, ' in the year 17"26. The author 

ie Iceiand, and grandfather of Mr. John was one of the condemned ministers. The 

Welch, minister of Irongray, in Galloway, who History begins at the year 15S0 ; but is chiefly 

h>ed during the Scots Episcopal Persecution, occupied in detailing the transactions which 

§ The most of the jury were not present preceded and followed the Assembly at Aber- 

during the reasoning on the libeL When the deen. It contains a number of (>articulars 

jury were enclosed, the Justice-Clerk went in respecting these, not to be found in other his- 

and sat among them. The greater part de- tories, and an account of a plot formed for 

mumng to find the pannels guilty, the Chan- displacing the Lord Chancellor and President. 



323 



.LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



heroines, instead of lamenting their fate, praised God who 
had given their husbands courage to stand to the cause of 
their Master ; adding that, like Him, they had been judged 
and condemned under the covert of night.* 

The sentence having been commuted into banishment, 
she accompanied her husband to France, where they re- 
mained for sixteen years.f Mr. Welch having lost his 
health, and the physicians informing him that the only 
prospect which he had of recovering it, was by returning 
to his native country, ventured, about the year 1622, to 
come to London. His wife, by means of some of her mo- 
ther's relations at Court, obtained access to the king, to 
petition for liberty to him to go to Scotland for the sake 
of his health. The following conversation is said to have 
taken place on that occasion. His Majesty asked her, who 
was her father. She replied, Mr. Knox. " Knox and 
Welch V* exclaimed he, " the Devil never made such a 
match as that." — " Its right like, Sir," said she, " for we 
never speiredj his advice." He asked her, how many 
children her father had left, and if they were lads or lasses. 
She said, three, and they were all lasses. " God be thank- 
ed !" cried the king, lifting up both his hands ; " for an 
they had been three lads, I had never bruiked§ my three 
kingdoms in peace." She urged her request, that he would 
give her husband his native air. " Give him the devil !" 
a morsel which James had often in his mouth. " Give 
that to your hungry courtiers," said she, offended at his 
profanity. He told her at last that, if she would persuade 
her husband to submit to the bishops, he would allow him 
to return to Scotland. Mrs. Welch, lifting up her apron, 
and holding it towards the King, replied, in the true spirit 
of her father, " Please your Majesty, I'd rather kep|| his 
head there, 

* Row's MS. Historie,p. I ll, 122. St. Andrew's, between 1659 and 1663. He 

+ See Note H. Period Eighth. received the account from aged persons, and 

i i. e. asked. § i. e. enjoyed, says the conference between King James and 

j] i. e. receiTe. Mrs. Welch, is " current to this day in the 

I met with the account of this conversa- mouths of many." I have wnce seen the same 
tion in a MS. written by Mr. Robert Traill, story in Woodrow's MSS. Collections, vol. i. 
minister in London, entitled, "An Accompt of Life of Welch, p. 27. Bibl. Coll. Glas. James 
Several Passages in the Lives of some Eminent stood much in awe of Mr. Welch, who often 
Men in the Nation, not recorded in any Histo- reproved him for his habit of profane swear- 
ry." It is inserted in the heart of a common* ing. It is said, that if he had at any time 
place book, containing notes of sermons, &c. been swearing in a public place, he would turn 
written by him when a student of divinity at round, and ask if Welch was near. Traill's 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



329 



The account of our Reformer's publications has been 
partly anticipated in the course of the preceding- narrative. 
Though his writings were of great utility, it was not by 
them, but by his personal exertions, that he chiefly ad- 
vanced the Reformation, and transmitted his name to pos- 
terity. He did not view this as the field in which he was 
called to labour. " That I did not in writing communicate 
my judgment upon the Scriptures," says he, U I have ever 
thought myself to have most just reason. For, considering 
myself rather called of my God to instruct the ignorant, 
comfort the sorrowful, confirm the weak, and rebuke the 
proud, by tongue and lively voice, in these most corrupt 
days, than to compose books for the age to come, (seeing 
that so much is written, and by men of most singular eru- 
dition, and yet so little well-observed ;) I decreed to con- 
tain myself within the bounds of that vocation, whereunto 
I found myself especially called." * This resolution was 
most judiciously formed. His situation was very different 
from that of the early Protestant Reformers. They found 
the whole world in ignorance of the doctrines of Christi- 
anity. Men were either destitute of books, or such as they 
possessed were calculated only to mislead. The oral in- 
structions of a few individuals could extend but a small 
way ; it was principally by means of their writings, which 
circulated with amazing rapidity, that they benefited man- 
kind, and became not merely the instructors of the parti- 
cular cities and countries where they resided and preached, 
but the Reformers of Europe. By the time that Knox 
appeared on the field, their judicious commentaries upon 
the different books of Scripture, and their able defences of 
its doctrines, were laid open to the English reader. f What 

MS. It appears Welch died soon after the oc- * Preface to his Sermon, apud History, p. 

currence mentioned above. " This month of 113. Edin. 1664. 
May, 1622," says one of his intimate friends, 

"•we received intelligence of the death of } Those who have not directed their at- 

that holy servant of God, Mr. Welch, one of the tentkra to this point, cannot easily conceive 

fathers and pillars of that Church, and the to what extent the translation of foreign theo- 

light of his age, who died at London, an exile logical books into our language was carried at 

from his native country, on account of his op- that time. There was scarcely a book of any 

position to the re-establishment of Episcopal celebrity published in Latin by the continen- 

government, and his firm support of the tal Reformers, that did not appear in an Eng- 

Presbyterian and Synodical discipline, receiv- lish version. Bibliographers, and the annal- 

ed and established among us; and that after ists of printing, are very defective in the in- 

eighteen years' banishment — a man full of formation which they communicate on this 

the Holy Spirit, zeal, charity, and incredible branch, 
dil tgence in the duties of his office." 



330 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



was more immediately required of him was to use the pe- 
culiar talent in which he excelled, and 6S by tongue and 
lively voice/' to imprint the doctrines of the Bible upon 
the hearts of his countrymen. When he was deprived of 
an opportunity of doing this during his exile, there could 
not be a more proper substitute than that which he adopt- 
ed, by publishing familiar epistles, exhortations, and ad- 
monitions, in which he briefly recalled to their minds the 
truths which they had received, and excited them to adhere 
unto them. These were circulated and read with far more 
ease, and to a far greater extent, than large treatises could 
have been. 

Of the many sermons preached by him during his mini- 
stry, he never published but one, which was extorted from 
him by peculiar circumstances ; and that one affords a 
very favourable specimen of his talents, — proving, at the 
same time, that if he had annlied himself to writing, he was 
qualified for excelling in that department. He had a ready 
command of language, expressed himself with perspicuity, 
and with great animation and force. Though he despised 
the tinsel of rhetoric, he was acquainted with the princi- 
ples of that art, and when he had leisure and inclination to 
polish his style, wrote both with propriety and elegance. 
Those who read his letter to the Queen- Regent, his an- 
swer to Tyrie, his papers in the account of the dispute 
with Kennedy, or even his sermon, will be satisfied of this. 
During his residence in England, he acquired the habit of 
writing the language according to the manner of that 
country ; and in all his publications which appeared dur- 
ing his lifetime, the English and not the Scottish ortho- 
graphy and mode of expression, are used.* In this re- 
spect, there is a very evident difference between them and 
the vernacular writings of Buchanan. 

The freedoms which have been used with his writings, 
in the editions commonly read, have greatly injured the 
author's literary reputation. They were translated into 
the language which was used in the middle of the seven- 

* It is to this that Ninian Winget refers, in ierit zow, in tymes cuming I sail wrytt to zow 

one of his letters addressed to Knox. " Gif my mynd in Latin, for I am nocht acquyntit 

ye, throw curiositie of novationis, hes forzet with zour Southeroun." Keith, App .254. 
our auld plane Scottis, quhilk zour mother 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



331 



teenth century, by which they were deprived of the antique 
costume which they formerly wore, and contracted an air 
of vulgarity that did not originally belong to them. Be- 
sides this, they have been reprinted with innumerable omis- 
sions, interpolations, and alterations, which frequently affect 
the sense, and always enfeeble the language. The two 
works which have been most read, are the least accurate 
and polished, as to style, of all his writings. His tract 
against female Government was hastily published by him, 
under great irritation of mind at the increasing cruelty of 
Queen Mary of England. His History of the Reformation 
was undertaken during the confusions of the civil war, and 
was afterwards continued, at intervals snatched from nume- 
rous avocations. The collection of historical materials is 
a work of labour and time ; but the digesting and arranging 
of them into a regular narrative, require much leisure, and 
undivided attention.* The want of these sufficiently ac- 
counts for the confusion that is often observable in that 
work. But notwithstanding of this, and of particular mis- 
takes, it still continues to be the principal source of infor- 
mation as to ecclesiastical proceedings in that period ; and 
although great keenness has been discovered in attacking 
its genuineness and accuracv, it has been confirmed, in all 
the leading facts, by the examination of other documents, 
which the research of later times has brought to light. 

His defence of Predestination, the only theological trea- 
tise of any size which was published by him, is rare, and 
has been seen by few. It is written with perspicuity, and 
discovers his controversial acuteness, with becoming cau- 
tion, in handling that delicate question. A catalogue of 
his publications, as complete as I have been able to draw 
up, shall be inserted in the notes, f 

I have thus attempted to give an account of our national 
Reformer, of the principal events of his life, of his senti- 
ments, his writings, and his exertions in the cause of reli- 
gion and liberty. If what I have done shall contribute to 
set his character in a more just and correct light, than that 



* See Note I — Period Eighth. 



f See Note K.— Period Kighth. 



332 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



in which it has been generally represented ; if it shall be 
subservient to the illustration of the ecclesiastical history 
of that period, or excite others to pay more attention to the 
subject ; above all, if it shall be the means of suggesting, 
or confirming proofs of the superintendence of a wise and 
merciful Providence, in the accomplishment of a revolution 
of all others the most interesting and beneficial to this coun- 
try, I shall not think any labour which I have bestowed on 
the subject to have been thrown away, or unrewarded. 



NOTES. 



PERIOD FIRST. 



Note A, p. 1. — Beza, who was contemporary and personally acquainted with 
our Reformer, designs him " Joannes Cnoxus, Scotus, Giffordiensis," Icones 
Virorum Illustrium, Ee. iij. anno 1580. Spotswood says he was K born in 
Gifford, within Lothian," History, p. 265, edit. 1677. David Buchanan, in the 
Memoir of Knox, prefixed to the edition of his History of the Reformation, 
published in 1644. gives the same account ; which has been adopted in all the 
sketches of his life that have accompanied his history, even in the edition 
by Matthew Crawfurd, printed from authentic MSS. anno 1732 ; and by 
Wodrow in his Manuscript Collections respecting the Scottish Reformers, in 
Bibl. Coll. Glasg. In a " Genealogical Account of the Knoxes," in the 
possession of the family of the late Mr. James Knox, minister of Scoon, 
the Reformer's father is said to have been a brother of the house of Ran- 
ferlie, proprietor of the estate of Gifford. Scott's History of the Refor- 
mers in Scotland, p. 94. On the other hand, Archibald Hamilton, a con- 
temporary and a countryman of Knox, says the place of his birth was the 
town of Haddington. " Obscuris natus parentibus in Hadintona, oppido in 
Laudonia." De Confusione Calvinians Secta? apud Scotos, Dialogus, fol. 64. 
Parisiis, 1577. Hamilton, indeed, is a writer entitled to no credit when he 
had any temptation to lie ; but as to such a circumstance as this, there is no 
reason to suspect him of intentional falsification. Another Scotsman who 
wrote at that period, says he was born " prope Hadintonam," near Hadding- 
ton. Laingasus (Scotus) De Vita, et Moribus, atque rebus gestis Ha?retico- 
rum nostri temporis. Fol. 113. Parisiis, 1581. The testimony of Archibald 
Hamilton, though not altogether without weight, may be considered as set 
aside by Spotswood's statement ; for as the Archbishop could scarcely be igno- 
rant of Knox's birth-place, and as he fixes it at Gifford, it is reasonable to 
suppose he had good reasons for differing from a precedim authority. Dr. 
Barclay, late minister of Haddington, was of opinion that ne Reformer was- 
born in the Giffordgate. Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries in 
Scotland, p. 69, 70. The grounds of th\s opinion were merely the tradition oi 
the place, and the circumstance that the house in which he was alleged to 
have been born, with some adjoining acres of land, belonged for a number Oi 
generations to a family of the same name, who claimed kindred with the Re- 
former, and who lately sold the property to the Earl of Wemyss. It appears 
from the title-deeds, that the lands in question belonged to the" Abbey of Had- 
dington ; and as they must have been annexed to the Crown subsequently to 
the Reformation, they could not be the property of the family of Knox at'the 
time of our Reformer's birth. The tradition, therefore, of his being born in 
the Giffordgate, is supported merely by the possibility that his parents might 
have resided in that house whilst it was the property of the Abbey. As the 
sons of the Reformer died without issue, there is no reason to think that the 
family which resided in the Giffordgate was lineally descended from him. Ac- 
cording to the title-deeds in the possession of Lord Wemyss, William Knox 
in Moreham, and Elizabeth Schortes his wife, were infeft in subjects in the 
Nungate (Haddington) in 1598, by virtue of a crown-charter; but no such 
names occur in the genealogy of the Knox family which belonged to the late 
Mr. Knox, minister of Scoon. The opinion, therefore, seems best entitled to 
credit, that the Reformer was born in the village of Gifford. 

Note B, p. 3. — So early as the twelfth century there was a school at Aber- 
nethy, and one at Roxburgh. Sir James Dalrymple's Collections, p. 226, 255. 
Other schools in that and the following century are mentioned in Charters 
apud Chalmers* Caledonia, i. p. 76. It is probable that schools for teaching 
the Latin tongue were at first attached to monasteries, and it was long a com- 



334 



NOTES. 



mon practice among the barons to board their sons with the monks for their 
education. Caledonia, i. p. 78. When the regular clergy had degenerated, 
and learning was no longer confined to their order, grammar-schools were 
erected in the principal towns, some of which acquired great celebrity, owing 
to the skill of the masters who presided over them. Among the grammar- 
schools in Scotland, those of Aberdeen and Perth seem to have been distin- 
guished, during the first half of the sixteenth century. John Vaus was rector 
of the former about, the year 1520, and is commended by Boece, at that time 
Principal of the University of Aberdeen, for his knowledge of the Latin- 
tongue, and success in the education of youth. From Boece's account, a very 
close connection seems to have been established between his school and the 
university. Boetii Vitas, ut supra, fol. xxx. Vaus was the author of a Latin 
Grammar, printed at Edinburgh, by R. Lepreuik, anno 1566, which is now 
exceedingly rare. Andrew Simson was master of the school of Perth, al- 
though at a period somewhat later than the former, and taught Latin with 
much success. A greater number of learned men proceeded from his school 
than from any other in the kingdom. He had sometimes under his charge 300 
boys, many of them sons of the principal nobility and gentry in the kingdom. 
Row's MS. Historie, p. 3, 4. He left Perth at the establishment of the Re- 
formation, 1560, and became minister of Dunning and Cargill, from which he 
was translated, anno 1564, to Dunbar, where he sustained the deuble office of 
master of the grammar-school, and minister of the parish. He was the au- 
thor of Latin Rudiments, which continued to be taught in the schools until 
the time of Ruddiman, and were much esteemed by that excellent scholar. 
Row, ut supra, Keith, p. 534. Chalmers' Life of Ruddiman, p. 21, 22, 63. At 
the Reformation, the Protestant clergy recommended, and earnestly pressed, 
the erection of a school in every parish. First Book of Discipline, p. 40, In 
many instances this was complied with ; but it was not enacted by Parlia- 
ment until anno 1633. 

Note C, p. 4. — In this note 1 shall throw together such facts as I have 
met with, relating to the introduction of the Greek language into Scotland, 
and the progress which it made during the sixteenth century, referring whast 
relates to the Hebrew to Note C, Period Sixth. They are bare gleanings .; 
but such as they are, I trust they will not be altogether unacceptable to those 
who take an interest in the subject. 

In the year 1522, Boece mentions George Dundas as a good Greek scholar. 
He was afterwards master of the Knights of St John in Scotland, and had, 
most probably, acquired the knowledge of the language in France. " Geor- 
gius Dundas gresas atq. latinas literas apprime doctus, equitum Hierosoly- 
mitanorum intra Scotorum regnum magistratum multo sudore (superatis 
emulis) postea adeptus.'' Boetii Vitas Episcop. Murth. et Aberdon. fol. 
xxvii. b. It is reasonable to suppose that other individuals in the nation 
might acquire it in the same way ; but Boece makes no mention of Greek 
among the branches taught at the universities in his time, although he is mi- 
nute on this head. Nor do I find any other reference to the subject previous 
to the year 1534, when Erskine of Dun brought a learned man from France, 
and employed him to teach Greek in Montrose, as mentioned above in that 
part of the text to which this note refers. At his school, George Wishart, 
the martyr, must have obtained the knowledge of the language ; and he seems 
to have been assistant or successor to his master. But the bishop of Brechin, 
(William Chisholm,) hearing that Wishart taught the Greek New Testa- 
ment, summoned him to appear before him on a charge of heresy, upon which 
he fled the kingdom. This was in 1538. Petrie, part ii. p. 182. It is likely 
that Knox first derived his knowledge of Greek from George Wishart after 
his return from England. Buchanan seems to have acquired it during his re- 
sidence on the Continent. Buch. Ep. p. 25, edit. Rud. 

Lesly says that when James V. in his progress through the kingdom anno 
1540, came to Aberdeen, among other entertainments which were given to 
him, the students of the university " recited orations in the Greek and Latin 
tongue, composed with the greatest skill." " Orationes in Grasca Latinaque 
lingua, summo artificio instructs." Leslasus de rebus geslis Scotorum, lib., 
ix. p. 430, edit 1675. When we consider the state of learning at that period 
in Scotland, there is reason to suspect that the bishop's description is highly 
coloured; yet as he entered that university a few years after, we may conclude 
from it that some attention had been paid to the Greek language at that time 
in Aberdeen. It had most probably been introduced by Hector Boece, the 
learned Principal of that university. If the king was entertained with the. 



PERIOD FIRST. 



33j 



great learning of the students of Aberdeen, the English ambassador was no 
less diverted, on the very same year, with the ignorance which our bishops dis- 
covered of the Greek tongue. The ambassador, who was a scholar as well as 
a statesman, had caused his men to wear on their sleeves the following Greek 
motto, MONT. ANAKTI AOTAETfi, I serve the king only. This the Scottish 
bishops ( whose knowledge did not extend beyond Latin) read Monachulus, a 
little monk, and thereupon circulated the report that the ambassador's servants 
were monks, who had been taken out of the monasteries lately suppressed in 
England. To counteract this report, Sadler was obliged to furnish a translation 
of the inscription. " It appeareth (sayshe) they are no good Greecians. 
And now the effect of my words is known, and they be well laughed at for 
their learned interpretation." Sadler's Letters, i. 48, 49. Edinb. 1'809. Grce- 
cum est, non legitur, continued to be an adage in Scotland, to a much later 
period, even among men who had received a university education. Row's 
MS. History of the Kirk, p. 96, copy in Divinity Libr. Edin. 

To return to the school at Montrose : it was kept up, by the public spirit of 
its patron, until the establishment of the Reformation. Some years before 
that event, the celebrated scholar Andrew Melville received his education at 
it, under Pierre de Marsiliers, a Frenchman. He had made such proficiency 
in Greek when he entered the university of St Andrews, about the year 1559, 
that he was able to read Aristotle in the original language, "which even his 
masters themselves understood not." Life of Andrew Melville, p. 2, apud 
Wodrow's MSS. Collections, vol. i. Mr. James Melville's Diary, p. 32. For 
although the logicks, ethics, &c. of Aristotle were then read in the colleges, 
it was in a Latin translation. The regent of St Leonard's (says James Mel- 
ville) " tauld me of my uncle Mr. Andro Melvill,whom he knew, in the tyme 
of his cours in the new collag, to use the Greik logicks of Aristotle, quhilk 
was a wounder to them, he was so fyne a scholar, and of sic expectation." 
MS. Diary, p. 25. 

By the first book of Discipline, it was provided, that there should " be a 
reader of Greek" in one of the colleges ofeach university, who " shall com- 
pleat the grammar thereof in three months," and " shall interpret some book 
of Plato, together with some places of the New Testament, and shall com- 
pleat his course the same yeaf/' Dxinlop's Confessions, ii. 553. The small 
number of learned men, deficiency of funds, and the confusions in which the 
country was afterwards involved, prevented, in a great degree, the execution 
of this "wise measure. Owing to the last of these circumstances, some learned 
Scotsmen devoted their talents to the service of foreign seminaries, instead ot 
returning to their native country. Buchanani Epist. p. 7, 9, 10, 33.* On ac- 
count of the scarcity of preachers, it was also found necessary to settle several 
of the learned men in towns which were not the seat of a university. Some 
of them undertook the instruction of youth, along with the pastoral inspection 
of their parishes. John Row taught the Greek tongue in Perth. It does not 
appear that the venerable teacher, Andrew Simpson (see p. 332), was capable 
of this task ; but he was careful that his son Patrick should not labour under 
the same defect. He was sent to the university of Cambridge, in which he 
made great proficiency, and after his return to Scotland taught Greek at 
Spot, a village in East Lothian, where he was minister. Row's MS. p. 96 ot 
copy in the Divinity Lib. Edin. It is reasonable to suppose, that this branch 
of study would not be neglected at St Andrews during the time that Bucha- 
nan was Principal of St Leonard's College, from 1565 to 1570. Patrick Adam- 
son, to whom he demitted his office, and whom he recommended for his " li- 
terature and sufficiency," (Buch. Op. i. 10,) was not then in the kingdom: 
and the state of education languished for some time in that university. James 
Melville, who entered it in 1570, gives the following account: — " Our regent 
begoud, and teached us the a, b, c, of the Greik, and the simple declinationis, 
but went no farder." MS. Diary, p. 26. 

Of his own education the said James gives some interesting particulars. He 
entered school first at Logie, about the year 1662, and was afterwards remov- 
ed to Montrose. " About the fyft yeir of my age, the Grate Buik was put in 
my hand, and when I was seavine, lytle therof haid I learnit at name ; ther- 
for my father put my eldest and onlie brother Dauid, about a yeir and a halff 
in age aboue me, and metogidder, to a kinsman and brother in the ministerie 
of his to scholl, a guid, lerned, kynd man, whome for thankfulnes I name Mr. 

* One of these was Henry Scrimger, a good Grecian. Some particulars respecting him, 
not so commonly known, may be seen in Senebier, Hist. Litter, de Geneve, torn. i. art 
Scrimger. See also Teissier, Eloges, torn, iii, 585-585. Leide, 1715. 



336 



NOTES. 



Wiiyam Gray, Minister at Logie, Montrose. We Ierned ther the 

Rudiments of the Latin gramraair, withe the vocables in Latin and Frenche, 
also divers speitches in Frenche, with the reiding and right pronunciation of 
that toung. We proceidit fordar to the Etymologie of Lilius, and his Syntax, 
as also a lytle of the Syntax of Linacer ; therwith was ioyned Hunter's No- 
menclatura, the Minora Colloquia of Erasmus, and sum of the Eclogues of 
Virgin and Epist. of Horace ; also Cicero his epistles ad Terentiam. Hehaid 
a verie guid and profitable form of resoluing the authors, he teatched gramraa- 
ticallie bathe according to the Etymologie and Syntax ; bot as for me, the 
trewthe was, my ingyne and memorie war guid aneuche, bot my iudgment 
and understanding war as yit smored and dark, sa that the thing quhilk I gat 
was mair be rat ryme nor knawlage. Ther also we haid the aire guid, and 
fields reasonable fear; and be our maister war teached to handle the bow for 
archerie, the glub for goff, the batons for fencing ; also to rin, to loope, to 
swoum, to warsell, to proue pratteiks, euerie ane haiffing his matche and an- 
dagonist, bathe in our lessons and play. A happie and golden tyme indeid, 
giff our negligence and vnthankfulnes haid nocht moued God to schorten it, 
partlie be deceying of the number, quhilk caused the maister to weirie, and 
partlie be a pest quhilk the Lord, for sinne and contempt of his gospell, send 
vpon Montrose, distant from Ouer Logie bot twa myles ; sa that scholl skall- 
ed, and we war all send for and brought hame." Five or six years afterwards 
he was sent to Montrose. " Sa I was put to the scholl of Montrose, finding, 
of God's guid providence, my auld mother Mariorie Gray, wha parting from 
hir brother at his manage, haid takin vpe hous and scholl for lasses in Mon- 
trose ; to hir I was welcome againe as hir awin sone. The maister of the 
scholl, a Ierned, honest, kynd man, whom also for thankfulnes I name Mr. 
Andro Miln, Minister at Fedresso ; he was verie skilfull and diligent ; the first 
yeir he causit ws go throw the Rudiments againe, therefter enter and pas throw 
the first part of Grammer of Sebast an, therwith we hard Phormionem Teren- 
tii, and war exerceisd in composition ; efter that entered to the second part, and 
hard therwith the Georgics of Wirgill, and dyvers vther things, i never gat a 
strak of his hand, whowbeit I committed twa lourd faultes, as it war with fyre 
and sword : Haiffing the candle in my hand on a wintar night, before sax 
hours, in the scholl sitting in the class, bernlie and negligentlie pleying with 
the beut, it kendlit sa on fyre. that we haid all ado to put it out with our feiU 
The vther was being molested by acondisciple, wha cutted the stringes of my 
pen and ink-horn with his pen-knyff, I minting with my pen-knyff to his leg- 
ges to fley him, he feared, and lifting now a lag, now the vther, rasht on his 
lag vpon my knyff and strak himselff a deipe wound in the schin of the lag, 
quhilk was a quarter of a yeir in curing The Lard of Done, mention- 
ed befor, dwelt oft in the town, and of his charitie interteined a blind man, 
wha haid a singular guid voice ; him he catisit the doctor of our scholl teatche 
the wholl Psalmes in miter, with the tones therof, and sing tham in the kirk; 
be heiring of whome I was sa delyted, that I lernit manie of the Psalmes and 
toones therof in miter, quhilk I haiff thought euer sen syne a grait blessing 
and comfort." Melvill's Diary, printed copy, pp. 13, 14, 17, 18. 

The example of Montrose, St Andrews, and Perth seems to have been 
followed by other burghs; and so early as 1566 we find the burgesses of El- 
gin so deeply impressed with the importance of education, that they engaged 
«' Maister Patrick Balfour, son to the umquhill Patrick Balfour of Oldmylls, 
and some tyme student in Santtandrows," to teach within the grammar school, 
grammar, oratory, poetry, civil manners, rhetoric, and, as " need sail requir," 
Greek, Hebrew, philosophy, and logic ! for the sum of ten pounds yearly and 
his " meit honestly" in the houses of the subscribers alternately during the 
year. The following is a copy of the original contract betwixt the magistrates 
and town council, and the said Mr. Patrick. 

" At Elgin, ye tent day of September, yezeiroff God,m.v.c. sixty-six zeirs. 
It is appointit, contractit, finalie endit, and agreit. betwix ye parties follow- 
ing, viz. ye provost, balzies, and consall, in name off themselfis, and for ye rest 
of ye communitie of ye burt of Elgin, on ye tane part, and Maister Patrick 
Balfour, son to umqll Patrick Balfour of Oldmyll. somtyme student in Sant- 
tandrows, on ye uther pt. in maner, forme, and effectt, as efter folois. That 
is to say, ye said Master Patrick Balfour is become faythfullie obliest lyk as 
he be ye tenor heirof, faythfullie obleisses him to teche, instruct, and learn ye 
bairns burgesses' sonnes, and uthers inhabitants sonnes wtin yis burt off El- 
gin, and uthers gentillmenis bairns off ye countrie yat pleisses to send them 
to yis burt wtin ye grammer scuillyrof, sufficientliein grammer, oratorie, and 
poetrie, civill manneris, rhetoric, and as neid sail requir, and yai cummand to 



PERIOD FIRST. 



337 



jierfectioune, sail reid and teiche Greik and Ebrew, philosophie, and logik, 
and yat for ye space off thrie zeirs nixt followand ye feist off Mertinmess, ye 
zeir of God forsaid, and to continue and induir in teching reiding, instructing, 
and upbringing off ye sa.dis bairns in ye artis above wrettin, so far as yay, or 
ony of them, ar abill to re>saive, and sail entier in ye said scuill day lie, at sex. 
hors, and remain techand ye saidis bairns qll nine bors, and fra ten hors, till 
twelf hors, and fraane aftrnowne till sex hors at ewin, and gair ye bairns, ilk 
Sonday, and uther festual tymes appointed be ye Kirk, to be present at ye 
sermone and aftrnowne's prayris, being instructit in ye Catechess for making 
ansr. to ye minister yt. prechis of ye said Catechess ; and ye said Master Pa- 
trick sail uss nor accept na burden of ministerie, nor ony uther occupation 
upon him mduring ye said sp ce, bot only to await upon ye said grammer 
scuill, teching and instructing } e saids bairns, and his awin studies yranent ; 
for ye qlk ye saids provost, balzies, and consall, obhsses them, and their suc- 
cessors, to content and pay to ye said Mastr Patrick Balfour ye sowm of ten 
punds, usuall money of Scotland, for his fie. together with his meit honestly 
as effeirs in yir personeshowssis following, viz. — Master Alex. Douglass, Johne 
Annand, Wo. Gatlurar, Wm. Hay, Alex. Winchister, minister, Thomas 
Umfra, and Alex. Gothary, ane day in the week in ilk ane off ye saids per- 
son's housses, and swa weklie for the space of ane zeir, in witness of ye qlks, 
both ye saids parties hes subscryv it yis present contract with yair hand, day, 
zeir, and place forsaid, before these witnesses, — Sir William Douglas, scribe 
of consistorie, and Jhon Cupar, indwellar wtinye College oif ye Cathedral] 
Kirk of Murray, and George Dowglass, studer.t in Elgin, wt. uthers clivers. 

John Annand, Pvost of Elgin, wt. my hand ssr. 
Maister Patrick Balfour, wt. my hand." 
The return of Andrew Melville in 1573, gave a new impulse to literature in 
Scotland. That celebrated scholar had perfected himself ;n the knowledge 
of the languages during the nine years which 1 e spent on the Continent, and 
had astonished the learned at Geneva by the fluency with which he read and 
spoke Greek. Ut Supia. p. 33. He was first placed as Principal of the uni- 
versity of Glasgow, and afterwards removed to St. Andrew's. Such was his 
celebrity, that he attracted students from England and foreign countries, 
whereas formerly it had been the custom for the Scottish youth to go abroad 
for theu education. Spotswood, with whom he was no favourite, and Calder- 
wood, equally hear testimony to his profound knowledge of tins language. 
Soon alter Melville's arrival,~Thomas Smeton, another good Gi eek scholar, 
came, and was made Principal of the university of Glasgow. I may mention, 
although it belongs to the subject of typography, that there ppear to have 
been neither Greek nor Hebrew types in this country in 1579, wnen Smeton's 
Answer to Archibald Hamilton was printed ; for blanks are left or all the 
phrases and quotations in these languages, which the author intenued to in- 
troduce, in my copy of the book, a number of these have been filled up with 
a pen by the author's own hand. 

Note D, p, 12. — We have no good Monasticon of Scotland ; and it is now 
impossible to ascertain the exact number of regular clergy, or even religious 
houses, that were in this country. The best and most particular account of 
the introduction of the different monastic orders from England and the Con- 
tinent, is contained in the first volume of Mr. Chalmers's Caledonia. Dr. Ja- 
mieson, in his history of the ancient Cuidees, lately published, has traced, with 
much attention, the measures pursued for suppressing the ancient monks, to 
make way for the new orders which were immediately dependent upon Rome. 
In Spotswood's Account, published at the end of Keith's Catalogue of Bi- 
shops, 170 religious houses are enumerated ; but his account is defective. Mr. 
Dalyell, upon the authority of a MS. has stated the number of the monks and 
nuns in tins country as amounting only to 1114 about the period of the Re- 
formation. Cursory Remarks prefixed to Scottish poems ot the 16th century, 
vol. i. p. 38, 39. Edin. 1S01. Taking the number of monasteries, according to 
Spotswood's Account, this would allow only seven persons to each house e n 
an average, a number incredibly small. It will be still smaller, if we suppose 
that there were 260 religious houses, as stated by Mr. Dalyell in another pub- 
lication. Dalyell'!, Fragments of Scottish History, p. 11, 28. In ti.e year 1512, 
there were 200 monks in Melrose alone. Ibid. The number in Dunfermline 
seems to have varied from 30 to 50. Daly-ell's Tract on Monastic Antiquities, 
p. 13. Paisley, Elgin, and Arbroath, were not inferior to it in their endow- 
ments. In general it may be observed, tnat the passion for the monastic life ap- 
pears not to have been on the increase, even in the early part of the 16th cen- 

Z 



NOTES. 



tury. But if we would form an estimate of the number of the monks, we 
must allow for a great diminution of them from 1538 to 1559. During that 
period, many of them, especially the younger ones, embraced the reformed 
opinions, and deserted the convents. Cald. MS. i. 97, 100, 151. When the mo- 
nastery of the Greyfriars at Perth was destroyed in 1559, only eight monks be- 
longed to it. Knox, Historie, p. 128. 

Note E, p. 14. — The corpse-present was a forced benevolence, not due by 
any law or canon of the church, at least in Scotland. It was demanded by 
the vicar, and seems to have been distinct from the ordinary dues exacted for 
the interment of the body, and deliverance of the soul from purgatory. The 
perquisite consisted of the best cow which belonged to the deceased, and the 
uppermost cloth or covering of his bed, or the uppermost of his body-clothes. 
It has been suggested, that it was exacted on pretext of dues which the person 
might have failed to pay during his life-time. Whatever might afterwards be 
made the pretext, I think it most probable that the clergy borrowed the hint 
from the perquisites common in feudal times. The " cors-presant kow" an- 
swers to the " hereyeild horse," which was paid to a landlord on the death of 
a tenant. The uppermost cloth seems to have been a perquisite belonging to 
persons occupying certain offices. When Bishop Lesly was relieved from the 
Tower of London, a demand of this kind was made upon him : " The gentle- 
man-porter of the Tower (says he) retained my satin gown as due to him, be- 
cause it was my uppermost- cloth when I entered in the Tower." Negocia- 
tions, apud Anderson's Collections, iii. 247. The corpse-present was not con- 
fined to Scotland. We find the English House of Commons complaining of 
it, anno 1530 (Fox, 907). It was exacted with great rigour in Scotland ; and 
if any vicar, more humane than the rest, passed from the demand, he gave an 
unpardonable offence to his brethren (Lindsay of Pitscottie's Hist. p. 151. 
Edin. 1728, fol. Fox, 1153). It was felt as a very galling oppression, and is 
often mentioned with indignation in the writings of Sir David Lindsay. 
Schir, be quhat law, tell me, quharefor, or why ? 
That ane vickar suld take fra me thre ky, 
Ane for my father, and for my wyfe ane uthei, 
And the third cow he tuke for Maid my mother. 
Thay haif na law, exceptand consuetude, 
Quhilk law% to thame, is sufficient and gude. 

And als the vicar, as I trow, 

He will nocht faill to tak ane kow 

And upmaist claith, thocht babis thame ban 

From ane pure selie husbandman ; 

Quhen that he lyis for til de 

Having small bairnis twa or thre, 

And hes thre ky withoutin mo, 

The vicar must have ane of tho, 

With the gray cloke that happis the bed 

Howbeit that he be purelye clea, 

And gif the wyfe de on the morne, 

Thocht all the babis suld be forlorne, 

The uther kow he cleikis away, 

With her pure cote of roplock gray ; 

And gif, within twa days or thre, 

The eldest chyld hapnis to de, 

Of the thrid kow he will be sure. 

Quhen he his all then under his cure, 

And father and mother baith ar deid, 

Beg mon the babis, without remeid. 

Chalmers's Lindsay, ii. 7, 8. iii. 105. 
When the alarming progress of the new opinions threatened the overthrow 
of the whole establishment, the clergy professed themselves willing to remit, 
or at least moderate, this shameful tribute. But they did not make this con- 
cession until a remonstrance on the subject was laid before the Provincial 
Council, (1558-9,) complaining that these gifts, which were originally merely 
discretionary, had become compulsory, and were exacted under pain of cen- 
sure and excomn unication. Upon this the council came to the following re- 
solution : That to " take away the murmurs of those who spoke against mor- 
tuaries,'' when any person died, his goods, after paying his debts, should be 
dmded into due por t\ons, and if the dead's part did not exceed ten pounds 



PERIOD FIRST. 



339 



Scots, the vicar should compound for his mortuary and uppermost cloth, by 
taking forty shillings; if it was under ten pounds, and not below twenty sai- 
lings, that he should compound according to the above proportion ; but if it 
,vas under twenty shillings, that the vicar should make no demand. With 
respect to barons" and burgesses, an all persons whose portion exceeded ten 
pounds, the old custom was to remain in force : and the ordinary remedy was 
to be used against thoso who should make wrong inventories ; i. e. they should 
be subjected to excommunication and its penalties. With respect to pasch- 
offerings, and small tithes, the council decreed, that " for avoiding popular 
murmur, especially at the time of taster," the vicars should, a little before 
Lent, in the month of February, settle with their parishioners for their small 
tithes, both personal and mixed, and also for other offerings due to the Church ; 
and that there should be no exactions during Easter, although spontaneous 
oblations might still be received at that time. Can. Concil. 21 and 32 : Wil- 
kins, Concil. ut supra, pp, 214, 216. I need scarcely add, that this, along with 
similar grievances, were abolished, at the establishment of the Reformation. 
" The uppermost claith, corps-present, clerk- mail e, the pasche-offering, teind- 
aile, and all handlings upaland, can neither be required nor received of good 
conscience." First Book of Discipline, p. 48, printed anno 1621. Dunlop's 
Confessions, ii. 563. 

Note F, p. 20.— We are indebted to the industrious English martyrologist 
John Fox, for the greater part of the facts respecting our countrymen who 
suffered for the reformed doctrines. John Davidson, minister of Prestonpans, 
composed, in Latin, an account of the Scottish martyrs, which, if it had been 
preserved, would have furnished us with more full information respecting 
them. Calderwood. however, had the use of it when he compiled his history. 
A late author has said, that " most of those martyred seem to have been weak 
illiterate men; nay they appear even to have been deficient in intellect " Cur- 
sory Remarks, prefixed" to Scottish Poems of 16th century, i. 24. I must take it 
for granted, that this author had not in his eye Patrick Hamilton, whose vigo- 
rous understanding discovered truth in the midst of darkness worse than Cim- 
merian, who obtained the praises of Luther, Melancthon, and Lambert of 
Avignon, and of whom Pinkerton has said that he received "the eternal fame 
of being the proto-martyr of the freedom of the human mind ;" nor 
George Wishart, '' hose learning, fortitude, and mild benevolence, have been 
celebrated by writers of every description. But even as to those who suffered 
from Hamilton to Wishart I think there is scarcely one who was not above 
the ordinary class, as to Learning and talents. Henry Forrest, who suffered 
at St. Andrew* j in 1530, for possessing a copy of the New Testament, and af- 
firming that Patrick Hamilton was a true martyr, had been, though a young 
man. invested with the orders of Bennetand Colet. Fox, 895. Knox, 19. Spot* 
tis. 65. David Straiton was a gentleman, being brother to the laird of Lau- 
riston. He was instructed in the Protestant principles by John Erskine of 
Dun, who had newly arrived from his travels. In 1534 he 'was committed to 
the flames at Greenside, in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh. His fellow- 
sufferer, Xorman Gourley, was in secular orders, and " a man of reasonabell 
eruditioun." He had been abroad, and had married upon his return, which 
was the chief offence for which he suffered. " For (says Pitscottie) they 
would thole no priest to marry, but they would punish, and burn him to the 
dead ; but if he had used then ten thousand whores, he had not been burnt." 
History, p. 150. 152. Fox. 895. Knox. 21. 22. Spottiswood, 65. In 1538, two 
young men of the most interesting characters suffered, with the greatest he- 
roism', at Glasgow. The one was Jerom Russel, a Cordelier friar, - f a young 
man of a meek nature, quick spirit, and of good lettens;" the other "was a 
young gentleman of the name of Kennedy, only eighteen years of age. and 
M of excellent ingyne for Scottische poetry." Knox, 22. Spottis. 67. Keith, 9. 
During the same year, rive persons were burned on the Castle-hill of Edin- 
burgh ; Robert Forrester was a gentleman, Sir Duncan Simpson* was a secu- 
lar priest, Beveridge and Kyllor were friars. The last of these had .accor- 
ding to the custom of the times) composed a tragedy on the crucifixion of 
Christ, in which he painted in a very Lvely manner, the conduct of the Po- 
pish clergy, under that of the Jewish priests. Ut supra. 

The other person who suffered at the same time was Thomas Forrest, 
commonly called the vicar of Dollar. I shall add some particulars resp ct- 
ag this excellent man, which are not to be found in the common historic*. 



* Sir was a title given to priests. Spottis. 95, 



340 



NOTES. 



He was of the house of Forret, or Forrest, in Fife, and his father had been 
master-stabler to James IV. After acquiring the rudiments of grammar in 
Scotland, he was sent abroad by the kindness of a rich lady, and prosecuted 
his education at Cologne. Returning to his native country, lie was admitted 
a canon regular in the monastery of St. Colm's Inch. It happened that a 
dispute arose between the abbot and the canons, respecting the allowance 
due to them, and the latter got the book of foundation to examine into their 
rights. The abbot, with the view of inducing them to part with this, gave 
them a volume of Augustine's works, which was in the monastery. " O hap- 
py and blessed was that book to me (did Forrest often say afterwards), by 
which I came to the knowledge of the truth !" He then applied himself to 
the reading of the Scriptures. The epistle to the Romans attracted his par- 
ticular attention. He converted a number of the young canons; " but the 
old bottles (he used to say) would not receive the new wine." The abbot 
frequently advised him to keep his mind to himself, else he would incur pu- 
nishment. " I thank you, my lord (was his answer) ; ye are a friend to my 
body, but not to my soul." He was afterwards admitted to the vicarage of 
Dollar, in which situation he rendered himself obnoxious to his brethren, 
by his diligence in instructing his parish, and his benevolence in freeing them 
from oppressive exactions. When the agents of the Pope came into his 
bounds to sell indulgences, he said, " Parishioners, I am bound to speak the 
truth to you. This is but to deceive you. There is no pardon for our sins 
that can come to us, either from Pope or any other, but only by the blood of 
Christ." He composed a short catechism. It was his custom to rise at six 
o'clock in the morning, and study till mid-day. He committed three chapters 
of the Bible to memory every day, and made his servant hear hira repeat them 
at night. He was often summoned before the bishops of Dunkeld and St. 
Andrew's. These facts were communicated by his servant, Andrew Kirkie, 
in a letter to John Davidson, who inserted them in his account of Scottish 
martyrs. Cald. MS. i. 99, 100, 151. 

An amusing account of his examination before the bishop of Dunkeld may 
be seen in Fox, 1153; and an interesting account of his trial, in Pitscottie, 
150-152. But both these authors are wrong as to the time of his martyrdom, 
the latter placing it in 1530, and the former in 1540, instead of 1538. Fox 
says, that three or four men of Stirling suffered death at the same time, 
because they were present at the mamageof" the vicar of Twybodye, (Tully- 
body,) near Stirling, and did eat flesh in lent, at the said bridall," p. 1154. 
From our ancient records, which abound with curious facts respecting those 
who suffered for the reformed opinions in Scotland, it appears that the per- 
secutions for heresy, from 1534 to 1539, were numerous. It is impossible to as- 
certain the number, as the names only of those who possessed property, and 
were punished by fines and confiscation, are specified in these old documents. 
Many poor persons doubtless suffered, ofwhomno memorial has been preserv- 
ed. In the Treasurer's Accounts and Register of Privy Seal, between the 
years 1534 and 1539, the names of nearly three score individuals, male and 
female, are entered, as having suffered death or confiscation of goods and pro- 
perty, on charges of heresy. Most of these persons belonged to Dundee, Perth, 
Stirling, Ayr, &c. In September 1536, the sum of twenty shillings is paid to 
James Bissat, " to pas with lettres to the provost and bailies of Dundee, and 
Sanct Johnestoun, to serche and seik JohnBlacat and George Lovell, suspect 
of hanging of the image of Sanct Francis." A like sum is given (May 1537) 
" to Cudde George, to pas to summon the men of Aire to compeir befoir the 
lordis, anent the geir of theme quhilk was convict of heresy." Among con- 
victed persons in Dundee, we find the names of Gilbert Wedderburn, John 
Paterson, Thomas Kidd. Robert Paterson, Alexander Annand, James Bol- 
lock, John Wedderburn, Richard Rollock, John Duncan, James Hay, David 
Straiton, &c. In Perth there occur among the names of " persouns delatet," 
John Cameron, " declarit heretyke," and John Steuart, son to Henry Lord 
Methven. Several burgesses of Stirling are recorded as sufferers. Thomas 
Cocklaw, curate of Tullibody, and Margaret Jamieson of the same place, are 
condemned for heresy. In December 1546, " Janet Monnypennie, dochter of 
the laird of Pitmilly, is summoned for remaining in the castle (of St. Andrew's ) 
and assisting Leslie and his complices." In the same month, summonses of 
treason were also issued against the laird of Pitmilly and Henry Balnaves. 
Walter Stewart, son of Lord Ochiltree, was fined in his whole estates ; and 
" ane letter maid (December 1538 ) to Andro, lord Vchiltre, of the gift of all 
eschete gudis movabill and vnmovabill, als wele of the byrun malis of par- 
rocheclerkschippis, as vtherwais pertenyng to our souerane lord, be resoun that 



PERIOD FIRST. 



341 



tue said Walter was abiurit of heresy, etc. There is no doubt that a diligent 
search into our ancient records would add to the number of those who were 
persecuted on account of their religious opinions, long bexore the Reformation 
had been established in Scotland. 

Note G, p. 20.— I shall in this note, mention a few facts respecting thosi 
eminent men who were obliged to forsake their native country at this period, 
in consequence ot having expressed their friendship to the Reformation. 

Gawin Logie, who, in his important station of rector of St Leonard's Col- 
lege, was so useful in spreading the reformed doctrine, drew upon himself the 
jealousy of the clergy. More decided in his sentiments, and more avowed in 
bis censure of the prevailing abuses, than the sub-prior of the abbey, [ who 
seems to have maintained his situation until the estabLshment of the Refor- 
mation,) Logie found it necessary to consult his safety by leaving the country 
in 1533. Cald. MS. i. 32. I have" not seen any notice "caken of him after this. 
Robert Logie, a kinsman of his, was a canon regular of Cambuskenneth, and 
employed in instructing the noviciates. Having embraced the reformed sen- 
timents, he, in 1538, fled into England and became a preacher there. Thomas 
Cocklaw, parish priest of Tullibody, seems to have accompanied him, and was 
employed in the same manner. Ibid. p. 97. 

Alexander Seatoun was confessor to James V. The cause of his flight from 
Scotland, his letter to the king, and his retiring to England, are recorded in 
our common histories. Fox p. 1000,) informs us that he was accused of he- 
resy before Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, in 1541, and induced to recant 
certain articles which he had preached. Spotswood p. 6o. speaks of " the 
treatises he left behind him," and, among others. " his examination by Gardi- 
ner and Bonner," from wnieh it appears that *' he never denied any point 
which formerly he taught." Fox had not seen this. We learn from another 
quarter, that after his trial he continued to preach the truths of which he had 
been accused. Bale mentions " Processum suae Exam:na::on:s" among his 
works, and says, that he died in the famiiy of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suf- 
folk, who retained him as his chaplain. He places his death in 1542. Baiei 
Script. Brytan. post, pars, p. 224. 

Ale x ander Aless was a canon of the metropolitan church of St Andrew's. 
His conversion to the Protestant faith was very singular. Being a young 
man of quick parts, well acquainted with scholastic tneology, and having stu- 
died the Lutheran controversy, he undertook to reclaim Patrick Hamilton 
from heresy, and held several conferences with him for this purpose. But 
instead of this, he was himself staggered by the reasoning of that gentleman. 
His doubts were grearly strengthened by the constancy with which he saw 
Hamilton adhere to his sentiments to the last, amidst' the scorn, rage, and 
cruelty of his enemies. Alesii Prafat. Comment, in Joannem. Jaeobi Thomasii 
Oratio de Alex. Alesio. Lipsiae. 1683, apud Bayle. Dictionnaire. art. Ales. 
A short time after, he delivered a Latin oration before an ecclesiastical synod, 
in which he censured the vices of the clergy, and exhorted them to diligence 
and a godly life. This bringing him under suspicion, he was thrown into pri- 
son, from which, after being confined a year, he made his escape, and getting 
into a vessel which lay on the coast, eiuded his persecutors. This was in 
1532. Cald. MS. i. 76. On leaving his native country, Aless went to Germany, 
where he was virulently attacked by Cochlsus, whom the Scots bishops hired 
to abuse him.* On the invitation "of Lord Cromwell and Archbishop Cran- 
mer, he came to England in 1535, and was appointed Professor of Theology 
in the university of Cambridge. But he had scarcely commenced his lectures, 
when the patrons of Popery excited such opposition to him, that he resolved 
to relinquish his situation. Having, at a former period of his life, applied to 
medical studies, he went to Dr. Nicol, a celebrated physician in London, and 
after remaining with him for some years, commenced' practice, not without 
success. In 1537, Lord Cromwell having met him one day accidentally on the 
street, carried him to the convocation, and persuaded him to engage, without 
preparation, in a dispute with the bishop of London on the subject of the sa- 
craments : of which Aless has given a particular account in one of his publi- 
cations. De Authoritate Verbi Dei Liber Alexandri Alesii, contra Episco- 
pum Lundinensem, p. 13-31. Argentorati, apud Cratonem Mylium, An. 
M.D.XL1I. Henry VIII. used to call him Ms Scholar. Archbishop Par- 

* In the Treasurer's Accompts, under the jear 1534, is the following entry * Item, 
to ane serrand of Cocleus, quhilk brot fra his maister ane buii intitulat 
to his reward, . xli." 



342 



NOTES. 



ker calls him virum in theologiaperductum. In 1540 he returned to Germany, 
and was made professor of Divinity at Leipsic. He assisted at a public confe- 
rence between the Roman Catholics and Protestants ; wrote many books 
which were much esteemed ; and was alive in 1557. Strype's Cranmer, p. 402, 
403. Bayle, Diet, ut supra. Bishop Bayle was personally acquainted with him, 
and has enumerated his works, p. 176. 

John Fife also fled from St Andrew's, accompanied Aless to Germany, and 
shared in his honours at Leipsic. He returned to Scotland, acted as a minis- 
ter, and died at St Leonard's, soon after the Reformation. Cald. MS. i. 78. 
Knox 20. Strype's Cranmer, 403- 

John M'Bee (whose proper name is said to have been Macalpine), known on 
the Continent by the name of Dr. Maccabseus, fled to England, where he was 
entertained by Bishop Shaxton. He afterwards retired to Denmark, and was 
of great use to Christian III. in the settlement of the reformed religion in his 
dominions. He was made a professor in the University of Copenhagen. Ger- 
desii Historia Evang. Renovat. iii. 417 — 125. The Danish monarch held him 
in great esteem, and at his request, wrote to Queen Mary of England, in be- 
half of his brother-in-law Miles Coverdale, bishop of Exeter, the venerable 
translator of the Bible, who was released from prison through his importunity. 
Bale, ut supra, p. 226. Fox, 1390. Maccabasus was one of the translators of 
the Danish Bible, first printed at Copenhagen in 1550. Mattaire, apud Chal- 
mers's Lyndsay, i. 82. An edition of Lindsay's " Monarchie" bears on the 
title-page that it was " imprintit at the command and expensis off Dr. Macha- 
basus, in Capmanhouin." But the editor of Lyndsay insists that this is " a 
deceptious title-page." Ibid. 80, 81. Maccabeeus was alive, and in the Univer- 
sity of Copenhagen, anno 1557 Albert Thura, Histor- Literar. Danorum, p. 
333. This writer (p. 274) mentions, " Annot. in Matthasum," as written by 
him, but does not say whether it was a MS. or printed book. Bale mentions 
another work of his, p 226. 

Macdowal repaired to Holland, and was so esteemed that he was raised, 
though a stranger, to the chief magistracy in one of its boroughs Knox, 20. 

John Mackbray, or Mackbrair, a gentleman of Galloway, fled to England 
about 1538, and at the death of Edward VI. retired to Frankfort, where he 
preached to the English congregation. Troubles of Franckford, p. 13, 20, 25. 
Spotswood, 97. He returned to England upon the accession of Elizabeth, 
and became a preacher in that country. He is called " an eminent exile." 
Strype's Annals, i. 130. Grindal, p. 26. On the 13th November 1508, he was 
inducted to the vicarage of St- Nicholas, in Newcastle, and was buried there in 
November 1584. Dr. Jackson complains that " Mackbray, Knox, and Udale 
had sown their tares in Newcastle." Heylin speaks in the same strain. 
Brand's Hist, of Newcastle, p. 303. Bale (p. 229) says that Mackbray " wrote 
elegantly in Latin." Spotswood mentions some of his works. Ut supra. 

Of the celebrated Buchanan I shall say nothing here. His memoirs have 
been lately written by Dr. Irving. James Harrison was a native of the south 
of Scotland, and liberally educated, says Bale. He seems to have gone to Eng- 
land at a period somewhat later than the others mentioned in this note- He 
wrote a treatise De Regnorum Unione, in which he warmly recommended to 
his countrymen the advantages of a union with England. It was dedicated to 
the Duke of Somerset, in 1547. Bale (p. 225) gives the first words of it, 
and calls it " elegans ac mellitum opus." Robert Richardson was a canon 
of the monastery of Cambuskenneth, and fled to England in 1538. Cald. MS. 
i. 97. I suppose this to be the same person who is called " Sir Robert Rich- 
ardson, priest," in Sadler's Letters. He was sent into Scotland, in 1543, 
by Henry VIII. with a recommendation to the regent Arran, who employed 
him in preaching through the kingdom, along with Guillaume and Rough. 
When the regent apostatized from the reformed cause, he withdrew his pro- 
tection from Richardson, who was obliged to flee a second time into Eng- 
land, to escape the cardinal s persecution. Sadler's State Papers, i. 210, 
217,344. 

Note H, p. 21.— Those who have investigated the causes of the Reforma- 
tion from Popery, have ascribed no small share of influence to the writings of 
poets- Boccacio, Dante, Petrarch, and other poets and satirists of Italy, by 
descanting upon the ambition, luxury, and scandalous manners of the clergy, 
contributed greatly to lessen the veneration in which they had been long held, 
and to produre in the minds of men a conviction of the necessity of a reforma- 
tion. The writings of Chaucer, but especially of Langland, had the same effect 



PERIOD FIRST. 



343 



in England. When the religious struggle had actually commenced, and be- 
came hot, a diversion, by no means inconsiderable, was made in favour of the 
reformers by the satirists and poets of the age. A pantomime, intended to 
degrade the court of Rome and the clergy, was acted before Charles V. at the 
Augustan assembly. Lud. Fabricius de Ludis Scenicis, p. 231. Gerdesii His- 
toria Evangel. Renovat. torn. ii. Docum. No. 7, p. 48- In 1524, a tragedy was 
acted at Paris, in the presence of Francis I., in which the Pope and cardinals 
were ridiculed, and the success of Luther represented, by kindling a fire which 
all their erfOrts could not extinguish- Jacob. Burchard. de Vita Ulrici Hutteni, 
pars ii. 293, pars iii. p. 296, apud Gerdes. ut supra. As late as 1561, the Pope's 
ambassador complained to the queen-mother of France, that the young king, 
Charles IX., had assisted at a show, in which he had counterfeited a friar. 
Letters of the Cardinal de St Croix, prefixed to Aymons, Synodes Nationaux 
de France, torn. i. p. 7 — 11. Similar exhibitions took place in Holland. 
Brand's Hist, of the Reformation, i. 127, 123. Lond. H20. In Switzerland, 
where Nic- Manuel wrote certain comedies of the same description in 1522. 
Gerdes, ii. 451. And in England. Burnet's Hist, of the Reform, i. 318. 

In Scotland, the same weapons were employed in attacking the church. The 
first Protestant books circulated in Scotland came chiefly from England. Mr. 
Chalmers has mentioned " the very first reforming treatise, which was, proba- 
bly, written in Scotland," compiled by " Johne Gau," and printed at Malmoe, 
in Sweden, anno 1533. We would hase been still more obliged to the learned 
author, if he had given us some idea of its contents, instead of dismissing it 
with the flourish, " Had all been like this !" which, whether he meant to 
apply to the elegance of the printing, or the orthodoxy of the sentiments, it is 
difficult to say. Caledonia, ii. 616. Calderwood seems to say. that books 
against Popery began to be printed in this country in 1543. MS. ad h. ann. 
But previous to that period, the reformed sentiments were diffused by metrical 
and dramatic writings. The satire of Buchanan against the Franciscan friars, 
for which he was thrown into prison, was elegant and pungent ; but being 
written in Latin, it could be felt only by the learned. The same may be said 
as to his Baptistes. Kennedy and Kyllor, both martyrs, had a rich vein for 
Scottish poetry. Kyj lor 's scripture -drama (see p. 408, was exhibited before 
James V. at Stirling about the year 1535 ; and the most simple perceived the 
resemblance between the Jewish priests and the Scottish cLrgy, in opposing 
the truth, and persecuting its friends. Knox, 22. Soon alter, Alexander 
Lord Kilmaurs wrote his Epistle Irom the hermit of Lareit to the grey-friars. 
Ibid. 24, 25. James Stewart, son of Lord Methven, composed poems and bal- 
lads in a similar strain, after the death of the vicar of Dollar ; and Mr. Robert 
Alexander, advocate, published the Earl of Errol's Testament, in Scots metre, 
which was printed at Edinburgh. Cald. MS. i. 103. But the poet who had 
the greatest influence in promoting the Reformation, was Sir David Lindsay. 
His " Satyre on the Three Estates," and his " Monarchic" had this for their 
principal object. The former was acted at Cupar in Fife in the year 1535 ; at 
Linlithgow, before the king and queen, the court, and country, in 1540 ; and 
at Edinburgh, before the queen regent, a great part of the nobility, and an ex- 
ceeding great number of people, in 1554. Chalmers's Lindsay, L 60, 61. Row 
says that it was also acted " m the amphitheatre of St Johnstoun." MS. p. 3. 
It exposed the avarice, luxury, and profligacy of the religious orders ; the 
temporal power and opulence of the bishops, with their total neglect of preach- 
ing ; the prohibition of the reading of the scriptures in the vulgar tongue ; the 
extolling of pardons, relics, &c. In his '* Monarchies," composed by him at 
a subsequent period, he traced the rise and progress of the Papacy, and has dis- 
covered a knowledge of history, and of the causes that produced the corrup- 
tion of Christianity, which would not disgrace any modern author. lhe 
poems of Lindsay were read by " every man, woman, and child." Row, in 
his Historie of the Kirk, has preserved a striking instance of their influence 
in making converts to the reformed doctrines. Some time between 1550 and 
1553, a friar was preaching at Perth, in the church where the scholars of An- 
drew Simson attended public worship. In the course of his sermon, after re- 
lating some of the miracles wrought at the shrines of the saints, he began to 
inveigh bitterly against the Lutheran preachers, who were going about the 
country and endeavouring to withdraw the people from the Catholic faith. 
When "he was in the midst of his invective, a loud hissing arose in ti.at part 
of the church where the boys, to the number of three hundred, were seated, 
so that the friar, abashed and affrighted, broke off his discourse, and fled from 
the pulpit. A complaint having "been made to the master, he instituted aa 



344 



NOTES. 



inquiry into the cause of the disturbance, and to his astonishment found that 
it originated with the son of a craftsman in the town, who had a copy of 
Lindsay's " Monarchies," which he had read at intervals to his schoolfellows. 
When the mister was about to administer severe chastisement to him, for the 
tumult which he had occasioned, and also for retaining in his possession such 
a heretical book, the boy very spiritedly replied, that the book was not here- 
tical, requested his master to read it, and professed his readiness to submit to 
punishment, provided any heresy was found in it. This proposal appeared so 
reasonable to Simson, that he perused the work, which he had not formerly 
seen, and wa> convinced of the truth of the boy's statement. He accordingly 
made the best excuse which he could to the magistrates for the behaviour of 
his scholars, and advised the friar to abstain in future from extolling miracles, 
and from abusing the Protestant preachers. From that time Simson was 
friendly to the Reformation." MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 3, 4. James Wed- 
derburn, son of a merchant in Dundee, converted the history of the beheading 
of John the Baptist into a dramatic form, and also the history of the tyrant 
Dionysius, which were acted at Dundee. In both, the Popish religion was 
attacked. Cald. MS. ad ann. 1540- Dalyell's Cursory Remarks, p. 31. 

In every Protestant country, a metrical version of the Psalms, in the verna- 
cular language, appeared at a very early period. The French version begun 
by Clement Marot, and completed by Beza, contributed much to the spread 
of the Reformation in France. The Psalms were sung by Francis I. and 
Henry II., and by their courtiers : even Catholics flocked for a time to the as- 
semblies of the Protestants to listen to their psalmody. Bayle, Dictionnaire, 
art. Marot, Notes N, O, P. At a later period, Cardinal Chastillon proposed 
to the Papal ambassador, as the best method for checking the progress of he- 
resy, that his holiness should authorize some good and godly songs to be sung 
by the trench, " cantar alcune cose in lingua Franctse, le quali pero fossero 
parole buono et sante, et prima approvate de sua Beatitudine." Lettres de St. 
Croix, chez Aymons, ut supra, torn. i. 7, 9, 11. Ir has been said that there 
was a Sots version of the Psalms at a very early period. Dalyell's Cursory 
Remarks, p. 35- It is more certain, that before the year 1546, a number ot 
the Psalms were translated in metre ; for George Wishart sung one of them 
(the 51st) in the house of Ormiston, on the night in which he was apprehend- 
ed. Knox, Historie, p. 49. The two lines quoted by Knox answer to the be- 
ginning of the second stanza of the 51st Psalm, inserted in Scottish poems of 
the 16th century, p. 111. They were commonly sung in the assemblies of the 
Protestants, anno J 556. Knox, 96. John and Robert Wedderburn, brothers 
to the poet mentioned above, appear to have been the principal translators of 
them. Cald. MS. i. 108, 109. The version was not completed ; and at the 
establishment of the Reformation, it was supplanted in the churches by the 
more exact and improved version begun by Sternhold and Hopkins, and finish- 
ed by the English exiles, at Geneva, where it was published in 1559. 

But the most singular measure adopted for circulating the reformed opi- 
nions in Scotland, was the composition of" Gude and godly ballates, changed 
out of prophaine sanges, for avoyding of sinne and harlotrie." John and Ro- 
bert Wedderburn seem also to have been the chief authors of this composition. 
Cald. ut supra. Row's Hist, of the Kirk, p. 4. The title sufficiently indi- 
cates their nature and design. The air, the measure, the initial line, or the 
chorus of the ballads most commonly sung by the i eople at that time, were 
transferred to hymns of devotion. Unnatural, indelicate, and gross as this as- 
sociation must appear to us, these spiritual songs edified multitudes at that 
time. We must not think that this originated in any peculiar depravation of 
taste in our reforming countrymen. Spiritual songs constructed upon the 
same principle obtained in Italy. Roscoe's Lorenzo de Medici, i. 309, 4to. 
At the beginning of the Reformation in Holland, the very same practice was 
adopted as in Scotland. " The Protestants first sung in their families and 
private assemblies, the Psalms of the noble lord of Nievelte, which he pub- 
lished in 1540, ut homines ab amatoriis, haud rare obsccenis, aliisque vanis 
canticis, quibus omnia in urbibus et vicis personabant, avocaret. Sed qui?, 
modulationes vanarum cantionum (alias enim homines non tenebant) adhi- 
buerat, &c" Gisberti Voetii Politica Ecclesiastica, torn. i. p. 534. Amstasiod. 
Li63, 4to. Florimond de Remond objected to the Psalms of Marot, that the 
airs of some of them were borrowed from vulgar ballads. A Roman Catholic 
version of the Psalms in Flemish verse, printed at Anvers, by Simon Cock, an. 
1540, has the first line of a ballad printed at the head of every Psalm. Bayle, 
Diet. art. Marot., Note N. The spiritual songs of Colletet, which were com- 



PERIOD SECOND. 



posed a century after our " Godly Balktes," and printed at Paris, with the 
royal license, were formed upon the model o: such ballads as this, II taut chan- 
ter une histoire de la femme d'un manaut, kc. Jurieu, Apologie pour les 
Reformateurs, &c torn. i. 129, 4to. 



PERIOD SECOND. 

Note A. p. 24.— The following very interesting account of him is given by 
one of his scnolars at Cambridge, in a letter which he transmitted to John 
Fox, who inserted i: in his Martyrolog\ , p. 1155, ed. 1596 — " About the yeare 
of our Lord, a thousand, five hundreth, tortie and three, there was, in the 
University of Cambridge, one Maister George Wischart, commonly called 
Maister George of Bennet's Colledge, who was a tall man, polde headed, and 
on the same a round French cap of the best. Judged of melancholye com- 
plexion by his physiognomie, black haired, long bearded, comely of person- 
age, well spoken after his country of Scotland, courteous, lowly, lovely, glad 
to teach, desirous to learne, and was well travailed. Having on him for his 
habit or clothing never but a mantell frieze gowne to the shoes, a black Mil- 
lian fustian dublet. and plain black hosen. course new canvasse for bis shirtes, 
and white falling bandes andcurFes at the hands. All the which apparell he 
gave to the poore, some weekly, some monethly. some quarterly, as he liked ; 
saving his Frenche cappe. which he kept the whole yeare of my being with 
him. He was a man modest, temperate, fearing God, hating covetousnesse : 
for his charitie had never ende, night, noone, nor daye. He forbare one 
meale, one day in four for the most part, except something to comfort na- 
ture. [When accused, at his trial, of contemning fasting, he replied. 1 My 
Lordis, I find that fasting is commendit in the scriptur. — And not so only; 
bot I have leirnil by experience, that fasting is gude for the healthe and con- 
versa tioun of the body." Knox, 60.] Hee lay hard upon a pousse of strawe 
course new canvasse sheetes, which, when he changed, he gave away. He 
had commonly by his bedside a tubbe of water, in the which i^his people being 
in bed, the candle put out, and all quiet) hee used to bathe himself. — He 
taught with great modestie and gravitie, so that some of his people thought 
him severe, and would have slaine him ; but the Lord was his defence. And 
hee, after due correctioun for their malice, by good exhortation amended 
them, and he went his way. O that the Lord had left him to me his poore 
boy, that he might have finished that he had begunne ! His learning no less 
sufficient than his desire, alwayes prest and readie to do good in that he was 
able, both in the house privately, and in the school publikely. professing and 
reading diverse authors." Letter of Emery Tylney. apud Fox, 1155. 

A particular account of Wishart's trial' and execution was published in 
England, apparently soon after the assassination of Beatoun. The general 
title is : " The tragical death of Dauid Beato, Bishoppe of sainct Andrewes 
in Scotland ; Whereunto is ioyned the martyrdom of maister George Wyse- 
harte gentleman, for whose sake the aforesayed bishoppe was no: longe after 
slayne. Wherein thou maist learne what a burnynge charitie they shewed 
not only towardes him ; but vnto al suche as come to their hades for the 
blessed Gospels sake." After the preface is the following title of the Tragedy 
or Poem : " Here followeth the Tragedy of the late moste reuerende father 
Dauid, by the mercie of God Cardinall and archbishoppe of sainct Andrews. 
And of the whole realme of Scotland primate, legate and chaunceler. And 
administrator of the bishoprich of Merapois in Fraunce. And comendator 
perpetuall of the abbay of Aberbrothoke, compiled by sir Dauid Lindsaye of 
the mounte Knyghte. ' Alias, Lione, kyng of amies " Anno M.D. xM. * Ul- 
timo Mail. The wordes of Dauid Beaton the cardinall aforesaied at his 
death. Alas, alas, slave me not ; I am a priest." The tragedy of Beatoun is 
printed in small, and the account of Wishart's trial in large black letter. 
The date of printing is not mentioned. Those who have fixed on the year 
1546. have been influenced by the occurring of this date on the title of the 
tragedy, which evidently refers to the time of Beatoun's death. It is pro- 
bable, however, from some expressions in the preface, as well as from ether 
considerations, that it was printed soon after that event. Fox has embodied 
the whole account of Wishart's trial in his Acts and "Monuments, pp. 1154- 
1158, '■ Ex Histor. Impressa." 1 Knox has transcribed it from Fox. His- 
toric, p. 72. 



346 



NOTES. 



Wishart had travelled on the Continent, but whether previous to his ba 
nishment, anno 1538, or after it. does not appear. Knox, 56. Buchanan calls 
him Sophocardius, supposing his name to be Wiseheart, a mistake which has 
been corrected by an intelligent foreign historian, who says that the original 
name was Guiscard, a name common in France, from which country the 
Wischards (for so Knox writes it) originally came to Scotland. Gerdesii 
Hist. Reformat, torn. iv. p. 314. 

Note B. p. 28 — Mr. Hume has, not very philosophically, inferred the sa- 
vageness of Knox's temper from the evident satisfaction with which he wrote 
of Cardinal Beaton's assassination ; and in this judgment he has been followed 
by many. If to express satisfaction at the cutting off of one who was regarded 
as a public enemy, be viewed as an Infallible mark of cruelty, we must pro- 
nounce the verdict upon many who were never before suspected of such a dis- 
position. The manner in which the Christian fathers expressed themselves 
respecting the death of the persecutors of the church is not unknown. See Ju- 
lian the apostate, chap. vii. viii. apud Works of the Rev. Samuel Johnson, p. 
22 — 24. Bayle, Critique Generale de l'Histoire du Calvinisme, p. 295. Even 
the mild and philosophical Erasmus could not refra-n from declaring his joy 
at the violent death of two of the most learned and eminent Reformers. " Be- 
ne habet," says he, " quod duo Coripha»i perierunt, Zuinglius in acie, Oeco- 
lampadius paulo post febri et apostemate Quod si illis favisset Ewockios y 
actum est de nobis." Epist. 1205, apud Jortin's Life of Erasmus, ii. 28. Mr. 
Walter Scott, in his Cadyow Castie (see Lyric Pieces), has lately employed all 
his poetic powers to invest Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh with the character of 
a hero, in assassinating the Regent Murray, a person who is no more to be 
compared to Cardinal Beaton than " Hyperion to a Satyr." I know the apo- 
logy that will be made for the poet (although I think he might have found, in 
this and in many other instances, a subject infinitely more worthy of his 
muse) ; but what shall we say of the historian, who narrates the action of 
Bothwellhaugh approvingly, celebrates the " happy pencil" of the poet in de- 
scribing it, and insults over the fall of Murray, by quoring a sarcastic line from 
the poem, in the very act of relating his death ! Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 571. 
Yet this same writer is highly displeased that Sir Lavid Lindsay, in his Tra- 
gedy of Beaton, has " no burst of indignation" at the Cardinal's murder; and 
twice over in the same work has related, with indignation, that on the mar- 
gin of one edition of Knox's history, the part which James Melvin acted in 
that scene is called a " godly fact." Chalmers's Works of Lyndsay, vol. i. 34, 
35. ii. 231. I mention these things to show the need which certain writers 
have to look at home, and to judge of characters and actions with a little more 
impartiality, or at least consistency. 

" It is very horrid," says Mr Hume, tc but at the same time somewhat amus. 
ing, to consider the joy, alacrity, and pleasure, which that historian [Knox] dis- 
covers in tds narrative of this assassination." History of Eng'and, vol. vi. 
chap. iv. The historian makes a partial apology for Knox, by the description 
which he gives of his own feelings ; while he allows that what, in the main, 
excites horror, may produce some amusement. It is well known that there 
are writers who can treat the most sacred subjects with a levity bordering 
upon profanity. Must we at once pronounce them profane ? and is nothing 
to be set down to the score of natural temper inclining them to wit and hu- 
mour ? The Reformer rejoiced at the death of Beatoun. And even those 
who could not approve of the act of the conspirators, were happy that he was 
taken away. 

" As for the Cardinal, we grant 

He was a man we weell might want, 
And we'll forget him sone : 

And yet I think, the sooth to say, 

Although the lown was weell away, 
The deed was foully done." 
The pleasantry which Knox has mingled with his narrative of his death and 
burial is unseasonable and unbecoming. But it is to be imputed, not to any 
pleasure which he took in describing a bloody scene, but to the strong propen- 
sity which he had to indulge his vein of humour. Those who have read his 
history with attention, must have perceived that he is not able to check this, 
even on very serious occasions. I shall at present refer to one instance only. 
None will doubt that his mind was deeply affected in relating the trial and 
execution of his much esteemed friend and instructor, George Wishart. let 
even in the midst of his narrative of this, he could not abstain from inserting 



PERIOD SECOND. 



347 



the truly ludicrous description of a quarrel which arose on the occasion be- 
tween the Archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow ; for which he apologise? 
thus : " Gif we interlace merrines with ernest matters, pardone us, gude 
reidare ; for the fact is sa notable, that it deservis lang memorie." See His- 
toric p. 51. 

Note C. p. 31. — The fathers of the English Reformation were very far from 
entertaining such ridiculous and illiberal sentiments. Knox's call to the minis- 
try was never questioned, buthis services readily accepted, when he afterwards 
went to England. Archbishop Cranmer, in the reign of Edward VI. and all the 
bishops in the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, corresponded with, and cheer- 
fully owned the foreign reformed divines as brethren, and fellow-labourers in 
the ministry of the gospel. In the year 1582, Archbishop Grindal, by a for- 
mal deed, declared the validity of the orders of Mr. John Morrison, who had 
been ordained hy the Synod of Lothian, " according to the laudable form 
and rite of the reformed church of Scotland" (says the instrument), per ge- 
neralem Synodum sive Congregationem illius comitatus juxta laudabilem 
Ecclesias Scotia? reformata? formam et ritum ad sacros ordines et sacrosanc- 
tum ministerium per manuum impositionem admissus et ordinatus. — Nos 
igitur formam ordmationis et prasfectionis tua? hujusmodi, modo pra?misso 
factam, quantum in nos est, et jure possumus, approbantes et ratificantes, &c. 
Strype's Life of Grindal. Append, book. ii. Numb xvii. p, 101. The objec- 
tion raised by some that Grindal was under sequestration at the time the li- 
cense ratifying Morrison's ordination was granted, and that it was not granted 
by him, but by Dr. Aubrey, as vicar-general, is of no weight, since, even du- 
ring the period of sequestration, all licenses were granted with deference to 
the archbishop, and consultation with him ; and, moreover, the license in 
question bears that it was granted with his grace's consent and express com- 
mand. Strype, ut supra. Whittingham, Dean of Durham, was ordained in the 
English church at Geneva, of which Knox was pastor ; and Travers, the op- 
ponent of Hooker, was ordained by a presbytery at Antwerp. Attempts 
were made by some highflyers to invalidate their orders, and induce them to 
submit to re-ordination, but they did not succeed. Strype's Annals, vol. 
ii. 520-4. 

Note D. p. 40 — I shaU transcribe his account of the exercise of his mind, 
during his confinement in the galleys, from the MS. copy of the Treatise on 
Prayer in my possession, preserving the original orthography, which is al- 
tered in the printed edition. Those who have access to the latter can com- 
pare the two together. 

" I mene not," says he, <e that any man, in extreamitie of trubill, can be 
without a present dolour, and without a greater feir of trubill to follow. Tru- 
bill and feir are the verie spurris to prayer. For when man, compassit about 
with vehement calamiteis, and vexit with continewall solicitude, having by 
help of man no hope of deliverance, with soir oppressit and punissit hart, 
feiring also greater punisment to follow, from the deip pit of tribulation, doith 
call to God for comfort and support, such prayer ascendeth into Godis pre- 
sence, and returneth not in vane." Having illustrated this from the exercise 
of David, as described in the viith Psalm, he proceeds : " This is not written 
for David onlie, but for all suche as sail suffer tribulatioun to the end of the 
world. For I, the wryter hereof (lat this be said to the laude and prais of 
God allone), in angusche of mynd, and vehement tribulatioun and afflictioun, 
called to the Lord, when not onlie the ungodlie, but evin my faithfull brether, 
ye and my awn self (that is, all natural understanding) judgeit my cause to be 
irremeadable ; and yit in my greatest calamitie, and when my panis wer most 
cruell, wold his eternall wisdome that my suld wryt far contrarie to the judge- 
ment of carnall reasone, whilk his mercie hath pruved trew. Blessit be his 
halie name.* And therefore dar I be bold, in the veritie of Godis word, to 
promeis that, notwithstanding the vehemencie of trubill, the long continew- 
ance thairof, the desperatioun of all men, the feirfulnes, danger and angusche 
of oure awn hartis, yit, yf we call constantlie to God, that, beyound expecta- 
tioun of ah men, he sail deliver." P. 52 — 54. After showing that prayers fox 
temporal deliverance ought always to be offered up with submission to the di- 
vine will, that God often delays the deliverance of the body while he mitigates 
the distress of the spirit, and sometimes permitteth his saints " to drink, be- 
fore the maturity of age, the bitter cupe of corporall death, that thairby thay 

* The words in Italic* are not in the printed copies* 



348 



NOTES. 



may receave medicene, and cure from all infirmitie," he adds : " Albeit we sie 
thairfoir no appeirand help to ourselves, nor yit to othiris afflictit, lat ws not 
ceis to call (thinking our prayeris to be vane), for whatsoever cum of our bo- 
dies, God sail gif unspeikabill comfort to the spreit, and sail turne all to our 
comodeties beyound our awn expectation. The caus that I am so lang and 
tedious in this matter is, that I knaw how hard thebattell is between the spreit 
and the flesh, under the heavie cros of afflictioun, whair no warldlie defence, 
but present death dois appeir. I knaw the grudgeing and murmuring com- 
plaints of the flesche ; I knaw the anger, wrath, and indignatioun, whilk it 
consaveth aganis God, calling all his promissis in dout, and being readie everie 
hour utterlie to fall from God . aganis whilk restis onlie faith provoking us to 
call erneistlie, and pray for assistance of Godis spreit, whairin if we continew, 
our maist desperat calamiteis sail hie turne to gladnes, and to a prosperous 
end.* To thee, O Lord, alone be prais ; for with experience I wryt this, and 
speak." MS. Letters, p. 52—54 ; 65, 6fi. 

The edition was printed most probably in England (Rome is in the title- 
page) during the persecution, from a MS. sent by Knox from Dieppe and is 
so incorrect that it is often impossible to make sense of it. The following are 
specimens. " Diflysed," fol. 2 ; " difficil," MS. " A pure word of God," 
fol. 2 ; " a puritie allowit of God," MS. " Consent," fol. 3 : " conceat," MS. 
" May any other Jesus Christ, except I, in these wordes make intercession for 
sinners?" fol. II ; " May any other (Jesus Christ except) in these wordis 
mak intercession for sinneris ?" MS. the transcriber having mistaken the con- 
cluding mark of parenthesis for the pronoun I. " Carkese slepe/' fol. 16; 
" careleslie slepeth," MS. In quoting Isa. lxiv. 5, the printed edition has em- 
ployed a word which I have not seen in any old version of the Bible. 
" Thou art crabbid, O Lord, because we have sinned," fol. 4; and again in 
verse 9, " Be not crabbid, O Lord, remember not our iniquities for ever." 
In the MS. it is angrie in both instances. In fol. xvi. is a greater variation. 
'* For with such as do aleage that God may not chaunge his sentence, and our 
prayers therefore to be vayne, can I no wyse agree." Instead of this the MS. 
has " whilk thing if we do unfeanedlie, he will revoke his wrath, and in the 
middis of his furie think upon mercie." — There are similar variations between 
the MS. and the printed copies of most of his other tracts. They show that 
the MS. which I possess has not been transcribed from these copies, according 
to a custom pretty common in that age. 

Note E. p. 42. — In reading the writings of the first reformers, there are 
two things which must strike our minds. The first is the exact conformity 
between the doctrine maintained by them respecting the justification of sin- 
ners, and that of the apostles. The second is the surprising harmony which 
subsisted among the reformers as to this doctrine. On some questions re- 
specting the sacraments, and the external government and worship of the 
church, they differed ; but upon the article of free justification, Luther and 
Zuinglius, Melancthon and Calvin, Cranmer and Knox, spoke the very same 
language. This was not owing to their having read each other's writings, but 
because they copied from the same divine original. The clearness with which 
they understood and explained this great truth is also very observable. More 
learned and able defences of it have since appeared ; but I question if ever it 
has been stated in more scriptural, unequivocal, decided language, than it 
was in the writings of the early reformers. Some of their successors, by giv- 
ing way to speculations, gradually lost sight of this distinguishing badge of 
the Reformation, and landed at last in Arminianism, which is nothing else but 
the Popish doctrine in a Protestant dress. Knox has informed us, that his 
design in preparing for the press the Treatise written by Sir Henry Balnayes, 
was to give, along with the author, his " confession of the article of justifica- 
tion therein contained." I cannot, therefore, lay before the reader a more 
correct view of his sentiments upon this fundamental article of faith, than by 
quoting from a book which was revised and approved by him. 

Having given the philosophical definition of justice or righteousness, and 
explained what is meant by civil and ceremonial justice, the author proceeds 
as follows : " The justice of the law morall or Moses's law, which is the law 
of God, exceedeth and is far above the other two justices. It is the perfite 
obedience required of man, according to all the works and deeds of the same. 
Not only in externall and outward deed, but also with the inward affections 

* The P. C. instead of " end,'' have " fyne," a word sometimes used in the MS. letters. 



PERIOD SECOND. 



349 



and motions of the hart, conforme to the commandement of the same (say- 
ing), Thou shalt love thy Lord God with all thy hart, with all thy mind, with 
all thy power, and strength, and thy neighbour as thyselfe. This is no other 
thing but the law of nature, prented in the hart of man, in the beginning; 
nowe made patent by the mouth of God to man, to utter his sin, and make 
his corrupted nature more patent to himselfe. And so is the lawe of nature 
and the law of Moyses joyned together in a knot ; which is a doctrine, teach- 
ing all men a perfite rule, to know what he should do, and what he should 
leave undone, both to God and his neighbour. The justice of the lawe, is to 
fulfill the law ; that is, to doo the perfite workes of the law as they are re- 
quired, from the bottome of the hart, and as they are declared and expound- 
ed by Christ ; and whosoever transgresseth the same, shall never be pro- 
nounced just of the law- But there was never man that fulfill d this lawe to 
the uttermost perfection thereof (except onely Jesus Christ ). Therefore, in 
the lawe can we not find our justice, because of the deedes of the lawe no flesh 
shall be made just before God." P. 57, 58 

" For transgression of the commandement of God, our forefather Adam 
was exiled and banished forth of Paradise, and spoiled of the integrity, per- 
fection, and all the excellent qualities, dignities, and godlie vertues, with 
which he was endued by his creation, made rebell, and disobe dient to God in 
his owne default. And therefore he might not fulfill the law to the perfec- 
tion as the same required. For the lawe remaining in the owne perfection, 
just, holye, and good, requireth and asketh the same of man, to be in deed 
fulfilled. But all men proceeding from Adam, by naturall propagation, have 
the same imperfection that hee had ; the whicti corruption of nature resisteth 
the will and goodnes of the law, which is the cause that wee fulfill not the 
same, nor may not of our power and strength, through the intirmitie and 
weaknes of our flesh, which is enemie to the spirit, as the apostle saith." 
P. 79, 80. 

" Notwithstanding, after the fall of man, remained with our first parents 
some rest, and footsteppes of this lawe, knowledge, and vertues, in the which 
he was created, and of him descended in us ; by the which, of our free will 
and power, we may do the outward deeds of the law, as is before written. 
This knowledge deceaved and beguiled the philosophers ; for they looke but 
to the reason and judgement of man, and could not perceave the inward cor- 
ruption of nature, but ever supponed man to bee clean and pure of nature, 
and might, of his own free wil and naturall reason, fulfill all perfection. And 
when they perceaved the wickednes of man from hi:, birth, thay judged that 
to be by reason of the planete under whome he was borne, or through evill 
nourishing, upbri ging, or other accidents, and could never consider the cor- 
rupted nature of man, which is the cause of a 1 our wickednes; and there- 
fore they erred, and were deceaved in their opinions and judgments ; but the 
perfite Christian man should looke first in his corruption or nature, and con- 
sider what the law requireth of him, in the which he finding his imperfection 
and sinnes accused (for that is the office of the law, to utter sinne to man, and 
giveth him no remedy), then of necessitie is he compelled either to despaire, 
or seek Christ, by whom he shall get the justice that is cf value before God, 
which can not be gotten by any law or works, because by the deedes of the 
law no fleshe shall be justified before God." P. 81— 83. * * * * 

" But think not that I intende through these assertions to exclude good 
works; no, God foibid, for good workes are the gift of God, and his good 
creatures, and ought and should be done of a Christian, as shalbe sh< wen here- 
after at length in their place; but in this article of justification, yee must 
either exclude all workes, or els exclude Christ from you, and make your selfes 
just, the which is impossible to do. Christ is the end ol the law v unto right- 
eousnes) to all that belee • e, that is, Christ is the consummation and fulfilling 
of the lawe, and that justice whiche the lawe requireth ; and all they which 
beleeve in him, are just by imputation through faith, and for his sake are re- 
pute and accepted as just. This is the justice of faith of the which the apostle 
speaketh, Rom. the 1(J. chapter therefore, if yee wilbee just, seeke Christ, and 
not the law, nor your invented workes, which are lesse then the law. Christ 
will have no mixtion with the law, nor works thereof, in this article of justi- 
fication ; because the law is as contrarie to the office of Christ as darknes to 
light, and is as fane diff erent as heaven and earth ; for the office of the law is 
to accuse the wicked, feare them, and condemne them, as transgressours of the 
same ; the office of Christ is to preache mercy, remission of sinnes, freely in 
his bloude, through faith, give consolation, and to save sinners ; for hee came 
not in to this world to call them which ar just, or think themselves just, but to 
call sinners to repentance." P. 100, 126, 127, 128. 



350 



NOTES. 



" This faith which only justifieth and giveth life, is not idle, nor remaineth 
alone ; nevertheless, it alone justifieth, and then it workes by charitie ; for un- 
fained faith may no more abyde idle from working in love, than the good tree 
may from bringing foorth her fruit in due time : and yet the fruite is not the 
cause of the tree, nor maketh the tree good, but the tree is the cause of the 
fruit: and the good tree bringeth forth good fruite, by the which it is knowen 
goode ; even so it is of the faithfull man, the workes make him not faithfull nor 
just, nor yet are the cause thereof; but the faithfull and just man bringeth 
forth and maketh good works, to the honor and glorie of God, and profit of 
his neighbour, which beare witnesse of his inward faLh, and testify him to be 
just before man." P. 131, 13j*. In the following part of the Treatise, the au- 
thor shows at large, that the doctrine of gratuitous justification does not re- 
lease Christians from obligation to perform good works, and inculcates the du- 
ties incumbent upon them in the different spheres of life in which they may 
be placed — " Confession of Faith ; conteining how the troubled man should 
seeke refuge at his God ; compiled by M. Henry Balnaves of Halhill, and one 
of the Lords of Session of Scot land, being a prisoner within the old pallaice of 
Roane, in the year 1543." T. Vautrollier, Edin. 1584. 

Note F. p. 44. — It is observed by Mr. Tytler, in his History of Scotland, 
(vol. vi. p. 88), that none of Knox's biographers had discovered in what man- 
ner the Reformer recovered his lioerty when released from the French gal- 
leys. Dr. M'Crie admits this to be a point which he cannot certainly deter- 
mine; yet it is rather singular, that amidst the various conjectures on the 
subject, it did not occur to this learned biographer, that the treaty of peace 
concluded between France, England, and Scotland, at the very period of 
Knox's liberation, might afford at least a probable solution of the mystery. 
Knox obtained his liberty in February 1549 or 1550, according to the modern 
reckoning. The peace was concluded March 24th, and published the 12th 
day of April the same year, " This same zeire, ther was a peace tratted and 
concludit at Bolloyne, betuix the Scotts, Frenche and Englishe; Fanter, 
Bischope of Rosse, for the Scotts, Chattelone for the French, and for the 
Englishe the Earle of Bedford. This peace was publisht the 12 day of Ap- 
pryle. The young Lord Erskyne, and Henrey St. Clare, Dean of Glasgow, 
goes ambassadors to England, and seeis the peace signed and suorne ; and 
from thence to Flanders, quher they lykwayes conclude a peace." That this 
pacification smoothed the way for the release of Knox and the other Scottish 
prisoners, there can be no doubt. The fact itself, however, has been esta- 
blished by the more recent researches of Mr. Tytler, in the State- Paper Office, 
while investigating that important period of Scottish and English history. In 
his volumes entitled " England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary," 
consisting chiefly of original lettors never before printed, we find several new 
documents respecting passages in the life of our Reformer. In a letter dated 
June 14, 1550, addressed to the council in London by Sir John Masone, who 
was then in Paris watching the secret intrigues between the French Court 
and the Irish chiefs, who had proposed to Henry II. to cast off their depend- 
ence on England, and become subjects of France, provided the Pope's con- 
sent and assistance in men and money could be procured, the situation of the 
Scottish prisoners is alluded to, from which it appears these captives obtained 
their freedom from the French king at the earnest and repeated application 
of Edward VI. In narrating one of his interviews with Henry II. Sir John 
proceeds:" Finally, 1 besougi.thim [the king] to remember the Scots of St. An- 
drew's. He said, he thought the Constable had therein taken order, to whom 
he bade me go to know the certainty thereof. Thus, after many good and 
friendly words, I took my leave of him, and strait repaired unto the Con- 
stable, to whom I declare-; both my commission and the king's answer 
thereunto." * * * " Touching the Scots at St. Andrew s, he told me that 
the Lord Grange and his brother are flown he wist not whether, and two 
others were already set at libeity ; and that the rest, at the king my master's 
contentation, should out of hand be put at large. Marry, out of the realm 
they should not yet go. All other Scots that had served the king in his wars, 
should also out of hand be set at liberty, the places being known where they 
do remain. And for that purpose he sent for the Prior of Capua, and asked 
him whether all Englishman ti at were prisoned in the galleys were not at li- 
berty. He answered that he t< ought assuredly they were all abroad, for he 
had long since taken order therefore. 1 pray you, quoth I, yet write once 
again therein, and require the certificate of the execution thereof to be sent 
to you, which I would be glad to see. He promised that he would not fail so 



PERIOD SECOND. 



351 



to do. Yea, quoth the Constable ; and let the like order be taken with the 
Scots, if you have any that have served the king of England in his wars." In 
a subsequent letter from Sir John Masone to the council, dated Rouen, 6th 
October 1550, the release of the Scottish prisoners is again alluded to as hav- 
ing been a subject of conference with the queen-dowager of Scotland, then 
on a visit to the Court of France, where " she was almost worshipped as a 
goddess." " Since my coming hither, I have been in hand with the Constable 
touching my last communication with the king, which was concerning the 
quarrels that the Scots pick daily with us, the liberty of the Scots of St. An- 
drew's, and the commissioners to be appointed for matters of depredation. 
For the Scottish quarrels I am answered that the master of Erskine is now at 
the court of England, and is looked for here within three or four days ; at 
which time the matter shall be weighed and considered, according as may ap- 
pertain to the continuation of the amity. Touching the Scots of St. An- 
drew's, the queen hath not yet been spoken with therein, but shall be very 
shortly, trusting that I shall have therein a good answer." ****** 
" I have this day visited the queen dowager of Scotland, who, being accompa- 
nied with a great company of Scottish gentlemen, arrived here the 25th of 
Sept. and was received with much honour. I used to her such general words of 
the king's rejoicing of her safe arrival, and of the trust he had of her forward- 
ness to the continuation of the peace, as methought were most meet for the 
time. She took the visitation very thankfully, and prayed me most humbly in 
her behalf to yield thanks therefore unto his majesty, who was, both by rea- 
son of his most gentle passport, and the good entertainment which by his com- 
mandment she received by the way in his ports, the only occasion of her safe 
coming hither." * * * * "Your Lordships shall herewith receive the 
names of the principal Scots that are here arrived with the dowager of Scot- 
land, who with their bands fill all this court ; and such brawling, chiding, and 
fighting make they here for their lodgings, and others' quarrels, as though 
they lately came from some new conquest. It is thought the king will tarry 
here yet eight or ten days. From hence he goeth to Dieppe, and so to the 
rest of his havens and fortresses upon the sea-side ; minding, as he goeth, to 
see the musters of his garrisons." Tytler s Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, 
vol. i. pp. 294-96, S26-29.—£d. 



PERIOD THIRD. 

Note A. p. 49. — The following quotations are given from the MS. of Knox's 
defence before Tonstall, bishop of Durham, in my poss ssion. It agrees in point 
of orthography with the printed copy, with a remarkable degree of exactness.* 
M The fourt of Apryle in the yeir 1550, was appoyntit to Johne Knox, preacher 
of the halie evangeil of Jesus Chryst, to gif his confessioun why hie affirmed 
the mas idolatrie : whilk day, in presence of the consale and congregation, 
amangis whome was also present the bischope of Duram and his doctors, on 
this maner hie beginneth :" 

" This day I do appeir in your presence, honourabill audience, to gif a rea- 
sone why so constantiie I do affirme the mes to be, and at all times to haif 
bene, idolatrie, and abominafioun before God ; and becaus men of great erudi- 
tioun, in your audience, affirmed the contrarie, most gladlie wold I that heir 
thay wer present, either in proper persone, or els by thair learnit men, to pon- 
der and wey the causis moveing me thairto: for unles I evidentlie prufe myne 
intent be Goddis halie scriptures, I will recant it as wickit doctrine, and con- 
fes my self maist worthie of grevous punisment. How difficill it is to pull 
furth of the hartis of the pepill the thing whairin opinioun of holines standeth, 
declareth the great tumult and uprore moveit aganis Paule by Demetrius and 
his fellowis, who by idolatrie gat great vantage, as oure pnestis have done be 
the mase in tymes past. The pepill, I say, heering that the honor of thair 
great goddes Diana stood in jeopardie, with furious voces cryit, great is Diana 
of the Ephesians ; — and heirunto wer thay moveit be lang custome and falls 
opinioun. I knaw, that in the mass hath not onhe bene estemit great holines 
and honoring of God, but also the ground and foundatioun of oure religioun, 
so that in the opinioun of many, the mas taken away, thair resteth no trew 
wirschipping nor honoring of God n the erth. The deiper hath it persit the 

* The orthography of the MS. is retained; only the contracted syllables are extended. 



352 



NOTES. 



hartis of men yat it occupyith the place of the last and mistical supper of our 
Lord Jesus. But if I sal be plane and evident, scriptures prove the mass, in hir 
maist honest garment, to haif bene idolatrie before God, and blasphemous to 
the death and passioun of Chryst, and contrarie to the supper of Jesus Chryst, 
than gude hope have I, honorable audience, and belovit brethrene, that the 
feir, love, and obedience of God, who in his scriptures hath spokin all veritie 
necessarie for oure salvatioun, sail move you to gif place to the same. O 
Lord eternal ! move and governe my toung to speak the veritie, and the hartis 
of thir pepill to understand and obey the same. P. 1,2. 

In proof of his assertion, he advanced and defended two syllogisms. The 
first is thus stated : " All wirschipping, honoring, or service inventit by the 
brane of man, in the religioun of God, without his expres commandement, 
is idolatrie. The mase is inventit by the brane of man without any com- 
mandement of God. Thairfoir it is idolatrie.'* The second syllogism is thus 
framed: " All honoring or service of God whairunto is added a wickit opi- 
nioun, is abominatioun. Unto the mes is addit a wickit opinioun. Thairfoir 
it is abominatioun." P. 3-21. The manner in which our Reformer proceeded 
in this controversy, by resting his defence upon these propositions, especially 
the first, corresponds with the boldness which characterized all his proceed- 
ings. A more cautious and timid disputant would have satisfied himself with 
attacking the more gross notions entertained by the Papists on this subject, 
and the glaring abuses practised in the celebration and selling of masses. He 
aimed his blow directly at the root of all these evils, by advancing a principle 
which, provided it was established, overthrew the whole system of supersti- 
tion and will- worship. In support of the major proposition of his first syllo- 
gism, he argues from 1 Sam. xiii. 11-14. xv. 22, 23; Deut. iv. 2. xii. 8-32 ; 1 Cor. 
xi. 23. Take the following as a specimen. " We may not think us so frie 
nor wyse that we may do unto God, and unto his honour, what we think ex- 
pedient. No : the contrarie is commandit of God, saying, ' Unto my word sail 
ye ad nothing, nothing sail ye diminische thairt'rome, that ye might observe 
the preceptes of your Lord God.' Whilk wordis ar not to be understaud of 
the decalogue and law moral onlie, but of statutis, rytes, and ceremonies; for 
equall obedience of all his lawis requyreth God. And in witnes thairof, Na- 
dib and Abihu offering strange tyre, whairof God had gevin unto thame na 
charge, wer instantlie, as thay offerit, punissit to death by fyre. — In the pu- 
nisment of theis two afoirsaid is to be observit, that Nadab and Abihu wer the 
principal preists nixt to Aron their father, and that thay wer comprehendit, 
nether in adulterie, covetusnes, nor desyre of warldlie honor, but of a gud 
zeall and simpill intent wer making sacr.fiee, desyring no piofit of the pepill 
thairby, but to honor God, and to metigate his wraith. And yet in the doing 
of this self same act and sacrifice wer thay consumit away with fyre ; whairof 
it is plane, that nether the pre-eminence of the persone, or man that maketh 
or setteth up an religion without the express commandement of God, nor yet 
the intent whairof he doith the same, is acceptit befoir God; for nothing in 
his religioun will he admit without his awn word, but all that is addit thairto 
doith he abhor. ' P. 6,7. 

The following extracts will exemplify the irony with which he treated the 
Popish tenets. " Jesus Chryst sayetn, ' I will lay upon you none other bur- 
dene than I haif alreide ;' and, ' that whilk ye haif observe diligentlie !' O God 
eternal ! hast thow laid none burdene upon our backis than Jesus Christ laid 
be his word ? Then who hath burdened ws with all theis ceremoneis ? pre- 
scrybid fasting, compellit chastitie, unlawful vowis, invocatioun of Sanctis, 
and with the idolatrie of the mese ? The divill, the divill, brethrene, inventit 
all theis burdenis to depres imprudent men to perditioun.' P. 10. Speaking 
of the canon of the mass, he saith, " I will pieve, that thairin is indigest, 
barbarous, folische congestion of wordis, imperfection of sentences, ungodhe 
invocationes, and diabolicall conjurationes. And this is that holie canon 
whois autoritie precelleth all scriptures, and was so holie as m.ght not be spo- 
kin planelie as the rest, but secreitlie it behoved to be whispent ! That was 
not evil devysit ; for yf all men had hard it, sum wold have espyit the vanitie 
thairof.— Thay say, hoc est enim corpus meura. I pray thame schew whair 
fund thay enim ? O ! heir mak thay a great matter ; and heir lyeth a secreit 
misterie, and hid operatioun ! For in fy ve wordis conceaved the virgin Marie, 
say thay, when scho conceavit the Sone of God. What yf sche had spoken 
sevin, ten, or twentie wordis ? or what yf sche had spokin thrie ? Suld thair- 
by the determinat consalle bene impedit? O Papists! is God a juglar? 
Useth hie certane noumcr of wordis in performing his intent?" P. 18, 19. 

Quentin Kennedy, abbot of Crossraguel, whose name will be introduced in 



PERIOD THIRD. 



353 



a subsequent Period, made some remarks on Knox's book against the mass, 
in * Ane Oratioune," composed by him in the year 1561. " Shoitly," says the 
abbot, "will we call to remembrance ane notable syllogisme (or argument) sett 
furth be ane famous preachour. callit John Knox, in his sermon againis the 
mess, in manner as efter foilowis.*' And having quoted the first syllogism, as 
already expressed in this note, he answers : '* As to the first part of his syllo- 
gisme, quhar he dois atfirme all worst-hipping of God inuentit be the brayne 
of manne without express command of God to be ydolatrie, it is als falss as 
Goddis wourd is trew ; for quhy ? did not Abel, Abraham, Noe. and diuerse 
vtherse of the aulde fatheris, inuent meanis and ways to the worse hipping of 
God, without expres commande of God, and wes acceptable to the Lord God, 
as the Aulde Testament teches ws ? Did not Cornelius centurio in likewise 
inuent meanis and ways to the worschipping of God, without expres com- 
mande of God, quhilk wes acceptable to God, as the New Testament plainly 
teachis ws ? Thus ma we cleaxlie persaue that this wickit syllogisme aboue 
rehersit is express againis the Scripture of Almychtie God, bayth Aulde Tes- 
tament and New. Secundlie, to preve his fals and wickit syllogisme, impro- 
pirlie callis he to remembrance the Scripture of Almychti God, quhare men- 
tione is maid how King Saul made sacrifice onto God of his owne brayne, and 
wes nocht acceptable to the Lorde God. Mark this place of the Scripture, 
and it salbe ea*>eiy persavit that it is all wayis impropirlie appliit ; for quhy, 
his syllogisme makis mentione of the worschipping of God inuentit be the 
brayne of manne, without expres commande of God ; and this place of Scrip- 
ture testifcis plainly of the worschipping of God inuentit be the brayne of 
manne, express conrrar to the commande of God. And sua may we clearly 
vnderstand that this first part of his syllogisme diffeis far fra the testimonie 
of Scripture, adducit be him for confirmatione of the sarain ; bicaus thair is 
ane grete difference betuix the worschipping of God inuentit be manne. with- 
out expres commande of God ; and the worschipping of God inuentit be 
manne, express contrar to the commande of God ; the ane may neuer stand 
with the Scripture ; the vther agreis with the Scripture, bayth Aulde Testa- 
ment and New, as I haif all redely declarit." In fine, the'abbot insists that 
Saul "committit na ydolatrie," for " albeit the Scripture dois affirme that 
stubborness is as the wicketnes of ydolatrie, nociittheles stubbornes is nocht 
ydolatrie." Ane Oratioune set furth be Master Quintine Kennedy. Com- 
mendatour of Corsraguell, ye zeir of God, 1561, p. 5-8. Edinburgh, "1812. 

Note B. p. 50. — In the Communion-book, as set forth anno 1548, the 
words pronounced by the minister at delivering the bread were, " The body 
of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul 
into everlasting life." And at the delivery of the cup, " The blood of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve,' kc. As altered in the 
revised Prayer-book of Edward VI. the words pronounced were, " Take 
and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy 
heart by faith. — Drink this in remembrance Christ s blood was shed for thee, 
and be thankful. ' A rubric was also added, to be read at the celebration of 
the communion, declaring, that although the posture of kneeling was retained 
to signify our humble and grateful acknowledgment or the benefits of Christ, 
and to prevent profanation and disorder ; yet " no adoration is intended or 
ought to be done, either to the sacramental bread and wine there bodily re- 
ceived, or unto any corporal presence of Christ s natural flesh and blood ; for 
the bread and wine retained their natural substances, and Christ's natural 
bodv was in heaven, and could not be in more places than one at the same 
time. ' Collier, ii. 310. Records. No. 70. 

In the settlement of religion, at the commencement of Elizabeth's reign, 
the old form of words at delivering the elements, was superinduced up n the 
new. which, like the patching of old and new cloth upon a garment, marred 
the whole, and pleas?d neither Protestants nor Papists. Ihe rubric, expla- 
natory of kneeling, was thrown out. At the restoration of Charles II. " the 
church thought fit ;says Collier) to condescend so far as to restore the rubric 
of King Edward's reign. ' to please k some people either or weak judgments 
or contentious humours." Apiece of condescension with which the histo- 
rian pretty plainly intimates his dissatisfaction. — In the liturgy which was at- 
tempted to be imposed upon the Scottish church, anno 1637, all the qualifica- 
tions and explications in the last prayer-book of Edward VI. were complete- 
ly excluded, and various expressions, postures, and gestures, favourable to the 
Popish notions and superstition, were unblushingiy borrowed from the mas?» 
book. But the rulers of the church in the three kingdoms were then posting 
last to Rome, when they were overturned in their mad career. 

2 A 



354 



NOTES. 



Note C. p. 58.— In a note to page 59, Dr. M'Crie thinks it proba- 
ble that the bishopric offered to Knox by Edward VI. was Newcastle, which 

was proposed to erect about that time, by dividing the extensive diocese of 
Durham into two, on the sequestration of Bishop Tonstal. This conjecture, 
frhich appears to have been founded on a passage in Brand's History of New- 
Castle, is now proved to be incorrect. The date of the offer, as well as the 
particular see, neither of which had hitherto been discovered, are now ascer- 
tained, by a letter from the Duke of Northumberland to Cecil, dated October 
28, 1552, and printed from the original, in the State Paper Office, in Mr. Tyt- 
ler's " Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary." From this document, the prof- 
fered see appears to have been the bishopric of Rochester ; and the offer was 
made and declined by Knox, not in 1553, but in the same month in which he 
had been consulted upon the Articles of Religion, previously to their ratifica- 
tion by Parliament, namely, in October 1552. The following is the letter: 
— Northumberland to Cecil — "I would to God it might please the King's 
Majesty to appoint Mr. Knocks to the office of Rochester bishoprick ; which, 
for three purposes, should do very well. The first, he would not only be a 
whetstone, to quicken and sharp the Bishop of Canterbury, whereof he hath 
need ; but also he would be a great confounder of the Anabaptists lately 
sprung up in Kent. Secondly, he should not continue the ministration in the 
North, contrary to this set forth here. Thirdly, the family of the Scots, now 
inhabiting in Newcastle, chiefly for his fellowship, would not continue there, 
wherein many resorts unto them out of Scotland, which is not requisite. 
Herein I pray you desire my Lord Chamberlain and Mr. Vice-chamberlain, 
to help towards this good act, both for God's service and the King's. And 
then for the North, if his Majesty make the Dean of Durham Bishop of that 
see, and appoint him one thousand marks more to that which he hath in his 
deanery, — and the same houses which he now hath, as well in f he city as in 
the country, will serve him right honourably, — so may his Majesty receive 
both the castle, which hath a princely site, and the other stately In ses which 
the Bishop hath in the country, to his Highness; and the Chancellor's living 
to be converted to the deanery, and an honest man to be placed in it; the 
Vice-chancellor to be turned into the Chancellor ; and the Suffragan, who is 
placed without the King's Majesty's authority, and also hath a great living, 
riot worthy of it, may be removed, being neither preacher, learned, nor ho- 
nest man : and the same living, with a little more to the value of it — a hun- 
dred marks, will serve to the erection of a Bishop within Newcastle. The 
«aid Suffragan is so pernicious a man, and of so evil qualities, that the coun- 
try abhors him. He is most meet to be removed from that office and from 
those parts. Thus may his Majesty place godly ministers in these offices as 
is aforesaid, and receive to his crown 2000^ a year of the best lands within the 
north parts of his realm. Yea, I doubt not it will be iiii m marks a year of as 
good revenue as any is within the realm ; and all places better and more godly 
furnished than ever it was from the beginning to this day. * * Scribbletf 
in my bed, as ill at ease as 1 have been much in all my life. — Your assured 
friend, Northumberland." 

The reason assigned for Knox's preferment, that he might " sharp the Bi- 
shop of Canterbury, ' and be "a great confounder of tiie Anabaptists," is 
curious enough : but Northumberland's eagerness in this matter, as well as 
his anxiety for the division of the diocese of Durham into two moderately 
endowed sees, so as to effect a saving to the King, appears to have been dic- 
tated by self interest, as he had an eye to the temporalities of the dissolved 
bishopric. This will appear in the sequel. From another letter of his to Ce- 
cil, of date December 7, 1552, we find that the Duke's kind intentions to- 
wards our Reformer had given place to very different feelings. They had 
had a meeting for consultation ; and, after a stormy interview, they separated 
with little regret on either side. Knox had too much penetration not to 
detect the ambition and selfishness of this domineering statesman, and too 
much sincerity not to tell him his faults to his face. Proving too conscien- 
tious — certainly too stubborn — to lend himself to his crafty and avaricious 
designs, the Reformer is sent back to Cecil as a man neither "grateful nor 
pleaseable." In the " Admonition to the Professors of the Faith in England," 
(alluded to at page 50, ) Knox shews an intimate knowledge of the characters 
of Northumberland, and Paulet Marquis of Winchester ; the first, as he 
says, " ruling the roast by stout courage and proudness of stomach :" the other, 
under the name of Shebna the treasurer, acting like " a crafty fox, showing a 
fair countenance to the King, but under it concealing the most malicious trea- 
son." 



PERIOD THIRD. 



355 



The most interesting portion of this letter, however, is that in which Nor- 
thumberland alludes to his own religious faith ; which, he assures us, had 
continued firm to the Protestant creed for twenty years: — little moie than a 
year elapsed, when this unhappy man was executed, professing himself a Ro- 
man Catholic. 

'* Northumberland to Cecil u Master Knox's being here to speak 

with me, saving the" ^e was so willed by you, 1 do return him again, because 
I love not to have to do with men which be neither grateful nor p leasable. 
I assure you ! mind to have no more to do with him but to wish him well, 
neither also with the Dean of Durham, because, under the colour of a false 
conscience, he can prettily malign and judge of others against good charity 
upon a froward judgment. And this manner you might see in his letter, that 
he cannot tell whether I be a dissembler in religion or not : but I have for 
twenty years stand [stood] to one kind of religion, in the same which I do 
now profess; and have. I thank the Lord, passed no small dangers lor it." 

After Knox's citation before the Privy Council, as has been already stated, 
the Duke affected a tone of patronizing pity towards the Reformer. He 
speaks of him as "poor Knoxe ' — a "poor soul," to whom it would be charity 
in Cecil to minister a tew words of comfort in his perplexed and heart broken 
state. The letter in which the Duke thus speaks of " the poor man and his 
proceedings," is very characteristic of the writer. It bears date December g, 
same year, and is addressed to Cecil: — -After my right hearty commendations. 
Herewith 1 do return unto you as well Mr* Morison's letters as also the 
Lord Wharton's, and do also send with the same such letters as 1 have re- 
ceived from the said Lord Wharton of the 2nd and 3rd of this instant, with 
also one letter from poor Knoxe, by the which you may perceive what per- 
plexity the poor soul remaineth in at this present ; the which, in my poor 
opinion, should not do amiss to be remembered to the rest of my Lords, that 
some order might be taken by their wisdoms for his recomfort. And as I 
would not wish his abode should be of great continuance in those parts, but 
to come and to go as shall please the King's Majesty and my Lords to ap- 
point him, so do I think it very expedient that his Highness pleasure should 
be known, as well to the Lord \\ harton as to those of Newcastle, that his 
Highness hath the poor man and his doings in gracious favour ; otherwise 
some hindrance in the matters of religion may rise and grow amongst the 
people, being inclined of nature to great inconstancy and mutations. And 
the rather do I think this meet to be done, for that it "seemeth to me that the 
Lord Wharton himself is not altogether without suspicion how the said 
Knoxe's doings hath been here taken : wherefore I pray you that something 
may be done whereby the King's Majesty's pleasure to my Lords may be 
indelayedly certified t'o the said Lord Wharton, of the King's Majesty's good 
contentatibn towards the poor man and his proceedings, with commandment 
that no man shall be so hardy to vex him or trouble him for setting forth the 
King's Majesty's most godly proceedings, or [what he] hereafter by his Ma- 
jesty's commandment shall do; for that his Majesty mindeth to employ the 
man and his talent from time to time in those parts, and elsewheie, as shall 
seem good to his Highness for the edifying of his people in the fear of God. 
And that something might be written to the Mayor for his greedy accusation 
of the poor man, wherein he hath, in mj poor opinion, uttered his malicious 
stomach towards the King s proceedings if he might see a time to serve his 
purpose; as knoweth God, to whose infinite goodness let us pray that all 
things may prosper, to his glory, and to the honour and surety of the King s 
Majesty. — From Chelsey, this 9th day of January 1552, your assured loving 
friend, Northumberland." 

It may sound strange to our ears to hear the stern and indomitable Re- 
former, who stood undaunted in the presence of kings and queens, and made 
the highest princes ann nobles of the land to tremble, described in terms of 
mock commiseration approaching to contempt. As for his alleged " malici- 
ous stomach towards the King s proceeding, " this calumny is refuted by the 
affectionate language in which" Knox always spoke of his Majesty, as well as 
tears of sincere grief which he shed at his premature death. The letter 
from " poor Knoxe/ addressed to his accusers, Lord Wharton and the May- 
or of Newcastle, was sent enclosed by Northumberland to Cecil. It might 
have thrown some additional light cn th:& passage of his history ; but Mr 
Tytler informs us it is not to be found. Tytler's Reign of Edv\ard VI. and 
Mary, vol. ii. p. 158 — Ed. 

Note D. p, 63.— I shall endeavour to compress the body of evidence which 



356 



NOTES. 



can be produced for the conformity between the private sentiments of th«» 
English reformers respecting worship and church-government, and those of 
Knox along with the reformers of Switzerland and Geneva. Hooper, in a 
letter' dated Feb. 8, 1550. informs Bullinger that " the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, the bishops of Rochester, Ely, St. David's, Lincoln, and Bath, were sin- 
cerely bent on advancing the purity of doctrine, agreeing in all things with 
the Helvetic churches." Burnet, "hi. 201. Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, in 
a letter to Gualter, Feb. 4. 1573, fervently exclaims, " O! would to God, 
would to God, once at last, all the English people would in good earnest pro- 
pound to themselves to follow the church of Zurich as the most absolute pat- 
tern," Strype's Annals, ii. 286, 342. 

Cranmer expressed his opinion formally in writing, that " the bishops and 
priests were at one time, and were no two things, but both one office in the 
beginning of Christs religion." — " The bishop of St. David s, my lord elect of 
"Westminster, Dr. Cox, Dr. Redman, say that at the beginning they were all 
one." Collier, ii. Records, No. 49. Burnet, i. Append, p. 223-225. Thir- 
teen bishops, with a great number of other ecclesiastics, subscribed this pro- 
position, " that in the New Testament there is no mention made of any de- 
grees or distinctions in orders, but only of deacons or ministers, and of priests 
or bishops.'' Burnet, ut supra, p. 324. Cranmer says, " In the New Testa- 
ment he that is appointed a bishop or a priest needeth not consecration by 
the scripture, for election, or appointment thereto, is sufficient." Of the 
same judgment was the bishop of St. David's. Ibid. 228-230. Latimer and 
Hooper maintained the identity of bishops and presbyters, by divine institu- 
tion. Voetii Polit. Eccles. torn. ii. p. 837. This was also the opinion of Pil- 
kington, bishop of Durham. Treatise on the burning of St. Paul's, apud 
Cald. Altare Damas, p. 204. Bishop Jewel assents to it in his apology against 
Harding, p. 121. Upon the accession of Elizabeth, he expressed his hope that 
" the bishops would become pastors, labourers, and watchmen, and that the 
great riches of bishoprics would be diminished and reduced to mediocrity, 
that, being delivered from regal and courtly pomp, they might take care cl 
the flock of Christ." Burnet, iii. 288. In the same year, Dr. Aylmer ad- 
dressed the right reverend bench in these terms : " Come of, you bishops, 
away with your superfluities, yield up your thousands, be content with hun- 
dreds, as they be in other reformed churches, where there be as great learned 
men as you are. Let your portion be priestlike, and not princelike. Let the 
Queen have the rest of your temporalities and other lands to maintain these 
warres which you procured, and your mistresse left her ; and with the reste 
builde and found scholes thorow outte the realme ; that every parische 
church may have his preacher, every city his superintendent, to live honestly 
and not pompously ; which will never be, onles your landes be dispersed anil 
bestowed upon many which now feedeth and fatteth but one. — I would our 
countryman Wicliefe's book which he wrote, De Ecclesia, were in print, and 
there should you see that your wrinches and cavillations be nothing worthe. 
It was my chaunce to happen of it in ones hand that brought it out of Bohe- 
mia." An Harborowe for faithful and trewe subjects. O. 4. Cranmer ex- 
pressed himself in a similar strain respecting the vain-glorious styles and pomp 
which were come into the church through the working of the spirit of Dio- 
trephes, and professed his readiness to lay them aside. Strype's Cranmer, 
Append, p. 20. Burnet, iii. 105. Append, p. 88. In fact, the title of bishop 
was very generally disused in common speech, during the reign of Edward 
VI. and that of superintendent substituted in its place. Ponet, bishop of 
Winchester, vindicated this practice, in an answer which he published to a 
Popish writer. Strype's Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 444, 445. 

It was proposed by Cranmer to erect courts similar to the kirk sessions and 
provincial synods afterwards introduced into the Scottish church. Burnet, 
iii. 214. Reformatio Leg. Eccles. cap. 8, 10. He ardently wished the sup- 
pression of prebendaries, " an estate which St. Paule, reckoning up the de- 
grees and estates allowed in his time, could not find in the church of Christ." 
Burnet, iii. Append, p. 157, 158. All the Protestant bishops and divines, in 
the reign of Edward VI. were anxious for the introduction of ecclesiastical 
discipline. Dr. Cox (Oct. 5, 1552) complains bitterly of the opposition of the 
courtiers to this measure, and says, that if it should not be adopted, " the 
kingdom of God would be taken away from them." Latimer's Sermons, fol. 
crx. b. Lond. 1570. Strype's Memor. of the Reform, ii. 366. Repository of 
Orig. p. 150. 

Cranmer, with his colleagues, were far from being satisfied with the purity 
©f the last common prayer-book of Edward, and he had drawn up one which is 



PERIOD THIRD. 



357 



«aid to have been " an hundred times more perfect." Troubles at Franckfort, 
p. 50. He and Ridley intended to procure an act for abolishing the sacerdotal 
habits; " for they only defended their lawfulness, but not their fitness." Bar- 
net's Letters respecting Switzerland, &c. p. 52. Rotterdam, 1686. When 
Grindall was appointed to the bishopric of London, he " remained under 
some scruples of conscience about some things, especially the habits and cer- 
tain ceremonies required to be used of such as were bishops. For the re- 
formed in these times (says Strype) generally went upon the ground, that, in 
order to the complete freeing of the church of Christ from the errors and cor- 
ruptions of Rome, every usage and custom practised by that apostate and 
idolatrous church should* be abolished, — and that the service of God should 
be most simple, stript of all that show, pomp, and appearance that had been 
customarily used before, esteeming all that to be no better than superstitious 
and antiehristian." Life of Grindal, p. 28. Horn and others had the same 
views and scruples. " By the letters (says Bishop Burnet) of which I read 
the originals [In the Archives of Zurich] it appears that the bishops pre- 
served the habits rather in compliance with the queen's inclinations than out 
of any liking they had to them ; so far were they from liking, that they plain- 
ly expressed their dislike of them." Burnet's Letters, ut supra, p. 51. Be- 
fore they accepted the office, they endeavoured to obtain the abrogation of 
the ceremonies ; and when the act enjoining them passed, they were induced 
to comply chiefly by their fears that Papists or Lutherans would occupy their 
places. Strype's Annals, i. 175. Burnet, ii. 376. Sermon on Psal. cxliv. 
15, preached before the House of Commons, Jan. 1688. Cox writes to Bul- 
hnger, 5th May 1551. " I think all things in the church ought to be pure 
and simple, removed at the greatest distance from the pomps and elements of 
the world. But in this our church, what can I do in so low a station." 
Strype's Memor. of the Reform, ii. 305. Burnet, iii. 202. Jewel, in a letter 
to Martyr, Nov. 5, 1559, calls the clerical habits " a stage-dress" (vestis see- 
nica), to which those alone were attached, who " had nothing else to recom- 
mend them to the people, but a comical dress, stipites sine ingenio, sine doc- 
trina, sine moribus, veste saltern comica volebant populo commendari." He 
engages that no exertions of his should be wanting to banish utterly these lu- 
dicrous fooleries, " ludicris ineptiis," and relics of the Amorites, as his cor- 
respondent (he says) had well designed them. And at a later period (Feb. 8, 
1566) he wrote to Bullinger that he " wished that the very slightest footsteps 
of Popery might be removed out of the church and minds of men ; but the 
queen would at that time suffer no change in religion." Burnet, iii. Append, 
p. 291, ii. Append, p. 351. Strype's Annals, i. 174. Grindal and Horn wrote 
to Zurich that they did not approve of, but merely suffered kneeling in the 
eucharist, and signing with the cross in baptism, with other ceremonies, hop- 
ing that they would speedily obtain their abrogation. Burnet, ii. 310, 314. 
As to Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, Pilkington of Durham, and Sands of 
Worcester, the non-conformists bear testimony that they discovered the 
greatest zeal in endeavouring to procure their abrogation. Ibid. iii. 316. 
The most respectable of the clergy in the lower house were of the same sen- 
timents with the bishops on this subject. In the year 1562, the abrogation of 
the most offensive ceremonies was, after long reasoning, put to the vote in 
the convocation, and carried by a majority of those present, but, when the 
proxies were included, there was found a majority of one for retaining them. 
The arguments used by archbishop Parker s chaplains, to prevail upon the 
house to agree to this, derived their chief force from their being understood 
to be the sentiments of the queen. Burnet, ii. Append, p. 319, 320. Strype s 
Annals, i. 298-300. 

From these facts (and a collection much more ample could easily be made), 
the reader will see who were the first Puritans, and how very different the 
sentiments of the early English reformers were from those of their succes- 
sors. Those good men who had the direction of ecclesiastical affairs in the 
reign of Edward VI., thought it most prudent to proceed gradually and slow- 
ly, in removing the abuses, and correcting the evils, which had overspread 
the church, to indulge the people for a season with those external forms to 
which they had been habituated, that they might draw them more easily from 
their superstitious notions and practices, and in due time perfect the reforma- 
tion to the satisfaction of all. The plan was plausible ; but its issue was very 
different from what was intended by those who proposed it. This was not 
unforeseen by some who wished well to the church of England. After the 
bishops had resolved to rest satisfied with the establishment which they had 
obtained, and felt themselves disturbed hy the complaints of the Puritans (as 



358 



NOTES. 



they were afterwards called), they endeavoured to engage the foreign divines 
on their side ; and having, by partial representations, and through the re- 
spect entertained for the government of England, obtained letters from them 
somewhat favourable to their views, they employed these to bear down such 
as pleaded for a more pure reformation. Whitgift made great use of this 
weapon in his controversy with Cartwright. Bishop Parkhurst wrote to Gu- 
alter, a celebrated Swiss divine, cautioning him on this head, adding, that he 
had refused to communicate some of Gualter's letters to Whitgift ; because, 
" if any thing made for the ceremonies, he presently clapped it into his book, 
and printed it.'" Strype's Annals, ii. 286, 287. But these divines had for- 
merly delivered their unbiassed judgment, disapproving of such temporising 
measures. Cranmer having signified to the Genevan Reformer, that he 
" could do nothing more profitable to the church than to write often to the 
king." Calvin wrote a letter to the archbishop in 1551, in which he lamented 
the procrastination used, and expressed his fears, that " a long winter would 
succeed to so many harvests spent in deliberation.'' Epist. p. 62. Oper. 
torn. ix. Strype's Cranmer, p. 413. Peter Martyr, in June 1550, expressed it 
as his opinion, that " the innumerable corruptions, infinite abuses, and im- 
mense superstition, could be reformed only by a simple recurrence to the 
pure fountain, and unadulterated original principles." The prudential ad- 
vice, that as few changes as possible should be made, he called " a device of 
Satan to render the regress to Popery more easy." Burnet, iii. Append, p. 
200. Gualter, in a letter dated Jan. 16, 1559, says, that such advices, though 
" according to a carnal judgment full of modesty, and apparently conducive 
to the maintenance of concord," were to be ascribed to " the public enemy of 
man's salvation," and prophetically warned those who suffered abuses to re- 
main and strengthen themselves in England, chat " afterwards they would 
scarcely be able to eradicate them by all their efforts and struggles." Ibid, 
iii. 273. Append, p. 265. Fuller says, that the English Reformers " per- 
mitted ignorant people to retain some fond customs, that they might remove 
the most dangerous and destructive superstitions ; as mothers, to get children 
to part with knives, are content to let them play with rattles." Very good : 
but if mothers suffer their children to play too long with rattles, they are in 
great danger of not parting with them all their days. 

Note E. p. 63. — A plan of improvements in the English church, which Ed- 
ward VI. drew with his own hand, may be seen in Strype s Memorials of the 
Reformation, ii. 341-343. He was desirous of the establishment of ecclesias- 
tical discipline, but sensible that the incumbent bishops were in general of 
such a description as to be unfit for its exercise. " Some for papistry (says 
he), some for ignorance, some for their ill-name, some for all these, are men 
unable to execute discipline." Accordingly, he adds, " as for discipline, 1 
would wish no authority given generally to all bishops ; but that commission 
be given to those of the best sort of them to exercise it in their dioceses." King 
Edward's Remains, apud Burnet, ii. Records, p. 69. 

Omitting other proofs of his intentions, I shall produce the decisive one of 
his conduct towards the foreign church settled in London under the inspec- 
tion of John a Lasco. A Lasco was a Polish nobleman, who had forsaken 
his native country, from regard to the reformed religion. He enjoyed the 
friendship of Erasmus, who, in one of his letters, has passed a high encomium 
upon him. " Senex, juvenis convictu, factus sum melior, ac sobrietatem, 
temperantiam, verecundiam, lingua? moderationem, modestiam, prudentiam, 
integritatem, quam juvenis a sene discere debuerat, a juvene senex didici." 
Epist. lib. 28. ep. 3. After remaining some time in Friesland, he left it on 
account of the disturbances produced by the Interim. In the year 1550, he 
came into England, with his congregation, at the request of Cranmer, and 
procured from the government a place of worship in London. He was of 
the sentiments of the Swiss church, and was unfriendly to the English cere- 
monies. Burnet, ii. 154. Notwithstanding of this, he was held in great es- 
teem by the young king, who granted him letters patent, erecting him and 
the other ministers of the foreign congregation into a body corporate. The 
patent runs in these terms. " Edward, &c. We being specially induced, by 
great and weighty considerations, and particularly considering how much it 
becomes Christian princes to be animated with love and care of the sacred 
gospel of God, and apostolical religion, begun, instituted, and delivered by 
Christ himself, without which, policy and civil government can neither subsist 
long, nor maintain their reputation, unless princes and illustrious persons 
whom God hath appointed for the government of kingdoms do first of all take 



PERIOD THIRD. 



359 



care, that pure and uncorrupted religion be diffused through the whole body 
of the commonwealth, and that a church instituted in truly Christian and 
apostolical doctrines and rites — be preserved, &c. with this intent and pur- 
pose, that there may be an uncorrupted interpretation of the holy gospel, 
and administration of the sacraments, according to the word of God, and 
apostolical observance by the ministers of the church of the Germans, &c. we 
command and strictly charge the mayor, &c. that they permit the said super- 
intendent and ministers, freely and quietly, to enjoy, use, and exercise their 
own rites and ceremonies, and their own peculiar ecclesiastical discipline, 
notwithstanding that they do not agree with the rites and ceremonies used 
in our kingdom," &c. The patent may be seen at large in Burnet, ii. Re- 
cords, p. 202. 

But the ulterior design which the king intended by the incorporation of 
this church, is what I have particularly in view. This is explicitly stated by 
A Lasco, in a book which he published anno 1555. In his dedication of it to 
Sigismond, king of Poland, he says: " When I was called by that king [Ed- 
ward VI.] and when certain laws of the country stood in the way, so that the 
public rites of divine worship used under Popery could not immediately be 
purged out (which the king himself desired) ; and when I was earnest for the 
foreign churches, it was at length his pleasure, that the public rites of the 
English churches should be reformed by degrees, as far as could be got done 
by the laws of the country; but that strangers, who were not strictly bound 
to these laws in this matter, should have churches granted unto them, in which 
they should freely regulate all things wholly according to apostolical doctrine 
and practice, without any regard to the rites of the country ; that by this 
means the English churches also might be excited to embrace the apostolical 
purity, by the unanimous consent of all the states of the kingdom. Of this 
project, the king himself, from his great piety, was both the chief author and 
the defender. For, although it was almost universally acceptable to the king's 
council, and the archbishop of Canterbury promoted it with all his might, 
there were not wanting some who took it ill, and would have opposed it, had 
not his majesty checked them by his authority and the reasons which he ad- 
duced for the design." Again, in the Appendix to the same book, p. 649, he 
says, — " The care of our church was committed to us chiefly with this view, 
that in the ministration thereof, we should follow the rule of the divine word 
and apostolical observance, rather than any rites of other churches. In fine, 
we were admonished both by the king himself, and his chief nobility, to use 
this great liberty granted to us in our ministry, rightly and faithfully, not to 
please men, but for the glory of God, by promoting the reformation of his 
worship." De Ordinatione Ecclesiarum peregrinarum in Anglia. Dedic. et 
p. 649. Larger extracts from this work may be seen in Voetii Politic. Eccles. 
torn. i. 420-422. 

Note F. p. 65. — The following account of the freedom used by the chaplains 
of Edward VI. in reproving the vices of the courtiers, is given by Knox, in his 
* Letter to the Faithful in London, &c." I quote from the MS. 

" How boldlie thair synes wer rebukeit, evin in thair faces, suche as wer 
present can witnes with me. Almost thair wes none that occupyit the place 
[pulpit] but hie did prophesie, and planelie speak the plaguis that ar begun, 
and assuredlie sail end : Mr. Grindall planelie spak the deth of the kingis ma- 
jestie, complaynyng on his houshald servandis and officeris who nether escha- 
meit nor feirit to raill aganis Goddis trew word, and aganis the preacheris 
of the same. The godlie and fervent man, Maister Lever, planelie spak the 
desolatioun of the common weill, and the plaguis whilk suld follow schortlie. 
Maister Bradforde (whom God, for Chryst his Sone's sake, comfort to the end) 
spared not the proudest; butboldie declairit that Godis vengeance suld schort- 
lie stryke thame *hat than wer in autoritie, becaus thay abhorrit and lothed 
the trew word of the everlasting God. And amangis many uther willet thame 
to tak exampill be the lait duck of Somerset, who became so cald in hering 
Godis word, that the yeir befoir his last apprehensioun, hie wald ga visit his 
masonis, and wald not dingyie* himself to ga from his gallerie to his hall for 
hering of a sermone. God punnissit him (said the godlie preacher) and that 
suddanlie ; and sail hie spair you that be dowbill mair wickit ? No : hie sail 
not. Will ye, or will ye hot, ye sail drink the cupe of the Lordis wreith. 
judicium domini ! judicium domini ! the judgement of the Lord! the judge- 
ment of the Lord ; lamentabillie cryit he, with weipping teiris. Maister Had - 

* i. e. deign. In the printed copies it is " disease himself." 



360 



NOTES. 



den most learnedlie opinnit the caussis of the bypast plagis, affirming that the 
wors wer to follow, unles repentance suld schortlie be found. Thir things, and 
mekil mair I hard planelie spokin, efter that the haill consale had said thay 
wald heir no mo of thair sermonis ; thay wer but indifferent fellowis ; ye, and 
sum of thame eschameit not to call thame pratting knaves. But now will I 
not speik all that I knaw, for yf God continew my lyfe in this trubill, I intend 
to prepar ane dische for such as than led the ring "in the gospell : but now thay 
haif bene at the scule of Placebo, and amangis laddis [ladies] hes learnit to 
dance, as the devill list to pype !" p 120, 121. 

With Knox's representation agrees exactly the affecting " Lamentation for 
the change of religion in England," composed in prison by bishop Ridley, in 
which he names our countryman along with Latimer, Lever, and Bradford, 
as distinguishing themselves by the faithfulness and boldness with which they 
censured the vices that reigned at court. I would willingly make extracts 
from it, but must refer the reader to the paper itself, which they will find in- 
serted at large in the aecount of the bishop's trial and martyrdom, in Fox, p. 
1614-1620. Edit, anno 1596. 

Grindal was an exile during the reign of Mary, and under Elizabeth was 
made successively bishop of London, archbishop of York, and archbishop of 
Canterbury. Thomas Lever was a very learned man, and Master of St. John's 
College, Cambridge. He was Knox's colleague at Frankfort. Upon the acces- 
sion of Elizabeth, he was admitted to a prebend in the cathedral of Durham, 
but was afterwards deprived of it on account of non-conformity. He seems 
to have been allowed to preach through the country, and, in 1577, died Mas- 
ter of Sherburn Hospital. Some of his sermons are in print. Troubles of 
Frankford, p. 13, 28. Strype's Parker, p. 212. App. 77. Grindal, 170. Annals 
iii. 512-514. Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 594. John Bradford was in prison when 
Knox wrote the above account of him, and was martyred under Queen Mary. 
James Haddon had been a chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk, and went to Stras- 
burgh at the death of Edward VI. He was chosen, along with Knox, to be 
one of the ministers of the English church at Frankfort, but declined to accept 
the office. Troubles, &c. 13, 16, 23. Strype's Annals, ii. App. p. 46. 

Note G. p. 67 — The Confession or Prayer, composed and used by Knox, after 
the death of Edward VI. and the accession of Mary, shews the state of his 
mind at that crisis, and refutes Jhe unfounded charges of the Popish, and of 
some episcopal writers, that he was guilty of rebellious practices against the 
queen. I extract it from his Treatise on Prayer, printed in 1554, which is 
now exceedingly rare. 

** Omnipotent and everlasting God, father of our Lorde Jesus Chryste, who, 
be thy eternal providence, disposeth kingdoms as best seameth to thy wisdom, 
we acknowledge and confesse thy judgmentis to be righteous, in that thou 
hast taken from us, for our ingratitude, and for abusinge of thy most holy 
word, our native king, and earthly comforter. Justly may thou poure forth 
upon us the uttermoste of thy plagues ; for that we have not knowen the dayes, 
and tymes of our merciful visitacion. We have contempned thy worde, anr> 
despised thy mercies. We have transgressed thy lawes: for deceitfully Y 
we wrought everie man with our neighbours ; oppression and violence 
have not abhorred ; charitie hath not apeared among us, as our profession 
quireth. We have little regarded the voices of thy prophetes ; thy thri 
nings we have esteemed vanitie and wynd: so that in us, as of ourselfis, r< 
nothing worthy of thy mecrcies. For all are found frutless, even the prh 
with the prophetes, as withered trees apt and mete too be burnt in the fyr 
thy eternal displeasure. But, O Lord, behold thy own mercy and goodn 
that thou may purdge and remove the most filthy burden of cure most hor- 
rible offences. Let thy love overcome the sever itie of thy judgementis, even 
as it did in geving to the world thy onely Sonne Jesus, when all mankynde was 
lost, and no obedience was lefte in Adam nor in his sede. Regenerate our 
hartes, O Lord, by the strength of the Holy Ghost. Convert thou us, and 
We shall be converted. Work thou in us unfeigned repentance, and move 
thou our hartes too obey thy holy lawes. Behold our trobles and apparant 
destruction ; and stay the swoid of thy vengeance, before it devoureus. Place 
above us, O Lord, for thy great mercies' sake, such ahead, with such rulers 
and magistrates, as feareth thy name, and willeth the glory of Christ Jesus to 
spred. Take not from us the light of thy evangely, and suffer thou ho papis- 
trie to prevail in this realme. Illuminate the harte of our soveraigne lady, 
qaene Marie, with prignant gifts of thy Holy Ghoste. And inflame the hartes 
of her counsayl with thy trew fear and love. Represse thou thepryde of thosa 



PERIOD FOURTH. 



361 



that wolde rebelle. And remove from all hartes the contempte of the worde. 
Let not our enemies rejoyce at our destruction ; but loke thou too the honor 
of thy ovme name, O Lorde, and let thy gospell be preached with boldenes, 
in this realme. If thy justice must punish, then punish our bodies with the 
rodde of thy mercy. But, O Lord, let us never revoke nor turne back to 
idolatrie agayne. Mytigate the hartes of those that persecute us, and let us 
not faynte under thecrosse of our Saviour ; but assist us with the Holy Ghoste, 
even to the end." 



PERIOD FOURTH. 

Note A. p. 76.— After illustrating the obligations which lay upon Chris- 
tians to abstain from giving any countenance to an idolatrous worship, the 
plagues which they would escape, and the benefits which they would secure 
to themselves, and" their posterity, by adhering to the true religion, he thus 
addresses the Protestants of England. 

" Allace ! sail we, after so many graces that God has offerit in our dayis, 
for pleasure, or for vane threatnyng of theme whome our hart knaweth, and 
our mouthes have confessit. to be odious idolateris, altogidder without resist- 
ance turne back to our vomit and dampnabill ydolatrie, to the perdition of 
us and our posteritie ? O horribill to be hard ! Sail Godis halie preceptis 
wirk no greater obedience in ws ? Sail nature no otherwayis molifie our 
hartis ? Sail not fatherlie pitie overcum this cruelnes ? I speik to you, O 
naturall fatheris. Behold your children with the eie of mercie, and consider 
the end of thair creatioun. Crueltie it wer to saif your selves, and damp 
tharae. But, O ! more than crueltie, and madnes that can not be expressit, 
gif, for the pleasure of a moment, ye depryve yourselves and your posteritie 
of that eternal joy that is ordanit for thame that continewis in'confessioun of 
Christis name to the end. Gif natural lute, fatherlie affectioun, reverence of 
God, feir of torment, or yit hoip of lyfe, move you, then will ye ganestand 
that abominabill ydol. Whilk gif ye "do not, then, allace ! the sone is gone 
doun, and the lycht is quyte lost, the trompet is ceissit, and ydolatrie is placeit 
in quietnes and rest. But gif God sail strenthin you (as unfainedlie I pray 
that his majestie may"i then is their but ane dark elude overspred the sone for 
ane moment, whilk schortlie sail vanische, sa that the beames efter salbe sevin 
fald mair bFyht and amiable nor thay wer befoir. Your patience and con- 
stancie salbe* a louder trumpet to your posteritie, than wer the voces of the 
prophetis that instructit you ; and so is not the trompit ceissit sa lang as any 
baldlie resisteth ydolatrie. And, thairfoir, for the tender mercies of God, 
arme yourselves to stand with Christ in this his schorte bat tell. 

" Lat it be knawin to your posteritie that ye wer Christianis. and no ydola- 
teris; that ye learnit Chryst in tyme of rest, and baldlie professit him in tynie 
of trubill. The preceptis, think ye, ar scharpe and hard to be observit ; and 
yet agane I affirme. that compareit with the plagis that sail assurediie fall 
upon obstinat ydolateris, thay salbe fund easie and lycht. For avoyding of 
ydolatrie ye may perchance be compellit to leive your native contrie and 
realme; but obeyeris of ydolatrie without end salbe compellit to burne in 
hell. For avoyding ydolatrie your substance salbe spoillit ; but for obeying 
ydolatrie heavenlie ryches salbe lost. For avoyding of ydolatrie ye may fall 
in the handis of earthly tirants ; but obeyeris. manteaneris, and consentaris 
to ydolatrie sail not eschaip the handis of the liveing God. For avoyding of 
ydolatrie your children salbe depry vit of father, friendis, ryches and of rest ; 
but be obeying ydolatrie thay salbe left without God, without the knowledge 
of his word, and without hoip of his kingdome. Consider, deir brethrene, 
that how meikill mair dolorous and feirfull it is to be tormentit in hell than 
to suffer trubill in erth ; to be depryvit of heavenlie joy. than to be rubbit of 
transitorie ryches ; to fall in the handis of the liveing God, than to obey manis 
vane and uncertain displeasure ; to leif oure childrene destitute of God, than 
to leif thame unprovydit befoir the world ; — sa mekill mair fearful it is to 
obey ydolatrie, or by dissembling to consent to the same, than by avoyding 
and' flying from the' abominatioun, to suffer what inconvenients may follow 
theirupon. 

u Ye feir corporall deth. Gif nature admittit any man to live ever, then 
nad your feire sum aperance of reasone. But gif corporall deth be commoun 
to an, why will ye jeoparde to lois eternall lyfe, to eschaip that which nether 



362 



NOTES. 



*wche nor pure, nether wyse" nor ignorant, proud of stomoke nor febill of co- 
rage, and finally, no earthlie creature, be no craft nor ingyne of man, did ever 
avoid. Gif any eschaipit the uglie face and horribell feir of deth, it was thay 
that baldlie confessit Chryst befoir men. — Why aucht the way of lyfe [to] be 
so feirfull, be reasone of any pane, considering that a great number of oure 
brethrene has past befoir ws, be lyke dangeris as we feir ? A stout and pru- 
dent marinell, in tyme of tempest, seeing but one or two schippis, or like 
weschells to his, pas throughout any danger, and to win a sure harborie, will 
have gud esperance, be the lyke wind, to do the same. Allace ! sail ye be 
mair feirful to win lyfe eternall, than the natural man is to save the corporal 
lyfe ? Hes not the maist part of the Sanctis of God from the begynning en- 
terit into thair rest, be torment and trubillis ? And yet what complayntis 
find we in thair mouthis, except it be the lamenting of thair persecutoris ? 
Did God comfort thame? and sail his Majestie despyse us, gif, in fichting 
aganst iniquitie we will follow thair futstepis ? He will not." — Letter to the 
Faythfull in Londoun, &c. apud MS. Letters, p. 147-151, 156. 

Note B, p. 91.—" Qttis tulerit Gracrhos de seditione querentes 9"— Knox 
was accused by the English exiles of high treason, because he charged Queen 
Mary with cruelty, and said that the emperor was as great an enemy to Christ 
as Nero. But his accusers, it might easily be shewed, used stronger language 
on this subject than ever he did. Mr. Strype informs us that the Protestants 
who felt and outlived the persecution of Mary, used the very worst epithets 
in speaking of her character. Memorials of the Reform, iii. 472. We need 
no other proof of this than the Oration composed by John Hales, and pro- 
nounced by a nobleman before Queen Elizabeth, at her entrance upon the 
government. Speaking of the late persecution, the orator says : " O cruelty ! 
cruelty ! far exceeding all crueltys committed by those ancient and famous 
tyrants, and cruel murderers, Pharaoh, Herod, Caligula, Nero, Domitian, 
Maximine, Dioclesian, Decius ; whose names for their cruel persecution of 
the people of God, and their own tyranny practised on the people, have been, 
be, and ever shall be in perpetual hatred, and their souls in continual tor- 
ments in hell." The late queen he calls " Athalia, malicious Mary, unna- 
tural woman ; no, no woman, but a monster, and the Devil of hell, covered 
with the shape of a woman." See works of the Rev. Samuel Johnson, p. 144. 

Nor did they speak in more civil terms of foreign princes. Take for an 
example the invective of Aylmer against the French king, Henry II. " Is 
he a king or a devil, a Christian or a lucifer, that bi his cursed confederacie so 
encourageth the Turke ? — Oh ! wicked catife and firebrand of hell, which for 
th' increasing of his pompe and vayn glory (which he shall not long enjoy) wil 
betray Christ and his cross to his mortal enemy. Oh foolish Germans ! 
which see not their own undoing, which conspire not together with the rest 
of Christian princes to pull such a traytour to God, and his kingdom, by the 
eares out of Fraunce, and hang him against the sonne a drying- The devill 
hath none other of his sede now but him, to maintaine both the spiritual and 
the temporall antichryste, the Pope and the Turke. Wherefore seeing he 
hath forsaken God, lyke an apostata, and sold himself to the Devell, let us 
not doubte but God will be with us against him, whensoever he shall seek to 
wrong us ; and I trust he will now in the latter age of the worlde shew his 
myght in cuttynge of this proude Holofernes' head, by the handes of our Ju- 
dith. Oh ! blessed is that man that loseth his lyfe against such a Terma- 
gaunt ; yea more blessed shall they be that spend their ly ves against him than 
against his great maister the Turke : for the Turke never understode the 
crosse of Christ; but this Turkish apostata is named a devellis name, Chris- 
tianissimus, and is in the very heart of Christendome, and like a traitorous 
Saracene is Christ's enemy." Harborowe for Faithfull Subjects, Q. 1. anno 
1559. 

I do not find Collier, nor other high-church historians, quoting or comment- 
ing uport such language. On the contrary, Aylmer is praised for his handsome 
pen, while every opportunity is taken to inveigh against the virulence of our 
Reformer. It may be safely said that he has not any where indulged in lan- 
guage so intemperate as what is quoted above. 

Note C. p. 97.— The 21st canon of the council which met in 1549, ordains 
that there should be a reader of theology in each cathedral church, whose 
lectures should be attended by the bishop and canons, " si voluntas fuerit;" 
and also a lecturer on canon law. The 22d canon decrees that there should 
be a lecturer on theology in each monastery. Wilkins Concilia, iv. 52. The 



PFRIOD FIFTH. 



363 



26th canon enjoins the rectors of universities to see that the students are well 
instructed in Latin grammar and in logic. The 23th appoints the ordinaries 
to call all the curates within their bounds before them, to examine them 
anew, and to reject those who are found insufficient for their office. The last 
eight canons were intended to regulate the consistcrial courts. Ibid. p. 53, 
58, 59. To the 14th canon of the Council which sat in 1551-2, we owe the es- 
tablishment of our parochial registers of proclamation of banns and baptisms. 
After renewing former statutes against clandestine marriages, and in favour 
of proclamation of banns of marriage, the canon goes on to enact, " Ut sin- 
gulicuratideinceps habeantregistrum, in quo nomina infantum baptizatorum 
inscribantur, una cum nominibus personarum, qua? talium baptizatorum pa- 
rentes communiter habenter et reputantur, nec nun compatrum et comma- 
trum, cum die, anno, mense, adscripts etiam duobus testibus notent ; quod 
etiamipsum in bannorum proclamation! bus servetur, quas pra2sens conventio 
in ecclesiis parochialibus 'tam viri quam mulieris respective, si diversarum 
fuerint parochiarum, fieri mandat; quae equniern registra inter pretiosissima 
ecclesiae jocalia conservari vult et praecipit, quodque decani insuis visitationi- 
bus desuper diligentem indaginem faciant, et defficie-tes ad commissarios re- 
ferant, ut graviter in eosdem animudvertatur." WUkins. ut sup. ap. 71, "2. 
The 6th canon enacts regulations respecting testaments. On this subject, the 
following quotation, from the proceedings of a council in 1420, will serve to 
explain the canon which modified the exaction of mortuaries, mentioned in p. 
386. The clergy of each diocese reported on oath to the council. " That the 
practice was first to pay the debts of the deceased, and then to divide his ef- 
fects into three equal portions, wheteof one was given to his widow, and one 
to his children : That the executors bestowed the remaining third in payment 
of legacies, and for the soul of the deceased, [pro exequiis et anima defuncti :) 
That of this third or dead s part (defuncti parsi the executors were wont to 
pay, or to compound with the ordinary, at the rate of rive per cent, for the ex- 
pense of confirmation." Chartulary of Moray, apud Lord Hailes's Prov. 
Councils, p. -23- Besides the five per* cent, claimed by the bishop, we have al- 
ready seen that the vicar had twenty per cent., even according to the mitigated 
arrangement, before any legacy was paid. No mention is made of the case of 

a person leaving neither wife nor children; " and there it was," says Lord 

Hailes, u that the clergy reaped their harvest." 
Note D. p. 110.— See Appendix, No. V. p. 430, 



PERIOD FIFTH. 

Note A. p. MP — The view which Aylmer has given of the English consti- 
tution, is very different from that which a celebrated historian of England has 
laboured to establish, by dwelling upon some arbitrary measures of the house 
of Tudor. As this work is seldom consulted, I mav'be excused for inserting 
here an extract from it on this subject. It will be seen that he carefully dis- 
tinguishes between the principles of the constitution, and those proceedings 
which were at variance with them. " But if this be utterly taken from them 
[women] in this place what maketh it against their government in a politike 
weale, where neither the woman nor the man ruleth if there be no tyrants) 
but the laws. For, as Plato saith, Ilii civitati paratum est exitium ubi ma- 
gistratus legibus imperat, et non leges magistratui : That city is at the pit's 
brinke, wherein the magistrate ruleth thelawes, and not the lawes the magis- 
trate." And a little afterwards : " "Well ; a woman mav not reigne in Eug- 
lanrie. Better in Englande, than any where, as it shall wel appere to him 
that, with out affection, will consider the kind of regimen. "Whvle I confer 
ours with other (as it is in itseife, and not maimed by usurpacion)* I can find 
none either so good or so indifferent. The regemente of Englande is not a 
mere monarchic, as some for lacke of consideracion thinke, ner a mere Oli- 
garchic nor Democracie, but a rule mixed of all these, wherein ech one of 
these have or should have like authoritie. The image whereof, and not the 
image, but the thinge in dede is to be sene in the parliament hous, wherein 
you shall find these 3 estats ; the King or Quene which represented the Mo 
narche, the Noblemen which be the Aristocratie, and the Burgesses and 
Knights the Democratcie— If the parliament use their privileges, the king can 
ordain nothing without them : if he do, it is his fault in usurping it, and their 
fault in permitting it. Wherefore, in my judgement, those that in king 
Henry the Vlil.'s daies would not graunt him that his proclamations should 



S54 



NOTES. 



have the force of a statute, were good fathers of the countrie, and worthy 
commendacion in defending their liberty. Wold God that that court of late 
daies had feared no more the fearceness of a woman, than they did the dis- 
pleasure of such a man. Then should they not have stouped, contrary to 
their othes and alledgeaunce to the crowne, against the privilege of that house, 
upon their marye bones to receive the Devil's blessenge brought unto them by 
Satan's apostle, the cardinal. God forgeve him for the doing, and them for 
obeying ! But to what purpose is all this ? To declare that it is not in Eng- 
land so daungerous a matter to have a woman ruler, as men take it to be— 
If on thother part, the regement were such as all hanged upon the king's or 
quene's wil, and not upon the lawes written ; if she might decre and make 
lawes alone, without her senate ; if she judged offences according to her wis- 
dom and not by limitation of statutes and laws : if she might dispose alone of 
war and peace, if, to be short, she wer a mer monarch, and not a mixed ruler, 
you might peradventure make me to fear the matter the more, and the less to 
defend the cause." Harborowe for Faithfull and Trewe Subjects. H. 2 & 3. 

Note B. p. 130. — " Our countryman, John Knox, has been much censured 
for want of civility and politeness to the fair sex ; and particularly for sound- 
ing a first and second ' blast of the trumpet against the monstrous regiment 
of women.' He was indeed no milk-sop courtier, who can sacrifice the pub- 
lic weal to the punctilios of politeness, or consider the interests of nations as 
a point of gallantry. His reasons fur the abolition of all female government, 
if they are not entirely convincing, may be allowed at least to be specious ; 
and might well be indulged as a harmless speculative opinion, in one who was 
disposed as he was to make no bad use of it in practice, and to give all dutiful 
respect to whomsoever the will of God and the commonwealth had assigned 
the sovereign power. But though the point may be conceded in regard to se- 
cular government, in ordering of which the constitutions and customs and 
mere pleasure of communities may be allowed to establish what is not morally 
evil; it will not follow that the essential order and positive law of the spiri- 
tual kingdom may also be sported with and subverted.—Let the English, if 
they please, admit a weak, fickle, freakish, bigotted, gallantish or imperious 
woman, to sway the sceptre of political dominion over millions of men, and 
even over her own husband in the croud, to whom at the altar she had pre- 
viously vowed obedience, they shall meet with no opposition from the Presby- 
terians ; provided, they do not also authorize her to lord it, or lady it, over 
their faith and consciences, as well as over their bodies, goods, and chattels. 

" By the laws cf the Romish Church no female can be admitted to a parti- 
cipation of clerical power. Not so much as the ancient order of deaconesses 
now remain in her. Her casuists have examined and debated this thesis; 
Whether a woman may have the degree of Doctor of Divinity conferred upon 
her ; and have determined it in the negative.* But of the philosophical dig- 
nity they are not quite so je lous. Helen Lucrecia Piscopia Cornaca, of fa- 
mous memory, once applied for her degree in divinity in an Italian university ; 
but Cardinal Barbarigo, bishop of Padua, was far from being disposed to grant 
it ; so that this learned lady was obliged to content herself with a doctorate in 
philosophy, which, with universal applause, was actually conferred upon her, 
June 2b, 1678-t But the English climate savours nothing of this Italian jea- 
lousy ; nor are the divines in it so niggardly of their honours. We do not 
hear indeed that they have formally matriculated any ladies, in the universi- 
ties, or obliged them by canon, or act of parliament, to take out degrees, either 
in law, in philosophy or divinity, to qualify them for ecclesiastical preferment, 
(even the highest pinnacle of ;t ;) though their laws hold males utterly unqua- 
lified for holding any lucrative place in the church, or in ecclesiastic courts, 
without these : Nor can a man be admitted to the lowest curacy, or be fellow 
or student in an university, until he have learned and digested all the articles, 
homilies, canons, rubrics, modes and figures of the Church of England, as he 
cannot even be serjeant or excisemen, till he understand perfectly the superior 
devotion of kneeling above sitting. But it is very possible, though they do 
not bear the learned titles, the ladies may know as much of learning and di- 
vinity, as those who do. And though they may not receive ordination on 
Ember-week for the inferior orders, yet it is enacted and provided, that one 
of their number may be raised at once per saltum not only above all the peers 
and peeresses, but over all the graduates, reverend dignitaries, and mitred 

* Carol. Rinaldinij. Math. Analit. art. pars 3tia. f Nouvelie, de la Repubi. de Lett. 1685. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



365 



heads in the kingdom. The solemn inaugurating unction once applied, then 
Cedite Romani Doctores, cedite Gmij. Hence forward, as the queen of Sheba 
came from the uttermost end of the earth, to hear the wisdom of Solomon, and 
to have every enigma and hard question solved, so must every master, doctor, 
he2ds of universities, every diocesan and metropolitan, however wise, have 
recourse to their queen, by reference or appeal, with every difficult question, 
and every learned and deep controversy, and be responsible to her for their 
every decision. How flattering a constitution this to woman-kind— if they be 
indeed so very fond of precedence and rule, as is commonly said ! She must 
have an unreasonable and unbounded ambition indeed whom this will not 
content ; though she should not be also further told in plain terms, that she is 
a goddess, and in her office superior to Christ ; as some court-clergymen h ive 
ventured to affirm of their visible head." A Historico-Politico-Ecclesiastical 
Dissertation on the Supremacy of Civil Powers in Matters of Religion, parti- 
cularly the Ecclesiastical Supremacy annexed to the English Crown, by 
Archibald Bruce, p. 46, 47, 49, 50, Edinburgh, 1802. 

Note C. p. 134. — In the text I have confined myself to a summary state- 
ment of the measures pursued by the Protestant leaders at th?t time. I shall 
here add a few particulars. Their petition to the Regent, presented by Sir 
James Sandilands of Calder, contained five requests. 1. Tha they should be 
allowed to assemble, either publicly or privately, to read the scriptures and 
the common prayers in the vulgar tongue. 2. That it should be lawful for 
" any qualified person in knowledge" to expound any difficult place of Scrip- 
ture which occurred in the course of reading, subject to the judgment of the 
most learned and godly men in the kingdom. 3. That baptism should be ad- 
ministered in the vulgar language. 4. That the Lord's sup er should be ad- 
ministered in the same manner, and in both kinds. 5. That the scandalous 
lives of the clergy should be reformed, according to the precepts of the New 
Testament, the writings of the Fathers, and the godly constitutions of Justi- 
nian. — Historians differ as to the time at which this petition was presented. 
I am inclined ( after examining the different statements to prefer the account 
given by Knox, who expressly asserts that it was presented before the marty- 
dom of Walter Milne. He had the best opportunity of ascertaining the fact. 
This was the part of his History which was first written by him, soon after his 
arrival in Scotland, when the transaction must have been fresh in the recol- 
lection of all his associates. There is no reference to this illegal execution in 
the petition, which would scarcely have been omitted if it had previously taken 
place. The objection urged by Keith, from the clause in the petition which 
supposes that the queen was married, does not appear to have great strength. 
The Parliament, in December 1557, had agreed to the solemnization of the 
marriage ; their commissioners had sailed for France in February to be pre- 
sent at the ceremony, which was appointed to take place on the 24th of April 
In these circumstances the Protestants might, without any impropriety, re- 
quest that they might be allowed liberty to use the common prayers "in the 
vulgar tongue, to the end that they might "be induced in fervent and oft 
prayers to comend unto God — the queen our soverane, hir honourabill and 
gracious husband," Sec. Keith is wrong when he says that Knox has fixed 
the execution of Milne " to the 8th of April, which was above two weeks be- 
fore the queen's mariage." History, p. 80. Note. Knox says he was put to 
death "the twenti audit day of Aprylle," which was four days after the mar- 
riage. Historie, p. 122. 

After the martyrdom of Milne, the Protestant leaders renewed their ap- 
plication to the Regent, with a heavy complaint against the cruelty of the 
clergy. Partly encouraged by the Regent s answer to their petitions, and 
partly from irritation at the conduct of the Archbishop of St. Andrew's, they 
used the liberty of worship for which they had petitioned. The new petition, 
which they prepared for the Pailiament in November, 1558, related to the 
penalties unto which they were subjected by the existing laws, and the prosecu- 
tions which might be raised against them by the clergy. And theprotestation 
which they actually prescribed to that assembly, was intended to exonerate 
them from all blame and responsibility, in using their Christian liberty, after 
they had regularly craved the reformation of manifest abuses. 

But there was a measure adopted by them previous to either of these ap- 
plications to the Queen and Parliament. Immediately after subscribing the 
bond on the 3d of Dec. 1557, it was agreed in a meeting of the Protestant 
lords and barons : — 1. That in all parishes of the realm, the Common Prayers 
should be read weekly on Sunday and other festival days, publicly in the 



366 



NOTES* 



parish kirks, with the lessons of the Old and New Testament, conform to tbe 
order of the book of Common Prayei s. — 2. That preaching should be confined 
to private houses, until they could obtain it in public with the consent of the 
Government. Knox. Historie, p. 101. The first of these heads is said to have 
been " thoicht expedient, devyisit and ordainit." This has been viewed by 
some as an assumption of authority over the whole kingdom, in the way of 
setting aside the established worship and substituting a new one ; and it must 
be confessed, that the words at first view seem to suggest this idea. Yet the 
supposition is irreconcileable with the situation in which they were placed at 
that time, and the language which they afterwards used, in which they de- 
clare, that as to " public reformation" they " would attempt nothing without 
the knowledge of the sacred authority." P. 118. I therefore understand it 
merely as an agreement among themselves, expressive of their opinion as to 
what individuals of their number might lawfully do in their respective places 
where they resided and had influence. And when we consider the total ne- 
glect of worship in many places of the kingdom, and the general ignorance 
that prevailed, it was certainly a very moderate and reasonable measure to 
provide that the Scriptures and Common Prayers should be read to the people 
in their mother tongue. 

It is natural to inquire here what is meant by " The Buik of Commoun 
Prayeris" which was appoin red to be read. Was it the Common Prayer-Book 
of Edward VI. or was it a different one ? This subject was keenly contested 
between the Episcopalians and Presbyterians in Scotland, about the begin- 
ning of last century. Mr. Anderson, the most acute opponent of the Episco- 
palians, at that period, has canvassed this question very minutely, and in op- 
position to the author of the Fundamental Charter of Presbytery, has adduced 
a number of strong arguments to prove that it was not the Liturgy of Edward 
VI. but the Liturgy of the English Church at Geneva, of which Knox was 
minister. The Counti ye man's Letter to the Curate, p. 65-77, printed in 
1711. I shall stale a few facts, without entering into reasoning. Mr. Ander- 
son says that he had in his possession a copy, in Latin, of the Liturgy U6ed in 
the English Church at Frankfort,, the Preface of which bears date the 1st of 
September, 1554. He adds that it had been translated from English into 
Latin ; and that the prayers in it are exactly the same with those which are 
found in the Book of Common Order ; only there are some additional prayers 
in the latter adapted to the Circumstances of Scotland. Ibid. p. 64. This 
must have been the form of worship agreed to by the exiles immediately 
after their arrival at Frankfort. Troubles of Franckford. p. 7. Before the 
end of that year, the form of worship observed by the Genevan Church was 
printed in English. Ibid. p. 27. In the beginning of the following year, the 
form afterwards used by the English Church at Geneva was composed, which 
differed very little from that which was first used at Frankfort. Ibid. p. 37. 
This was printed in the beginning of 1556. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 401. 
It is very likely that Knox, in his visit to Scotland in 1555, would carry with 
him copies of the two former Liturgies, and that he would send copies of the 
latter, upon his return to Geneva. After all, I think it extremely probable, 
that copies of the Liturgy of Edward VI. were still more numerous in Scot- 
land at this time, and that hey were used by some of the Protestants at the 
beginning of the Reformation. This appears from a letter of Cecil to Throk- 
morton, 9th July, 1559. " The Protestants be at Edynborough. They offer 
no violence, but dissolve reJ giose howsees; directyng the lands thereof to 
the Crowne, and to ministery in the Chirch. The parish churchees they de- 
lyver of altars and imagoes, and have receved the service of the Church of 
England, accordyng to King Edward's Booke." Forbes's State Papers, i. 
155. Another thing which inclines me to think that the English Liturgy was 
in the eye of those who made the agreement in Dec. 1557, is, that they mention 
the reading of" the iessonis of the New and Auld Testament, conforme to 
the ordour of the Buik of Commoun -Prayeris." The reply which Anderson 
gives to this does not appear to me satisfactory. At the same time, it is cer- 
tain that the order of the Engl sh Church at Geneva was used in Scotland, 
previous to the time of its being formally authorised by the Book of Discip- 
line in 1560. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 520. 

But though the Scottish Protestants, ar this time, made use of the prayers 
and Scripture-lessons contained in the English Liturgy, it cannot be inferred 
from this, that they approved of it without limitations, or that they meant to 
bind themselves to all its forms and ceremonies. The contrary is evident. 
It appoints lessons to be read from the Apocrypha ; but they expressly con- 
fined their reading to " the lessons of the New and Old Testament.", A great 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



367 



part of the English Liturgy can be read by a priest only ; but all that they 
proposed to use could be performed by ,s the most qualifeit in the parochin," 
provided the curate refused or was unqualified. I need scarcely add, that if 
they had adopted that Liturgy, the invitation which they gave to Knox must 
have come with a very bad grace. According to Anderson's language, it must 
have been to this purpose, M Pray, good Mr. Knox, come over and help us ; 
and for your encouragement against you come, you shall find the English 
Liturgy, against which you preached in Scotland, against which you declared 
before the Council of England, for opposing which you were brought in dan- 
ger of your neck at Francford; this English Liturgy you shall find the autho- 
rised form of worship, and that by an ordinance of our making." The use of 
the 3ook of Common Order, Order of Geneva,) by the Church of Scotland, 
maybe traced back from the year 1564. The General Assembly, Dec. 26, 
1564, ordained M that everie minster, exhorter, and reader sail have one of the 
Psalme Bookes latelie printed in Edinburgh, and use the order contained 
therein in prayers, marriage, and ministration of the sacraments." Keith. 
538. This refers to the edition of the Geneva Order and Psalms, which had 
been printed during that year by Lepreuik. " In the generall assemblie con- 
vened at Edinr. in Deer. 1562, tor printing of the psalmes, thekirk lent Rob. 
Lickprivick, printer, tva hundreth pounds, to help to buy irons, ink, and 
papper, and to fie craftesmen for prinUng.' : Reasons for continuing the use 
of the old metrical Version of the Psalmes. p. 232, of a MS. (written in 1632) 
belonging to Robert Graeme, Esq. advocate. But although this was the first 
edition of the bcok printed in this country, it had been previously printed 
both at Geneva and in England; and was' used in the Church of Scotland. 
For in the assembly which met in Dec. 1562, it was concluded, " that an 
uniforme Order souid be keeped in ministration of tne sacraments, solemni- 
zation of marriages, and burial of the dead, according to the Booke of Ge- 
neva." Keith, 519. Petrie. part ii. p. 233. Nor was it then introduced for 
the first time; for the Abbot of * rossraguel, in a book set forth by him in 
1561, mentions it as the established form of prayers at the time he wrote. 
" I will call to remembrance, 'says he, •• the sayings of quhilkis ar written to 
the redar, in ih ir b h eallit rh e ;■ rrne of praperi,\. as efcir foilowis, viz. ' As 
for the wourdis of the Lard s supper, we rehers thaim nocht bicaus thai sulde 
change the substance of the breid and wine, or that the repeticione tharof, 
with the entent of the sacriiicear, su-de make the sacraments, (as the papists 
falslie belevis.'") Ane Oratioune be Master Quintine Kennedy, p. 15. Edin. 
1812. The passage quoted by Kenredy is in the Book of Common Order. 
Dunlop iL 454. The First Book of Discipline, framed in 1560. expressly ap- 
proves of the Order of Geneva, which it calls ""our Bcok of Common Order," 
and mentions its being - used in >< rne of our churches, ' previous to that 
period. Dunlop s Confessions, ii. 520, 548, 583. From these facts it is evi- 
dent that, although the Scripture lessons and the prayers in the English 
Liturgy were at first used by some of the Scottish Protestants, yet they never 
received that book as a whole; that the Order of Geneva was introduced 
among them before the establishment of the Reformation; and that it be- 
came the universal form of worship as soon as a sufficient number of copies 
of it could be procured. It any ether evidence of this were necessary, I might 
produce the testimony of Sir Francis Knoiiys, the English ambassador. 
When queen Mary fled into England in 1568, she feigned her willingness to 
give up with the mass and adopt the English Common Prayer Book, provided 
Elizabeth would assist her in regaining her crown. Lord Herries having 
made this proposal in her name. Sir Francis replied, '• that yf he meant there- 
by to condempne the form and order of Common Pxayer now used in Skot- 
land, agreeable with divers well reformed churches, — or that he meant to ex- 
pell all the learned preachers of Skotland, yff they woid not return back to 
receave and wayr cornered capes and typpets, with surples and coopes, which 
they have left by or J er c nty»ua ly >i c. their fi st r< ceavyinz oj the < o pcl 
into that realme; then he myght so fyght for the shadow and image of reli- 
gion that he myght bring the body and truth in danger " — Anderson's Col- 
lections, vol. iv. part i. p. 110, 111. 

As this subject has been introduced. I may make an observation or two re- 
specting the form of prayers used in the Church of Scotland at the beginning 
of the Reformation. What has been called Knox's Letvrap, was the Hook of 
Common Order, first usert hy the English Church at Geneva. It contains 
forms of prayer for the different parts of public worship : and this is the only 
resemblance' which it bears to 'he English Liturgy. But there is this imp- rt"- 
ant difference between the twv j in the latter, the minister is restricted to 



368 



NOTES. 



the repetition of the very words of the prayers ; in the former he is left at li- 
berty to vary from them, and to substitute prayers of his own in their room. 
The following quotations will exemplify the mode. " When the congrega- 
tion is assembled at the houre appointed, the minister useth one of these two 
confessions, or like in effect." — " The minister after the sermon useth this 
prayer following, or such like." Similar declarations are prefixed to the 
prayers to be used at the celebration of baptism and the Lord's Supper. And 
at the end of the account of the public service of the Sabbath, is this intima- 
tion : " It shall not be necessarie for the minister daylie to repeat all these 
things before-mentioned, but beginning with some manner of confession to 
proceed to the sermon ; which ended, he either useth the prayer for all estates 
before-mentioned, or else prayeth as the Spirit of God shall move his heart, 
framing the same according to the time and matter which he hath entreated 
of." Knox's Liturgy,, p. 74, 83, 86, 128. Edin. 1611. Dunlop's Confessions, 
i. 417, 421, 426, 443, 450. At the end of the Form of Excommunication, it is 
signified, " This order may be enlarged or contracted as the wisdome of the 
discreet minister shall think expedient ; for we rather shew the way to the 
ignorant, than prescribe order to the learned, that cannot be amended." 
Dunlop, ii. 746. The Scottish prayers, therefore, were intended as a help to 
the ignorant, not as a restraint upon those who could pray without a set form. 
The readers and exhorters commonly used them ; but even they were en- 
couraged to perform the service in a different manner. Knox's Liturgy, ut 
supra, p. 189. Dunlop, ii. 694. 

Note D. p. 140 — I am sensible that my account of the conduct of the 
Queen- Regent to the Protestants, differs from that which has been given by 
Dr. Robertson in his history of this period. He imputes her change of mea- 
sures entirely to the over-ruling influence of her brothers, and seems to acquit 
her of insincerity in the countenance which she had shewed, and the promises 
which she had repeatedly made to the Protestant leaders. In any remarks 
which I shall make upon his account, I wish to be understood as not detract- 
ing in the slightest degree from the merits of his able, accurate, and luminous 
statement of the plans conceived by the Princes of Lorrain. Having mention- 
ed the first symptoms of the Regent's alienation from the Reformers, Dr. 
Robertson says : " In order to account for this, our historians do little more 
than produce the trite observations concerning the influence of prosperity to 
alter the character and corrupt the heart." I do not know the particular 
historians to whom he may refer, but those of the Protestant persuasion whom 
I have consulted, impute her change of conduct, not to the above cause, but 
to the circumstance of her having accomplisned the great objects which she 
had in view, upon which she no longer stood in need of the assistance of the 
Reformers. Accordingly, they charge her with duplicity in her former pro- 
ceedings with them. Knox, 96, 110, 122, 125. Buchanan, i. 312. Spotswood, 
117, 119, 120. I think they had good reasons for this charge. At a very early 
period, she gave a striking proof of her disposition and talents for the most 
deep dissimulation. I refer to her behaviour in the intercourse which she 
had with Sir Ralph Sadler, in 1543, on which occasion she acted a part not 
less important than the Cardinal himself, threw the ambassador into the 
greatest perplexity, and completely duped the English monarch. Sadler, i. 
84-88, 100, 111-113, 249-253. The governor wanted not reason to say, "as 
she is both subtle and wily, so she hath a vengeable engine and wit to work 
her purpose." It is impossible to read the account of her smooth conduct to 
the Reformers, without perceiving the art with which she acted. There is 
also reason for thinking that she was privy to the execution of Walter Milne, 
and had encouraged the Archbishop of St. Andrew's to take that step. In- 
deed, in his letter to the Earl of Argyle, written a few weeks before that event, 
the Archbishop expressly says that she murmured heavily against him, be- 
cause he did not use severe measures to check the progress of heresy ; and 
Argyle, in his answer, does not call this in question. Knox, 103, 108. 

1 do not doubt that the Regent was precipitated into the most violent mea- 
sures, which she adopted by the counsels of her brothers ; and that she re- 
monstrated against tiie impolicy of these, is attested by Castelnau, to whom 
Dr. Robertson refers as one of his authorities. But I think that she had al- 
tered her conduct to the Protestants, and declared her resolution to abet the 
measures of the clergy against them, previous to the time that she is said to 
have received these strong representations from France. This appears even 
from the narrative of Castelnau, who has connected the advice given by the 
princes of Lorrain with the mission of La Brosse and the Bisnop of Amiens, 



FCRIOD FIFTH. 



369 



who did not arrive in Scotland until September, 1559. after the civil war was 
kindled, Jebb. ii. 446. Keith. 10*2. Sadler, i. 470 Buit will be still more 
apparent from an examination of the testimony of Sir James Melvii, the other 
authority to whom Dr. Robertson appeals. He says, that sfter the treaty of 
Chateau- Cambrensis was concluded, Bettancourt was sent into Scotland to 
procure the ratification of it from the Queen- Regent ; and that he was charged 
by the Cardinal of Lorrain, to inform her that the Popish princes had agreed 
to join in extirpating heresy, and to require that she should immediately take 
steps for suppressing the Protestants in that country. Melvii adds, that these 
instructions, mixed with some threatening?, having been received, the Queen- 
Regent " determined to follow them. She therefore issued out a proclamation 
a littie before En ter, commanding every m^n, great and small, to observe the 
Roman Catholic religion. " Melvil's Memoirs, pp. 23. 24. Lond. 1683. The 
proclamation to observe Easter in the Catholic manner, is mentioned by all 
our historians as the decisive declaration of the Queen's change of measures. 
Now the treatv of the Chateau- Cambrensis was not concluded until the 2d 
of April, 1559. ' Forbes, i. 68, 81. But Easter fell that year on the 29th of 
March, six days before Bettancourt could undertake his journey to Scotland. 
The proclamation respecting the observance of that festival, must have been 
emitted some weeks previous to this. Nay, we know from other evidence, 
that the breach between the Queen- Regent and the Protestants had taken 
place on the 6th of March ; for this is the date from which the Oblivion af- 
terwards granted is reckoned. Keith, 141, 151. There is, therefore, a glaring 
anachronism in Melvils narrative ; and whatever influence Bettancourt s em- 
bassy had in instigating the Regent to more violent measures, she had previ- 
ously taken her side, and declared her determination to oppose the progress 
of the Reformation. 

There are several other mistakes which Sir James Melvii has committed in 
his narrative of the transactions of this period. Even in the account of the 
important embassy into Scotland, committed to him by Henry II. and of the 
speech which the Constable Montmorency made to him on that occasion, he 
has introduced the Constable, as mentioning, among his reasons, the shipwreck 
of the Marquis D'Elbeuf, which did not happen till some months after, when 
the French King was dead. Memoirs, ut supra, p. 31. Sadler, i. p. 417. Tn 
my humble opinion, all our historians have given too easy credit to Melvii, 
W)th in his statement of facts, and in his representation of characters. 

Note E. p. '46. — We shall subjoin a fuller detail of the correspondence of 
the Protestant leaders with the Queen- Regent, from Tytler's History of Scot- 
land, vol. vi. p. 118. 44 Soon after they drew up three letters in juscification 
of their proceedings. In the first, wh ch was addressed to the Queen-Regent, 
they informed this princess, that, although tr ey had till now served her with 
willing hearts, they should be constrained, if she continued her unjust perse- 
cution, to take the sword of just defence. They were ready, they added, to 
obey their Sovereign and fcer husband under the single condition that they 
might live in peace, and have the word of Jesus Christ truly preached, and 
his sacraments rightly administered. Without this they were determined 
never to be subject to mortal men. They declared that they were about to 
notify what they had done to their Sovereign and the King of France, and 
they conjured her. in the name of God, and as she valued the peace of the 
realm, not to invade them till they had received their jnswer. The second 
letter of the Congregation, which was a more elaborate defence, was directed 
to the Nobility of Scotland. They knew, they said, that the nobles were di- 
vided in opinion. Some regarded them as a faction of heretics and seditious 
men who troubled the commonwealth, and against whom no punishment 
could be too severe ; others were persuaded of the justice of their cause, nay, 
had for some time openly professed it. and after having exhorted them to the 
enterprise, had deserved them in their extreme necessity. To the first, they 
alleged, that none could prove such offences against them, all that they had 
done being in obedience to God, who had commanded idolatry and its monu- 
ments to be cast down and destroyed. <k Our earnest and long request,' they 
continued, 44 hath been and is, that in open assembly it may be disputed, in 
presence of indifferent auditors, whether these abominations, named by the 
pestilent Papists Religion, which they by fire and sword defend, be the true 
iveligion of Jesus Christ or not. Now. this humble request being denied us, 
our lives are sought in a most cruel manner, and ye the nobility whose duty 
it is to defend innocents and to bridle die fury and rage of wicked men, were 
it of Princes or Emperors, do notwithstand.ng follow their appetites, and ar-p 
2 B 



370 



NOTES. 



yourselves against your brethren and natural countrymen. If ye think that 
we be criminal because we dissent from you in opinion, consider, we beseech 
vou, that the prophets under the law, the Apostles of Christ Jesus, after his 
ascension, the primitive church and holy martyrs did disagree with the whole 
world in their days ; and will ye deny that their action was just, and that all 
those who persecuted them were murderers before God? May not the 
like be true this day ? What assurance have ye this day of your Religion, 
which the world that day had not of theirs ? Ye have a multitude that agree 
with you, and so had they— ye have antiquity of time, and that they lacked not— 
ye have councils, laws, and men of reputation that have established all things 
as ye suppose; but none of all these can make any religion acceptable to God, 
which only dependeth upon his own will revealed to man in his most sacred 
word. Is it not then a wonder that ye sleep in so deadly a security in the mat- 
ter of your own salvation ?" To the second class, those of the nobles who had 
first espoused their cause, and now deserted it, they directed an indignant re- 
monstrance, " Unless," said they, "ye again join yourselves to us, we declare 
that as of God ye are reputed traitors, so shall ye be excommunicated from 
our society, and from all participation with us in the administration of the 
sacraments ; the glory of this victory which God will give to his church, yea, 
even in the eyes of men, shall not appertain to you; but the fearful judgment 
which apprehended Annanias and his wife Sapphira, shall apprehend you and 
your posterity." The spirit and contents of the third letter of the Congrega- 
tion may be divined from its extraordinary superscription. It was directed 
" To the generation of Anti-Christ, the pestilent Prelates, and their shave- 
lings within Scotland." It contained a tremendous anathema against those 
who in their blind fury had caused the blood of martyrs to be shed ; it warned 
them, that if they proceeded in their cruelty, they should be made the subjects 
of a war of extermination such as Israel carried on with the Canaanites; it 
arrogated to themselves the appellation of the Congregation of Christ; it 
stigmatized their opponents as the offspring of the man of sin, and concluded 
by uniting, in a manner which none can read without sorrow, expressions of 
extremest vengeance and wrath, with the holy name of God, and the Gospel 
of peace and love, which was preached by his Son. 

It was not to be expected that such violent measures should be attended 
with pacific effects; the army of the Protestants was inferior to their oppo- 
nents, and the Queen-Regent, confident of victory, had disdainfully rejected 
all proposals of negotiation, when the arrival of Glencairn in the camp of the 
Congregation, at the head of two thousand five hundred men, induced her to 
hesitate. By the mediation of the Earl of Argile and the Lord James, a ces- 
sation of hostilities was agreed on. Both armies consented to disperse — the 
town was to be left open to the Queen-Regent. No person was to be troubled 
or brought to answer for the late changes in religion, and abolishing of idola- 
try ; Ihe religion begun was to be suffered to go forward; no Frenchman was 
to approach within three miles of the town ; when the Queen retired, no 
French garrison was to be left within it ; and in the meantime, all controver- 
sies were to be reserved till the meeting of Parliament." 

Note F. p. 151 — " Truely, among all their deeds and devises, the casting 
doune of the churches was the most foolish and furious worke, the most 
shreud and execrable turne that ever Romok himself culd have done or de- 
vised. For out of a I doubt that great grandfather of Calvine, and old enemie 
of mankind, not only inspired every one of those sacrelegious hellhounds with 
his flaming spirit of malice and blasphemie, as he did their forefathers Luther 
and Calvine: bot also was then present, as maister of worke, busily beholding 
his servands and hirelings working his wil and bringing to pass his long de- 
sired contentment They changed the churches (which God himself called 

his house of pf ayer) into filthie and abominable houses of sensual men, yea, 
and of unreasonable beasts: when as they made stables in Halyrud-hous, 
sheep-houses of S. Antone and S. Leonard's chapels, tolboothes of S. Gillis, 
&c. which this day may be seene, to the great griefe and sorrow of al good 
Christians, to the shame and confusion of Edinburg, and to the everlasting 
damnation of the doers thereof, the sedicious ministers, Knox and his com- 
plices." After weeping over the ruins of " Abbirbroth," the writer turns to 
St. Giles, and represents our Saviour as lamenting its profanation by the set- 
ting up of " the abomination of desolation" the courts of justice, within that 
holy ground. " How wold he say, if he were now entering in at S. Giles, and 
looking to bare wals, and pillars al cled with dust, sweepings and cobwebs, 
insted of painting and tapestrie ; and on every side beholding the restlesse re- 



PERIOD FIFTH, 



sorting of people treating of their worldly affaires, some writing and making 
of obligations, contracts and discharges, others laying countes or telling over 
sowmes of money, and two and two walking and talking to and fro. some 
about merchandise or the lawes, and too many, alias ! about drinking and 
courting of woemen, yea and perhaps about worse nor 1 can imagine, as is 
wont to be done al the day long in the common Exchanges of London and 
Amsterdam and other great cities. And turning him farther towards the 
west end of the church, which is divided in a high house for the Colledge of 
Justice, calied the Srs^ion or Settat-house, and a lower house called the lotv 
Tolbooth. where the balives of the town use to sit and judge common actions 
and pleas in the one end thereof, and a number of harlots and scolds for fiyt- 
ing andwhoredome. inclosed in the other: And these. I mean, if our Savioul 
were present to behold such abominable desolation, that where aitars were 
erected, and sacrifices, with continual praises and praiers, were wont to be 
offered up to the Lord, in remembrance of that bloody sacrifice of Christ on 
the crosse, there are now holes for whores, and cages for scolds, where no- 
thing is heard bot banning and swearing, and every one upbraiding another : 
O what grieve and sorrow wold our Lord tak at the beholding of such profa- 
nation and sacrilege !" — Father Alexander Baillie's True Information of the 
unhallowed offspring, progress, and impoison'd fruits of our Scottish- Calvi- 
nian Gospel and Gospellers. P. 24, 23. 27. 28. Wimburg, 1628. 

Note G. p. 153 — It would be endless to enter into an examination of the 
exaggerated accounts which havebeen given of the "pitiful devastation ' com- 
mitted by the reformers. I shall content myself with stating a few facts, which 
may satisfy the candid and considerate that no such great blame is imputable to 
them. The demolition of the monasteries, with their dependencies, will be 
found to comprehend the sum of what can be justly charged against them. 
And yet again I would ask those who are most disposed to blame them for 
this. What other purpose could the allowing of these buildings to stand have 
served, if not to cherish the hopes and excite the desires of the Catholics to 
regain possession of them ? To what use coula the reformers possibly have 
converted them ? Is it to be supposed that they could form the idea of pre- 
serving them for the gratification of a race of antiquaries, who were to rise up 
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries ? Have these gentlemen, with ail 
their zeal, ever testified their regard for these sacred monuments, by associa- 
tions and subscriptions to preserve the mouldering remains from going to their 
original dust ? The reformed ministers had enough to do, in exciting the no- 
bility and gentry to keep the parish churches in decent repair, without under- 
taking the additional task of supporting huge and useless fabrics. But enough 
of this — Let not any distress themselves by supposing that the costly furni- 
ture of the monasteries and churches was all consumed by the flames. Fana- 
tical as the reformers were, they M reservit the best part thairof unburnt.'' 
and converted it into money, some of which went into the public purse, but 
the greater part into the private pockets of the nobles. Winzet. apud Keith, 
Ap. p. 24-5. The idols and .mages were indeed committed to the flames without 
mercy ; but considering the examples that their adversaries had set them of 
consigning the uvh.g im ges i if God to this fate, the retaliation was certainly 
moderate : and that these were the only sacrifices which they offered up, we 
have the testimony of a Popish writer. Leslaeos, de reb. gest. Scotorum, lib. 
x. p. 537. edit. 1675. 

The act of Privy Council for demolishing idolatrous houses, did not extend 
to cathedrals or parish churches. Spotswood, pp. 174, 175. In the first Book 
of Discipline, indeed, cathedral churches, if not used as parish churches, are 
mentioned among the places to be suppressed ; but so far from this case oc- 
curring, it was found necessary to employ many of the chapels attached to 
monasteries, and collegiate churches, as places for the Protestant worship. 
That in the first etfervescence of popular zeal, some of the cathediais and 
other churches should have suffered, is not much to be wondered at. " What 
you speak of Mr Knox preaching for the pulling down of churches, says Mr. 
Baillfe. in his answer to Bishop Maxwell.; is like the rest of your lies. I have 
not heard that in all our land above three orfmtre churches were cast down." 
Historical Vindication of the Government of the Church of Scotland, p. 40. 
Lond. 1646. Mr. Baillie had the historical collections of Calderwood in his 
possession when he composed that work. The same thing is evident from the 
testimony of Cecil, in the letter quoted above, (p. 446. The churches were 
merely to be stripped of the monuments of idolatry and instruments of super- 
stition ; and in carrying this into effect, great care was taken that the build- 



372 



NOTES. 



ings should not be injured. The Lord James v afterwards Earl of Murray) 
was the person to whom the execution of the act i. the northern pare of the 
kingdom was committed ; and we have an authentic document of the manner 
in which he proceeded, in an order issued by him, and written with his own 
hand, for purging the cathedral church of Dunkeld. The following is an ex- 
act copy of that order : 

" To our Trais'c friendis, the Lairds of Arntilly and Kinvaid. 

" Traist friendis, after maist harty commendacion, we pray yow faill not to 
" pass incontinent to the kyrk of Dunkeld, and tak doun the haill images 
" thereof, and bring furth to the kyrk-zayrd, and burn thaym oppinly. And 
" siclyk cast down the altaris, and purge the kyrk of all kynd of monuments 
" of idolatrye. And this ze faill not to do, as ze will do us singular emple- 
*' seur ; and so committis you to the protection of God. From Edinburgh, 
" the xii. of August, 1560. 

" Faill not, bot ze tak guid heyd (Signed) 

" that neither the dasks, windocks, " Ar. Ergyll. 

" nor durris, be ony ways hurt 

" or broken .... eyther " James Stewart. 

" glassin wark or iron wark. 

" Kuthven."* 

We may take it for granted that the game caution was used in other places. 
If it be asked, how it happened that the cathedrals and many other churches 
fell into such a ruined state, the following quotations may throw some light 
upon the subject. They are taken from a scarce work written by Robert 
Pont, Commissioner of Murray, and one of the Lords of Session. "" Yet, a 
great many, not onely of the raskall sorte, but sundry men of name and worldly 
reputation, joyned themselves with the congregation of the reformers, not so 
much for zeale of religion, as to reape some earthly commoditie, and to be 
enriched by spoyle of the kirkes and abbey places. And when the preachers 
told them that such places of idolatrie should be pulled downe, they accepted 
gladly the enterprise; and rudely passing to worke, pulled down all, both 
idoles and places where they were found. Not making difference betweene 
these places of idolatrie, and many parish-kirks, where God's word shuld have 
bin preached in many parts where they resorted, as in such tumultes and sud- 
dainties useth to come to passe ; namelye, among such a nation as we are." 

" An other thing fell out at that time, which may be excused by reason of 
necessitie : when as the lordes, and some of th3 nobilitie, principall enterpry- 
sers, of the Reformation, having to do with the Frenchmen, and many their 
assisters of our owne nation enemies to these proceedings, were forced, not 
onely to ingage their owne landes, and bestowe whatsoever they were able to 
furnishe of their owne patrimonie, for maintenance of men of warre, and other 
charges, but also to take the lead and belles, with other jewelles and ornaments, 
of kirkes, abbayes, and other places of superstition, to employ the same, and 
the prises thereof, to resist the enemies. The most parte of therealmebeand 
in their contrarie. This, I say, cannot be altogether blamed." Against Sa- 
crilege, Three Sermons preached by Maister Robert Pont, an aged Pastour 
in the Kirk of God. B. 6, 7. Edinburgh, 1599. Compare Keith, p. 468. 

But what shall we say of the immense loss which literature sustained on 
that occasion ? " Bibliothecks destroied, the volumes of the Fathers, Coun- 
cells, and other books of humane learning, with the registers of the church, 
cast into the streets, afterwards gathered in heapes, and consumed with fire." 
Spotswood s MS. apud Keith, p. 508. May not such conduct be justly equal- 
led with the fanaticism of the Mahometan chieftain who deprived the world 
of the invaluable Alexandrine library ? — As every one is apt to deplore the 
loss of that commodity upon which he sets the greatest value, I might feel 
more inclined to join in this lamentation, were 1 not fully convinced that the 
real loss was extremely trifling, and that it has been compensated ten thou- 
sand fold. Where, and of what kind were these bibliothecks ? Omnc igno- 
turn magnificum. The public was long amused with the tale of a classic li- 
brary at lona, which promised a complete copy of Livy s works, not to be 
found in all the world beside ; a miracle which Mr. Gibbon, in the abundance 
of his literary faith, seems to have been inclined to admit. Danes, and Re- 
formers, and Republicans, were successively anathematised, and consigned to 
the shades of barbarism, for the destruction of what (for ought that appears) 
seems to have existed only in the brains of antiquarians. It has been common 
to say, that all the learning of the times was confined to monasteries. This 

* Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xx. p. 422. 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



373 



was true at a certain period ; but it had ceased to be the fact in the age in 
which the Reformation took place. Low as literature was in Scotland at the 
beginning of the lGth century, for the credit of my country, I trust that it was 
not in so poor a state in the universities as it was in the monasteries. Take 
the account of one who has bestowed much attention on the monastic anti- 
quities of Scotland. " Monkish ambition terminated in acquiring skill in 
scholastic disputation. If any thing besides simple theology was read," [1 
greatly doubt if there is any good evidence of this being a practice at the pe- 
riod of which I speak] M it might consist of the legends of saints, who were 
pictured converting infidels, interceding for offenders, and over-reaching 
fiends ; or of romances, recording the valour of some hardy adventurer, con- 
tinually occupied in wars with Pagans, or in vanquishing giants, foiling ne- 
cromancers, and combating dragons. Some were chroniclers ; and books of 
the laws might be transcribed or deposited with the monks, some might be 
conversant in medicine and the occult sciences." Dalyell s Cursory Remarks, 
prefixed to Scottish Poems, i. 17, 18. 

But we are not left to conjecture, or general inferences, as to the state of 
the monastic libraries. We have the catalogues of two libraries, the one of a 
monastery, the other of a collegiate church; which may be deemed fair spe- 
cimens of the condition of the remainder, in the respective ages to which they 
belonged. The former is the catalogue of the library of the Culdean monas- 
tery at Lochleven. It consisted of seventeen books, all of them necessarily in 
manuscript. Among these were a pastorale, graduate, and mhsale, books 
common to all monasteries, and without which their religious service could 
not be performed ; the Text of the Gospels, and the Acts of the Apostles; an 
Exposition of Genesis; a Collection of Sentences; and an Interpretation of 
Sayings. The rest appear to have consisted of some of the writings of Pros- 
per, and perhaps of Origen and Jerom. Jamieson s Historical Account of the 
ancient Culdees, p. 376-8. It may be granted that this collection of books 
was by no means despicable in that age ; but certainly it contained nothing 
the loss of which has been injurious to literature. I have no doubt that, if 
a copy of the Gospels, with the Lochleven seal or superscription, (whether 
authentic or fictitious) were to occur; with antiquarians it would give as high 
a price as a Polyglot ; but there can be as little question that one copy of the 
Greek Testament is of more real value. From the 12th to the 16th century, 
the monastic libraries did not improve. The catalogue of the library at Stir- 
ling, exhibits the true state of learning at the beginning of the last mentioned 
period. It contained, indeed, a copy of Gospels and Epistles in manuscript, 
most probably in Latin ; the remainder of its contents was purely monkish. 
There were four missals, two psalters, four antiphonies, three breviaries, 
two legends, four graduate, and ten processionals. DalyelTs Fragments of 
Scottish History, p. 77. 

So far as 1 have observed in the course of my reading, the monasteries did 
not possess more than perhaps an odd volume or two of the writings of the 
Fathers; but whatever books of this kind were to be found in them the Re- 
formers would be anxious to preserve, not to destroy. The chartularies were 
the most valuable writings deposited in monasteries : and many of these have 
been transmitted to us. The Reformers were not disposed to "consume these 
records, and we find them making use of them in their writings. Knox, His- 
toric, p. 1, 2, 3. The mass-books were the most likely objects of their ven- 
geance, and I have little doubt that a number of them were committed to the 
flames, in testimony of their abhorrence of the Popish worship. Yet they 
were careful to preserve copies of them, which they produced in their dis- 
putes with the Roman Catholics. Ibid. p. 261. 

But whatever literary ravages were committed, let them not be imputed 
exclusively to the tumultuary Reformation of Scotland, to the fanaticism of 
our Reformers, or the barbarous ignorance of our nobles. In England, the 
same proceedings took place to a far greater extent, and the loss must have 
been far greater. "Another misfortune," says Collier, "consequent upon 
the suppression of the abbeys, was an ignorant destruction of a great many 
valuable books. The books, instead of being removed to royal libraries, to 
those of Cathedrals, or the Universities, were frequently thrown in to the 
grantees, as things of slender consideration. Their avarice was sometimes so 
mean, and their ignorance so undistinguishing, that when the covers were 
somewhat rich, and would yield a little, they pulled them off, threw away the 
books, or turned them to waste paper." — " A number of them which pur- 
chased these superstitious mansions," says Bishop Bale, "reserved of those 
library books, some to serve their jakes, some to scoure their candlesticks, and 



374 



NOTES. 



seme to rub their boots ; and some they sold to the grocers and soap-sellers ; 
and some they sent over sea to bookbinders, not in small numbers, but at 
times whole ships full. Yes, the Universities are not all clear in this detest- 
able fact ; but cursed is the belly which seeketh to be fed with so ungodly gains, 
and so deeply shameth his native country. I know a merchantman (which 
shall at this time be nameless) that bought the contents of two noble libra- 
ries for forty shillings price: a shame it is to be spoken. This stuff hath he 
occupied instead of grey paper by the space of more than these ten years, and 
yet hath he store enough for as many years to come." — Bale's Declaration, &c. 
apud Collier's Eccles. Hist. ii. 166. 

Note H.p 160.— The personal aversion of Elizabeth to engage in the war of 
the Scottish Reformation, has not, as far as I have observed, been noticed by any 
of our historians. It is, however, a fact well authenticated from State Papers, 
whether it arose from extreme caution at the commencement of her reign, from 
her known parsimony, or from her high notions respecting royal prerogative. 
Cecil mentions it repeatedly in his correspondence with Throkmorton. " God 
trieth us," says he, " with many difficulties. The Queen's majestie never 
liketh this matter of Scotland : you knowe what hangeth thereuppon ; weak- 
hearted men, and flatterers will" follow that way. I have had such a torment 
herein with the Queen's majestie, as an ague hath not in five fitts so much 
abated." — Forbes, i. 454, 455. In another letter he says, " What will follow 
of my going towardes Scotlande, I know not ; but I feare the success, quia, 
the Queen's majestie is so evil disposed to the matter, which troobleth us all." 
Ibid.^460. It was not until her Council had presented a formal petition to 
her, that she gave her consent. Ibid. 390. Even after she had agreed to hos- 
tilities, she began to waver, and to listen to the artful proposals of the French 
Court, who endeavoured to amuse her until such time as they were able to 
convey more effectual aid to the Queen- Regent, of Scotland. Killigrew, in a 
letter to Throkmorton, after mentioning the repulse of the English army in 
an assault upon the fortifications of Leith, says, " This, together with the 
bischope's [of Valence] relation unto the Queen's majestie, caused her to re- 
new the opinion of Cassandra." Ibid. 456. This was the principal cause of 
the suspension of hostilities, and the premature attempt to negociate, in 
April, 1560, which so justly alarmed the Lords of the Congregation ; an oc- 
currence not atrverted to in our common histories. Haynes, apud Sadler, i. 
719, 721. The Scottish Protestants were much indebted to Cecil and Throk- 
morton, for the assistance which they obtained from England. A number of 
the Counsellors, who had been in the Cabinet of Queen Mary, did all in their 
power to foster the disinclination of Elizabeth. Lord Grey, in one of his 
dispatches, complains of the influence of these ministers, whom he calls Phil- 
lipians, from their attachment to the interest of the King of Spain. Haynes, 
p. 295. 

Note I. p. 162.— As Knox's conduct, in his application to England for mi- 
litary aid, has been censured by historians, it may not be out of place to quote 
the account of this transaction given by two living authors, Mr. Tytler and 
Dr. Cook. ' c The great difficulty lay in the circumstance that both countries 
were at peace, and that any active co-operation with the reformed faction 
would justly be considered as an open declaration of war. Some time before 
this, (25th October, 1559,) Knox had suggested to Sir James Crofts, the Gover- 
nor of Berwick, a crafty political expedient by which a thousand or more men 
might, without breach of league with France, be sent to their assistance in 
Scotland. It was free, he said, for English subjects to serve any nation or 
prince in war who paid their wages ; and if this was questioned, he recom- 
mended that Elizabeth should first send the auxiliaries into Scotland, and then 
declare them rebels, after they had embraced the service of the Congregation. 
Crofts either was, or affected to be shocked by such advice at the time, but on 
the arrival of Maitland at the English Court, his representation of the despe- 
rate condition of the affairs of the Protestants, induced Elizabeth and her 
Council to adopt a line of policy essentially the same as that recommended 
by the Reformer. It was resolved to enter into a solemn agreement with the 
leaders of the Congregation, the terms of which were to be discussed in a 
secret meeting of Commissioners from both countries, to be held at Berwick. 
Preparations, at the same time, were made for the equipment of a fleet, which 
was to cruise in the Firth ; and orders were given to assemble an army, which 
might co-operate with the reduced forces of the Protestants. This grateful 
intelligence was brought to the Reformers on the 15th of December, by Robert 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



MelviL who, along with Randolph, had accompanied Lethington to the Eng- 
lish Court, and enjoyed the confidence of Elizabeth. 

It is curious to observe the extraordinary circumspection and care used by 
the English Queen, in the steps which she now took. She transmitted to the 
Reformers exact directions regarding the manner in which they were to apply 
to her for relief. The instructions to Lethington, when he took his journey 
to the English Court, were drawn up in strict accordance to a paper sent by 
Cecil; and special pains were taken, that in the application which they made, 
there was no mention of religion. The single ground upon which they en- 
treated succour from England, was the tyranny of France, the evident inten- 
tion of that kingdom to make a conquest of Scotland, and ultimately to dis- 
possess Elizabeth of the throne. " Most true it is." say they, " that this prac- 
tice of the French is not attempted only against this kingdom of Scotland, but 
also against the Crown and k ngdom of England and Ireland, for we know 
most certainly that the French have devised to spread abroad, though most 
falsely, that our Queen is right heir to England arid Ireland, and to notify the 
same to the world, have in paintings at public jousts at France and other 
places, this year, caused the arms of England, contrary to all right, to be 
borne quarterly with the arms of Scotland, meaning nothing less than any 
augmentation to Scotland, but to annex them both perpetually to the Crown 
of France. We have here a strong presumption that Elizabeth was inimical 
to what she esteemed the ultra- Protestant reformation established in Scot- 
land : nor can it be denied that this transaction presents us with a somewhat 
mortifying view of the early Reformers in this country, when we find, thai 
after all the solemn warnings denounced against trusting too exclusively to 
an arm of flesh, Knox, who then acted as secretary to the Council of the Con- 
gregation in the west, and Balnevis, who filled the same situation in the Coun- 
cil established at Glasgow, consented to purchase the co-operation o: mere 
human power, by omitting all allusion to that great cause of religious refor- 
mation which they had so repeatedly represented as the paramount object 
for which they had taken up arms and were readv to sacrifice their lives. 
Tytler's Hist." of Scot. vol. vi. p. 178-79. 

It appears, from the correspondence, that the English Government anxi- 
ously avoided taking any open part. It was probably struck with the igno- 
miny which a flagrant breach of treaty, without any ostensible provocation, 
would fix upon it ; and hence it not oni.7 limited its' assistance to supplies of 
money, but it cautiously abstained from sending the coins of England, lest 
the rapid increase of their circulation might discover from what source they 
had been poured into the country. Knox, it is true, soon perceived that this 
kind of assistance would be unavailing; and so early as the end of October he 
wrote, under a feigned name, to Crofts, pointing out to him the importance 
of aiding the Congregation by a military force. Sensible, however, that this 
decided undisguised interference would" appear improper, he endeavoured to 
enforce it by a mode of reasoning, shewing too plainly how much attachment 
to party may warp the soundest understanding, and lead it to approve maxims 
which, had it been unbiassed, it would have rejected with abhorience. Crofts, 
who saw the difficulty, either condemned the sophistry of Knox, or chose to 
appear as if he did so ; and he answered in such a manner as inspired the Re- 
former with more correct sentiments ; but while he held this language, he was 
so deeply impressed with the interesting nature of the information which he 
had obtained, from one so eminently qualified to convey it, that he communi- 
cated it to the Council, and even expressed his opinion "that open aid must in 
the end be given. The Council accordingly sent down a faithful messenger 
to Scotland, to promise military and naval support, about the very time that 
the Lords sent Maitlandto the English Queen. As they, however, were ne- 
cessarily ignorant of this determination in their favour, and were most solici- 
tous tc know precisely what they had to expect, they evinced much wisdom 
in making a direct appeal to Elizabeth. Cook's Hist, of Reformation, vol. 
ii. p. 236. 

Note K. p. 163 The hostile advance of the Regent against Perth first 

drove the Lords of the Congregation to take arms in their own defence. Her 
reiterated infraction of treaties, and the gradual developement of her designs 
by the introduction of French troops into the kingdom, rendered the prospect 
of an amicable and permanent adjustment of differences very improbable, and 
dictated the propriety of strengthening their confederation, that they might 
be prepared for a sudden and more formidable attack. These considerations 
are sufficient to justify the posture of defence in which they kept themselvei 



376 



NOTES. 



during the summer of 1559, and the steps which they took to secure assist- 
ance from England. If their exact situation is not kept in view, an accurate 
judgment of their conduct cannot be formed, andth ir partial and temporary 
resistance to the measuies of the Regent will be represented as an avowed 
rebellion against her authority. But whatever be the modern ideas on this 
subject, they did not consider the former as necessarily implying the latter; 
and they continued to profess not only their allegiance to their Sovereign, but 
also their readiness to obey the Queen-Regent in every thing not inconsistent 
with their security, and the liberties of the nation ; nay, they actually yield- 
ed obedience, by paying the taxes to the officers appointed by her, and in 
other ways. Knox, p. 176. Private and confidential letters are justly consi- 
dered as the most satisfactory evidence as to the intentions of men. Our Re- 
former, in a letter written to Mrs. Locke on the 25th of June, 1559, says. — 
" The Queen is retired into Dunbar. The fine [end] is known unto God. 
We mean no tumult, no alteration of author ity, but only the Reformation of 
religion, and suppressing of idolatry." Cald. MS. i. 429. At an early period, 
indeed, she accused them of a design to throw off their allegiance. When 
the Prior of St. Andrew's joined their party, she industriously circulated a 
report that he ambitiously aimed at the sovereignty, and that they intended 
to confer it upon him. Knox, 149. Forbes, i. 180. It was one of the special 
instructions given to Sir Ralph Sadler, when he was sent down to Berwick, 
that he should " explore the very trueth" as to this report. Sadler, i. 731. 
In all his confidential con espondence with his court, there is not the slightest 
insinuation that he had discovered any evidence to induce him to credit that 
charge. This is a strong proof of the Prior s innocence, if it be taken in con- 
nection with what I shall immediately state ; not to mention the testimony 
of Melvil. Memoirs, p. 27. 

When the Earl of Arran joined the Congregation, the Queen- Regent cir- 
culated the same report respecting him. Knox, p. 174. As far as the Con- 
gregation were concerned, this accusation was as unfounded as the former. 
Ibid. p. 176. But there are some circumstances connected with it which de- 
serve attention, as setting the loyalty of the Scottish Protestants in a very 
clear light. The Earl of Arran, and not the Prior of St. Andrew's, was the 
favourite of the English Court. Messengers were appointed by them to bring 
him over from the Continent, and he was conducted through England into 
Scotland, to be placed at the head of the Congregation. Forbes, i. 164, 166, 
171, 216. Sadler, i. 417, 421, 437, 439. There is also evidence that the minis- 
ters of Elizabeth wished him to be raised to the throne of Scotland, if not 
also that they had projected the uniting of the two crowns by a marriage be- 
tween him and Elizabeth. " The way toperfait this assuredly," says Throk- 
morton to Cecil, " is, that the Erie of Arraine do as Edward the I V. did, when 
he landed at Ravenspurg : (he pretended to the duchy of York ; and having 
that, he would not leave till he had the diademe) for then of necessitie the erle 
of Arran must depend upon the devotion of England, to maintein and defend 
himself. I feare all other devises and handelings will prove like an apotecary 
his shop ; and therefore I leave to your discretion to provyde by all meanes 
for this matter, both there and in Scotland." And again : " Methinks, the 
Lord of Grange, Ledington, Balnaves, and the chief doers of the Congrega- 
tion (which I wold wish specially to be done and procured by the Prior of St. 
Andrewes) should be persuaded to set forward these purposes before : for 
there is no way for them to have any savety or surety, onles thei make the 
Earl of Arran king ; and as it is their surety, so it is also ours. In this mater 
there must be used both wisdome, courage, and spede." Forbes, i. 435, 436. 
Throkmorton, it is to be observed, was at this time the most confidential 
friend of Cecil, and, in his despatches from France, pressed the adoption of 
those measures which the Secretary had recommended to the Queen and 
Council. Had not the Congregation been decidedly averse to any change of 
the government which would have set aside their Queen, it seems highly pro- 
bable that this plan would have been carried into execution. The report of an 
intended marriage between Elizabeth and Arran was general at this time ; 
and whatever were the Queen's own intentions, it seems to have been se- 
riously contemplated by her ministers. Ibid. 214, 215, 282, 288. This accounts 
for the recommendation of this measure by the Scottish Estates, alter the 
conclusion of the civil war. Keith, 154. 

Note L. p. 170. — I shall produce some extracts from Knox's writings, re- 
lating to the principal points touched in the statement of his political senti- 
ments. " In few wordis to speik my conscience ; the regement of princes is 



PERIOD FIFTH. 



&77 



this day mm to that heap of iniquitie, that no godlie man can oruke office or 
autoritie under thame, but in so doing hie sal be corapellit not onlie aganis 
equitie and justice to oppres the pure, but also expressedlie to fyeht aganis 
God and his ordinance, eiti.cr in maintenance of idolatrie, or ellis in perse- 
cuting Godis thosin childrcne. And what must follow heirof. but that ether 
princeis be reformit and be compellit also to reform their wickit lawis, or els 
all gud men depart fra thaii service and companie ?" Additions to the Apo- 
logy of the Parisian Protestants, apud M.S. Letters, p. 477. Dr. Robertson 
has ascribed to Knox and Buchanan an " excessive admiration of ancient po- 
licy." He says their " principles, authorities, and examples were all drawn 
from ancient writers, ' and their political system founded *' not on the max- 
ims of feudal, but of ancient republican government. ' History of Scotland, 
vol. i. b. ii. p. 391. Lond. 1809. These assertions need some "qualification. 
If republican government be opposed to absolute monarchy, the principles of 
Knox and Buchanan may be denominated republican; but if the term i_as 
now commonly understood) be used in contradistinction to monarchy itself, 
it cannot be shewed that they admired or recommended republicanism. They 
were the friends of limited* monaichy. It is the excellence of the govern- 
ment of Britain, that the feudal maxims which once predominated in it have 
been corrected, or their influence counteracted, by ethers borrowed from 
republican constitutions. And it is not a little to the credit of the modera- 
tion and good sense of these writers, that, notwithstanding all their admira- 
tion of ancient models of legislation, in comparison with the existing feudal 
monuments, they contented themselves with recommending such principles 
as were requisite for restraining the arbitrary power of kings, and securing 
the rights of the people. Nor were aJl their authorities and examples drawn 
from ancient writers, as may be seen in the Dialogue, De jure r.gni apud 
Scotox. 

In a letter written by him to the Queen-Dowager, a few days after her sus- 
pension from the Regency, he says, •* My toung did bothe perswade and ob- 
tcin. that your authoiitieand regiment suld be obeyed of us in all things law- 
full, till ye declair yourself opin enemie to this comoun welthe; as now, 
allace ! ye have done.' Historie, p. 180. This declaration is justified by the 
letters which he wrote to his brethren before his arrival in Scotland. The 
following extract from a letter addressed to the Protestant nobility, Dec. l?th, 
1557, is a specimen : " But now no farder to trubill you at the present, I will 
onlie advertis you of sic brut as I heir in thir partis unceitanlie noysit, whiik 
is this, that contradictioun and rebellioun is maid to the autoritie be sum in 
that realme. In whilk poynt my conscience will not suffer me to keip back 
from you my consall, ye, my judgment and commandement, whilk I commu. 
meat with vow in Godis feir, and by the assurance of his treuth. whilk is this, 
that nane of you that seik to promot the glorie of Chryst do suddanlie disobey 
or displeas the establissit autoritie in things lawful], neither yit that he assis't 
or fortifie such as, for thair awn particular cans and warlrilie promotioun, 
wald trubill the same. But, in the bowallis of Chryst Jesus, I exhort yow, 
that with all simplicitie and lawful! obedience, with boldness in God, and 
with opin confessioun of your faith, ye seek the favour of the autoritie, that 
by it (yf possible be) the caus in whilk ye labour may be promotit, or at the 
leist, not pcrsctutit. Whilk thing, efter all humill requist, yf ye can not at- 
teane, then with oppin and solemp protestation of your obedience to be 
given to the autoritie in all thingis not planelie rr-pugnying to God. ye law- 
fullie may attempt the extreamitie, whilk is, to provyd v \vhidder the "autori- 
tie will consent or no) that Chrystis evangell may be irewliepreachit, and his 
hahe sacramentis rychtlie ministerit unto yow and to your brethren, the sub- 
jectis of that realme. And farder ye lawfuliie may, ye, and thairto is bound, 
to defendyour brethrcne frome persecutioun and tiranny, be it aganis princes 
or emprioris, to the uttermost of your power; provyding alwayis (as I have 
said) that neither your self deny lawful! obedience, nether yit that ye assist 
nor promot thois that seik autoritie and pre-eminence of warldlie glorie." 
M.S'. Letters, p. 4-U. -135. 

In his conversation with Queen Mary at Lochleven, we find him inculcat- 
ing the doctrine of a mutual compact between rulers and subjects. " It sail 
be profitabill to your Majesty to consider quhat is the thing your grace's sub- 
jects links to receave of your Majesty, and quhat it is that ye audit to do unto 
thame by mutual contract. They ar bound to obey you, and that not bot in 
God; ye ar bound to keip iawes unto thame. Ye crave of thame service 
they crave of you protcctioun and defence against wicked doars. Now, ma- 
dam, if you sail deny your dewty unto thame ^quhiik especiaiy craves that y< 



578 



NOTES. 



punish malefactors) think ye to receave full obedience of thame ?" Historic, 
p. 327. This sentiment was adopted by his countrymen. The committee 
appointed by the Regent-Murray to prepare overtures for the Parliament, 
which met in December, 1567, (of which committee our Reformer was a 
member,) agreed to this proposition. " The band and contract to be mu- 
tuale and reciprous in all tymes cuming betwixt the prince and God, and his 
faithful people, according to the word of God." Robertson's Records of Par- 
liament, p. 796. This was also one of the articles subscribed at the General 
Assembly in July preceding; only the language there is more clear and ex- 
press, — " mutual and reciproque in all tymes coming betwixt the prince and 
God, and also betwixt the prince and faithful people." Buik of the Univer- 
sall Kirk, p. 34, Adv. Lib. Keith, 582. See also the proclamation of the 
King's authority. Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. p. 205. Keith, 441. The 
right of resistance was formally recognised in the inscription upon a coin 
stamped soon after the coronation of James VI. On one of the sides is the 
figure of a sword with a crown upon it, and the words of Trajan circum- 
scribed, Pro me ; simereor, in me ; i. e. Use this sword for me : if I deserve 
it, against me. Cardonell s Numismata Scotias, plate ix. p. 101 Our Re- 
former's Appellation may be consulted for the proof of what has been assert- 
ed, ( p. 163, 164,) as to his endeavours to repress aristocratical tyranny, and to 
awaken the mass of the people to a due sense of their rights. See also His- 
torie, p. 100. The effect of the Reformation in extending popular liberty, was 
very visible in the Parliament which met in August, 1560, in which there 
were representatives from all the boroughs, and a hundred lesser barons, 
** with mony otheris baronis, fre halderis, and landit men." Keith has men- 
tioned, that during a space of no less than seventy-seven years preceding 
*' scarcely had one of the inferior gentry appeared in Parliament. And there- 
fore," adds he, " I know not but it may be deemed somewhat unusual, for a 
hundred of them to jump all at once into the Pari anient, especially in such 
a juncture as the present was." History, p. 147, 148. The petition presented 
by the lesser barons, for liberty to sit and vote in the Parliament, has this re- 
markable clause in it ; " otherwise we think that whatsomever ordinances 
and statutes be made concerning us and our estate, we not being required 
and suffered to reason and vote at the making thereof, that the same should 
not oblige us to stand thereto." Robertson s History of Scotland, Append. 
No. 4. 

Liberal principles respecting civil government accompanied the progress of 
the Reformation. Knox had the concurrence of English bishops in his doc- 
trine concerning the limited authority of kings, and the lawfulness of resist- 
ing them. He had the express approbation of the principal divines in the 
foreign churches. Historic 363, 366. In the 1 7th century, some of the French 
divines, in their great loyalty to the Grand Monarque, disclaimed all appro- 
bation of our Reformer s political sentiments, and represented them as pro- 
ceeding from the fervid and daring spirit of the Scots nation, or the peculiar 
constitution of their government. Riveti Castig. in Balzacum, cap. xiii. § 14. 
apud Oper. torn. iii. p. 539. See also the quotations from other French au- 
thors in Bayle, Diet. Art. Knox, Note E. In the controversy occasioned by 
the execution of Charles I. our Reformer's name and principles were intro- 
duced. Milton appealed to him, and made quotations from his writings, in 
defence of that deed. One of Milton's opponents says that he had only a sin- 
gle Scot to produce, " whom his own age could not suffer, and whom all the 
reformed, especially the French, condemned in this point." Regii Sanguinis 
Clamor ad coelum, p. 129. Hagas-Comit. 1652, written by Peter du Moulin, 
the son. Milton, in his Rejoinder, urges with truth, that Knox had asserted, 
that his opinions were approved by Calvin, and other eminent divines of his 
acquaintance. Miltoni Defensio secundo pro Pop. Anglic, p. 101. Haga?- 
Comit. 1654. See also Milton's Prose Works, by Symmons, vol. ii. p. 291-2, 
307, 378. Lond. 1806. But long before this controversy arose, Milton had 
expressed himself in terms of high praise concerning our Reformer. " Nay, 
which is more lamentable, if the work of any deceased author, though never 
so famous in his lifetime, and even to this day, come to their hands for license 
to be printed or re-printed, if there be found in his book one sentence of a 
venturous edge, uttered in the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it 
might not be the dictate of a divine spirit ?) Yet not suiting with every low 
decrepit humour of their own, though it were Knox himself, the reformer of 
a kingdom, that spake it, they will not pardon him their dash : the sense of 
that great man shall to all posterity be lost for the fearfulnesse, or the pre- 
sumptuous rashnesse of a perfunctory licenser. And to what an author this 



PERIOD FIFTH 



37D 



violence hath bin lately done, and in what book of greatest consequence to be 
faithfully publisht, I could now instance, but shall forbear till a more conve- 
nient season." Milton's Prose works, ut supra, vol. i. p. 311. This work of 
Milton first appeared in 1614, the year in which David Buchanan's edition of 
Knox's History was published. 

Note M. p. 175 — The following is the account of this pretended miracle, as 
related in Row's MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 356. 

" In the neighbourhood of Musselburgh was a chapel dedicated to our Lady 
of Loretto, the sanctity of which was increased from its having been the ia- 
vourite abode of the celebrated Thomas the Hermit. To this sacied place 
the inhabitants of Scotland, from time immemorial, had repaired in pilgri- 
mage, to present their offerings to the Virgin, and to experience the efficacy 
of her prayers, and the healing virtue of the wonder-working " Hermit of 
Lareit, * In the course of the year 1559, public not.ee was given by the friars, 
that they intended to put the truth of their religion to the proof, by perform- 
ing a miracle at this chapel upon a young man who had been born blind. On 
the day appointed, a vast concourse of spectators assembled from all parts of 
Lothian. The young man. accompanied with a solemn procession of monks, 
was conducted to a scaff old, erected on the outside of the chapel, and was ex- 
hibited to the multitude. Many of them knew him to be the blind man whom 
they had often seen begging, and whose necessities they had relieved; all 
looked on him, and pronounced him stone blind. The friars then proceeded 
to their devotions with great fervency, invoking the assistance of the Virgin, 
at whose shrine they stood, and that of all the saints whom they honoured; 
and after some time spent in prayers and religious ceremonies, the blind man 
opened his eyes, to the astonishment of the spectators. Having returned 
thanks to the friars and their saintly patrons for this wonderful cure, he was 
allowed to go down from the scaffold to gratify the curiosity of the people, 
and to receive their alms. 

" It happened that there was among the crowd a gentleman of Fife, Robert 
Colville of Cleish, who, from his romantic bravery, was usually called Squire 
Meldrum, in allusion to a person of that name who had been celebrated by 
Sir David Lindsay. He was of Protestant principles, but his wife was a Ro- 
man Catholic, and, being pregnant at this time, had sent a servant with a pre- 
sent to the chapel of Loretto, to procure the assistance of the Virgin in her 
labour. The Squire was too gallant to hurt his lady's feelings by prohibiting 
the present from being sent off, but he resolved to prevent the superstitious 
offering, and with that view had come to Musselburgh. He witnessed the 
miracle of curing the blind man with the distrust natural to a Protestant, and 
determined, if possible, to detect the imposition before he left the place. 
Wherefore, having sought out the young man from the crowd, he put apiece 
of money into his hand, and persuaded him to accompany him to his lodgings 
in Edinburgh. Taking him into a private room, and locking the door, he told 
him plainly that he was convinced he was engaged in a wicked conspiracy with 
the friars to impose on the credulity of the people, and at last drew from him 
the secret of the story. When a boy, he had been employed to tend the cattle 
belonging to the nuns of Sciennes, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, and had at- 
tracted their attention by a peculiar faculty which he had of turning up the 
white of his eyes, and of keeping them in this position, so as to appear quite 
blind. Certain friars in the city, having come to the knowledge of this fact, 
conceived the design of making it subservient to their purposes ; and having 
prevailed on the sisters of Sciennes to part with the poor boy, lodged him in 
one of their cells. By daily practice he became an adept in the art of coun- 
terfeiting blindness ; and alter he had remained so long in concealment as not 
to be recognized by his former acquaintance, he was sent forth to beg as a 
blind pauper ; the friar* having previously bound him, by a solemn vow, not 
to reveal the secret. To confirm his narrative, he " played his pavie" before 
the Squire, by " flypping up the fid of his eyes, and casting up the white," so 
as to appear as blind as he did on the scaffold at Loretto. The gentleman 
laid before him the iniquity of his conduct, and told him that he must next 
day repeat the whole story publicly at the cross of Edinburgh ; and as this 
would expose him to the vengeance of the friars, he engaged to become his 
protector, and to retain him as a servant in his house. The young man com- 
plied with his diiections, and Cleish, with his drawn sword in his hand, having 
stood by him till he had finished his confession, placed him on the same horse 
with himself, and carried him off to Fife. The detection of this imposture was 
quickly published throughout the country, and covered the friars with confu- 
sion."' 



380 



NOTES. 



PERIOD SIXTH. 

Note A. p. 186. — I shall, in this note, add some particulars respecting the 
eariy practice of the Reformed Church of Scotland, under different heads. 

Of Doctors. — The doctrine of the Church of Scotland, and, indeed, of other 
Reformed Churches, on this head, has not been vei«y uniform and decided. 
The first Book of Discipline does not mention doctors, but it seems to take for 
granted what had been stated respecting the officers of the Church in the 
Book of Common Order, where they are declared to be "a fourth kind of mi- 
nisters left to the Church of Christ," although the English Church at Geneva 
could not attain them. Knox's Liturgy, p. 14. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 
409, 410. In the Second Book of Discipline, they are expressly mentioned as 
*' ane of the twa ordinar and perpetuall functions that travell in the word," 
and " different from the pastor, not only in name, but in diversity of gifts.'" 
The doctor is to " assist the pastor in the government of the kirk, and concur 
with the elders, his brethren, in all assemblies," but not " to minister the sa- 
craments, or celebrate marriage.' Dunlop, ii. 773, 774. The Book of Common 
Order and Second Book of Discipline agree in comprehending, under the name 
and office of a doctor, " the order in schooles, colledges, and universities." 
Ut supra. The fact seems to be, that there never were any doctors in the 
Church of Scotland, except the teachers of divinity in the universities. 
" Quamvis ecclesia nostra (says Calderwood) post primam Reformationern 
quatuor agnoscat ministrorum genera, pastorum, doctorum, presbyterorum, 
et diaconorum : tamen doctores alios nondum habuit quam scholarchas." De 
Regimine Ecclesiae Scoticanas Brevis Relatio, p. 1, 2. Anno. 1618. Some 
writers have asserted that it was as doctors that both Buchanan and Andrew 
Melvillesat, and sometimes presided, in the church courts. The Episcopa- 
lians having objected that the Church of Scotland admitted persons to act as 
moderators in her assemblies who are in no ecclesiastical office, and instanced 
in the two persons above-mentioned, Mr. Baillie gives this answer : " Mr. 
Melvil was a doctor of divinity, and so long as episcopal persecution permit- 
ted, did sit with great renowne in the prime chair we had of that Faculty. 
George Buchanan had sometimes, as I have heard, been a preacher at St. 
Andrew's: after his long travells he was employed by our church and state 
to be a teacher to King James and his family : of his faithfulnesse in this 
charge, he left, I believe, to the world, good and satisfactory tokens. The emi- 
nency of this person was so great, that no society of men need be ashamed to 
have been moderated by his wisdome." Historical Vindication, p. 21, 22. The 
report which Mr. Ba ilie had heard of Buchanan having been a preacher, pro- 
bably originated from the divinity lectures which Calderwood informs us he 
read with great applause in the University of St. Andrew's. " Buchanan and 
Mr. Melvin were doctors of divinity," says Rutherfurd, Lex Rex, pref. p. 5. 
Lond. 1644. 

Of Readers— Those employed as readers appear to have often transgressed 
the bounds prescribed to them, and to have both solemnized marriage and 
administered the sacraments. Different acts of Assembly were made to re- 
strain these excesses. The General Assembly, October, 1576, prohibited all 
readers from ministering " the holie sacrament of the Lord, except such as 
hes the word of exhortation." The Assembly, which met in July, 1579, inhi- 
bited them from celebrating marriage, unless they were found meet by " the 
commission, or synodal assembly." At length, in April, 1581, the order was 
suppressed. " Anent readers : Forsameikle as in assemblies preceding, the 
office thereof was concludit to be no ordinar office in the kirk of God, and the 
admission of them suspendit to the present assemblie; the kirk in ane voyce 
hes votit and concludit farder, that in na tymes coming any reider be admitted 
to the office of reider, be any having power within the kirk." Buik of the 
Universall Kirk, in loc 

Of Superintendents. — The Church of Scotland did not consider superin- 
tendents as ordinary or permanent office-bearers in the church. They are 
not mentioned in the Book of Common Order. The first 3ook of Discipline 
explicitly declares that their appointment was a matter of temporary expe- 
dience, in the plantation of the church, and on account of the paucity of mi- 
nisters. Its words are: — " Because we have appointed a larger stipend to 
them that shall be superintendents then to the rest of the ministers, we have 
thought good to signifie to your honours such reasons as movpd us to make 
difference betwixt teachers at this time." And again : — " We consider that 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



381 



if the ministers whom God hath endowed with his singular graces amongst us 
should be appointed to severall places there to make their continual resi- 
dence, that then the greatest part of the realme should be destitute of all doc- 
trine: which should not onely be the occasion of great murmur, but also be 
dangerous to the salvation of many. And therefore we have thought it a 
thing most expedient at this time, that from the whole number of godly and 
learned men, now presently in this realm, be selected ten or twelve (for in 
so many provinces we have divided the whole) to whom charge and com- 
mandment should be given, to plant and erect kirkes, to set, order, and ap- 
point ministers, as the former order prescribes, to the countries that shall be 
appointed to their care where none are now." First and Second Books of 
Discipline, p. 35. printed anno 1621. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 538, 539. 
Archbishop Spotswood has not acted faithfully, if his History has been print- 
ed, in this place, exactly according to his manuscript. He has omitted the 
passages above quoted, and has comprehended the whole of the two para- 
graphs from which they are extracted in a short sentence of his own, which 
is far from being a full expression of the meaning of the compilers. History, 
p. 158. Lond. 1677. This is the more inexcusable, as he says, that for " the 
clearing of many questions which were afterwards agitated in the church," 
he " thought meet word by word to insert the same [the First Book of Dis- 
cipline] that the reader may see what were the grounds laid down at first for 
the government of the church.'' Ibid. p. 152. He could not be ignorant that 
the grounds of the appointment of superintendents formed one of the princi- 
pal questions agitated between him and his opponents. I have compared the 
copy of the Fii>t Book of Discipline, inserted in an old MS. copy of Knox's 
Historic and find that it exactly agrees with the quotations which I have made 
from the editions published in 1621, and by Dunlop. Dr. Robertson has been 
misled by the Archbishop. " On the first intioduction of his system, " says he, 
" Knox did not deem it expedient to depart altogether from the ancient form. 
Instead of bishops, he proposed to establish ten or twelve superintendents in 
different parts of the kingdom." As his authority for this statement, herefers 
solely to the mutilated account in Spotswood. Robertson, ut supra, ii. 42, 
43. Mr Laing, from an examination of the original documents, has given a 
more accurate account, and pronounced the appointment of superintendents 
a '* temporary expedient." History of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 17, 18. Lond. 
1804. 

The superintendents were elected and admitted in the same manner as other 
pastors. Knox, 263. They were equally subject to rebuke, suspension, and 
deposition, with the rest of the ministers of the church. In the examination 
of those who were admitted by them to the ministry, they were bound to as- 
sociate with them the ministers of the neighbouring parishes. They could 
not exercise any spiritual jurisdiction without the consent of the provincial 
synods, over which they had no negative voice. They were accountable to 
the General Assembly for the whole of their conduct. The laborious task 
imposed upon them is what few bishops have evei submitted to. " They must 
be preachers themselves ;" they are charged to " remain in no place above 
twenty daies in their visitation, till they have passed through their whole 
bounds." They " must thrice everie week preach at the least.'' When they 
return to their principal town or residence, " they must be likewise exercised 
in preaching;" and having remained in it " three or foure monthes at most, 
they shall be compelled (unless by sicknesse they be retained) to re-enter in 
visitation." Dunlop, ii. 542. De Regimine Eccles. Scotican. brevis relatio, 
p. 5, 6. Anno 1618. Epistolae Philadelphi Vmdicias contra calumnias Spots- 
wodi apud Altare Da:nascenum, p. 724-727. edit. Lugd Batav. 1708. In 
this tract (of which Caiderwood was the author) the difference between the 
Scottish superintendents and Anglican bishops is drawn out under thirteen 
heads. Spotswood s treatise is entitled, Refutatio Libelli de Regrmine Ec- 
clesia? Scoticanas, Lond. 1620. 

The visitors, or commissioners of provinces, exercised the same power as the 
superintendents ; the only difference between them was, that the former re- 
ceived their commission from one Assembly to another. Altare Damasce- 
num, ut supra, p. 727. But these commissions appear sometimes to have been 
granted for a longer period ; for one of Robert Pont's titles was commissioner 
of Murray. Perhaps, in this case, a commissioner differed from a superin- 
tendent, merely in not being obliged to have his stated residence within the 
bounds of the province committed to his inspection. 

Of the weekly Exercise, or Prophesying.— This was an exercise upon the 
Scripture*, intended for the improvement of ministers, the trial of the gifts 



382 



NOTES. 



of those who might be employed in the service of the Church, and the genera* 
instruction of the people. It was to be held in every town " where schools 
and repaire of learned men are." For conducting the exercise, there was an 
association of the ministers, and other learned men, in the town and vicinity, 
called " the company of interpreters." They alternately expounded a pas- 
sage of Scripture ; and others who were present were encouraged to deliver 
their sentiments. After the exercise was finished, the constituent members 
of the association retired, and pronounced their judgment on the discourses 
which had been delivered. Books of Discipline, ut supra, p. 60-62. Dunlop, 
ii. 587-591. After the erection of regular presbyteries, this exercise formed 
an important part of their employment; and at every meeting, two of the 
members by turns commonly expounded the Scriptures. De Regimine Eccl. 
Scot. Brevis Relatio, p. 3. Until lately some traces of this ancient practice 
remained, and there is reason to regret that it has generally gone into desue- 
tude among Presbyterian bodies. Associations of the same kind were formed 
in England. From 1571 to 1576, they spread through that kingdom, and were 
patronised by the Bishops of London, Winton, Bath and Wells, Litchfield, 
Glocester, Lincoln, Chichester. Exon, St. David's, Sandys Archbishop of 
York, and Grindall Archbishop of Canterbury. Several of the courtiers, as 
Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Francis Knollys, and Sir Thomas Smith, great- 
ly approved of them ; and, at a future period, they were recommended to 
King James by Lord Bacon. But they were suppressed by an imperious 
mandate from Elizabeth. Some interesting particulars respecting their num- 
bers, regulations, and suppression, may be seen in Strype's Annals, ii. 90-95, 
219, 220, 318-324, 486. Life of Grindal, p. 219-227, 230, 299, 300. Life of 
Parker, 460-462. They were formed on the model of the Scottish exer- 
cises, and in the regulations, the very words of the First Book of Disci- 
pline are sometimes used. A species of ecclesiastical discipline was joined 
with them in some dioceses. I also observe a striking resemblance between 
the directions given by Bishop Scambler for the celebration of the Lord's 
Supper, and the mode which was then used in Scotland, particularly as to the 
circumstance of two communions or ministrations on the same day, and the 
early hour of the service. Strype's Annals, ii. 91. compared with Scott's 
History of the Scottish Reformers, p. 192. 

Keith has given a quotation from the MS. copy of Spotswood's History, 
in which the Archbishop signifies, that, at the time of the compilation of the 
First Book of Discipline, several of the Reformed ministers wished to retain 
the ancient policy, after removing the more gross corruptions and abuses, but 
that Knox overruled this motion. Keith, 492. But there is no race, in the 
authentic documents of that period, of any diversity of opinion among the 
Scottish Reformers on this head. The supposition is contradicted by Row. 
(see above, p. 183.) and by their own language, Dunlop, ii. 518. Knox, His- 
torie, 282. It is probable that the Archbishop's story had its origin at a later 
period, when the design of conforming the Church of Scotland to the English 
model began to be entertained. I confess, I am not inclined to give much 
more credit to another of the Archbishop's tales, as to a message which Arch- 
bishop Hamilton is said to have sent to Knox bv John Brand. History, 174. 
Keith, 495. 

Note B. p. 187 There were three objects to which the Reformed minis- 
ters wished the ecclesiastical revenues to be applied ; to the maintenance o* 
ministers, of the teachers of youth, and of the poor. For the ministers they 
required that " honest provision" should be made, so as to give " neither oc- 
casion of solicitude, neither yet of insolencieand wantonnesse." They thought 
it reasonable that provision should also be made for their wives and children 
after their death. In ordinary cases, they proposed forty bolls of meal, and 
twenty-six bolls of malt, as an adequate stipend. These stipends were to be 
paid from the tithes ; but they proposed the abolishing of all illegal or oppres- 
sive exactions which had formerly been made by the clergy. The deacons, 
and not the ministers, were to collect the tithes, and after paying the sti- 
pends, to apply the remainder to the other purposes. For the support of the 
Universities, they proposed that the revenues of the bishoprics and collegiate 
churches, should be divided, and appropriated. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 533, 
534, 537, 538, 566. 

This was very unpalatable doctrine to the most of the Protestant nobility 
and gentry. They had already cast a covetous eye upon the rich revenues of 
the Popish clergy. They had seized upon some of their lands, and they re- 
tained the tithes in their own hands. They had made private bargains witb 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



3S3 



some of the incumbents, and were anxious to have them legalised. Hence 
their aversion to ratify the Book of Discipline: hence the cxcepricn with 
which it was subscribed ; hence the poverty and complaints of the ministers, 
and the languishing state of the universities. If we consider the extent of 
the establishments proposed, including the support of ministers, parochial 
teachers, city colleges, and national universities, the demand made by the mi- 
nisters for the appropriation of all the funds devoted to the Church will not 
appear unreasonable ; and they shewed themselves disinterested, by requiring 
a moderate allowance to themselves. They did not regard tithes as of divine 
right, nor think that it was sacrilegious in every case to apply to secular pur- 
poses funds which had been originally set apart to a religious use. But they 
held that, by the Christian as well as'the Jewish law, a competent subsistence 
was appointed to be made for the ministers of religion : that it was incumbent 
on a nation which had received the true religion, to make public provision for 
the outward maintenance of its ordinances : that the appropriation of the 
tenth part of property for this purpose was at least recommended by primeval 
usage, by the sanction of divine wisdom in the Jewish constitution, and by the 
laws and practice of Christian empires and kingdoms : that property which 
had been set apart and given for religious ends could not justly, or without 
sacrilege, be alienated, as long as it was needed for these purposes : that 
though many of the donors might have the support of superstitious obser- 
vances immediately in their eye. still it was with a view to religion that they 
made such gifts ; and that in as far as it should appear that the ecclesiastical 
revenues weie superabundant and unnecessary, they were willing that this 
should be applied to the common service of the state. To illustrate their 
sentiments on this subject, and the manner in which they urged their com- 
plaints, I shall add a few extracts from some of their writings which are not 
so commonly consulted. 

My first extracts shall be from Ferguson's sermon, to which our Reformer 
set his hand a little before his death. Having given an account of the law of 
Moses, the ordinance of the New Testament, and the practice of the primi- 
tive church, he adds, " Ye se, then, that the ministers of the primitive kirk 
(that levit befoir princes wer Christianes and nurischers of the kirk, as it was 
propheseit) wer na beggaris. suppois thay wer no lordis that aboundit in su- 
perfluous welth, as the papis bischoppis did; bot had sufficient asweill for the 
necessitie of thair owin families, as for the help of uther Christiar.es that now 
and then, as occasiounes servit, repairit to thair houses. Ouhen the tyme 
come foirspoken bi David s Psai. lxviii. and cii.) that kingjs and empereouris, 
and thair kingdomes. suld serve the Lord, and bring giftes unto him,"' they, 
" following his exampil that only is wyse. ordainit be thair authoritie. that the 
tiendis sulde serve to the same use in the tyme of the gospel!.*' — Our youth 
also aucht to be nurischit and mantenit at the schuilis, that thairoutof efter- 
ward micht spring preicheris. counsellouris. physiciounis. and all other kinds 
of learnit men that we have neid of. For the scheulis are the seid of the kirk 
and commoun welth, and our childrene are the hope of the posteritie. quhilk 
being neglectit, thair can nathing be luikit for bot that barbarous ignorance 
sail overflow all. For suppois God has wonderouslie. at this tyme. steirit up 
preicheris amang us, evin quhen darknes and ignorance had the upperhand, 
he will not do sa heirefter, seeing we have the ordinarie meane to provide 
them, quhilk gif we contempne, in vane sail we lcke for extraordinary pro- 
yisciouii. Israel was miraculusslie fed in the wildernes with manra. bot how 
soon thay did eit of thecorne of the land of Canaan the manna ceissit. nou- 
ther had thay it ony moir, bot levit efter ward on the frute ot the ground, or- 
dinarilie labourit with thair handis. I speik to prudent men that may under- 
stand and judge quhat I say." After deploring the decayed state of the churches 
and schools, and the poverty of the ministers, he adds : " I am ccmpellit to 
speik this, thocht I be als plane as plesant, andappeir to vow as the greitest 
fule of the rest to stand up heir to utter that quhiik other men thinkis, Weill, 
let me be countit a fule for speiking the treuth. I regard not ; nouther may 
I spair to speik it, thocht I suld be judgeit in our awin caus to be carayit away 
with a particular affeetioun ; following herein the exampil of our propheT 
Malachie." — " Ye marvel, I doubt not, quhy ye have not prevaiiit agains yone 
throtcutteris and unnaturall murtheres within -he towne and castell ot Edin- 
burgh, specially ye heving a maist just actioun, being ma in number, and mair 
vailyeant men, and nathing inferiour to thame in wisdonie. ciicumspectiouu, 
or ony gude qualiteis outher of body or mynd. Bot ceis to marvei : for the 
caus quhy that ye have not prevaiiit aganis thame long or now, amang mcny 
uther your sinnis quhairwith ye are derylt, is this, ti^t **he spuilyie of the 



384 



NOTES. 



pure is in your housis ; ye invaid that quhilk our forbearis gave of gude fceill 
to Goddis honour, and the commoun welth of the kirk ; ye spuilye to your 
awin private usis, without outher rymeor resoun, nouther will ye be controlit. 
This, this, I say, is the chief caus that nathing prosper is in your handis. I 
grant that our fatheris, of immoderate zeill (hesyde the teindis and necessarie 
rentis of the kirk,) gave thairunto superfluously, and mair nor aneuch. Quhat 
then is to be done, but that the preicheris of God's word be reasonablie sus- 
tenit, seing thair is eneuch and over mekle to do it, the schulUs and the pure 
be weill provydit, as they aucht, and the tempillis honestly and reverently re- 
pairit, that the pepill without injurie of wynd or wedder, may sit and heir 
Goddis word, and participat of his haly sacramentis. And g.f thair restisony 
thing unspendit quhen this is done (as nadout thair wil,) in the name of God, 
let it be bestowit on the nixt necessarie affairis of the commoun welth, and 
not to any mannis private commodities' An- sermon preachit befoir the 
cgent and nobilitie — be David Fergussone. B. iv. v. C Lekpreuik, 1571. 

The following extracts are taken from Sermons against Sacrilege, by Ro- 
oert Pont, a son-in-law of our Reformer. " From the yeare of our Lorde 
1560, unto this present time, the greatest study of all men of power of this 
land, hes bene, by allkinde of inventions, to spoyle the kirk of Christ of her 
patrimonie, by chopping and changing, diminishing of rentals, converting of 
victual in small sumes of money : setting of fewes within the availe, long tackes 
uppon tackes, with two or three life-rentes, with many twenty yeares in an 
tack, annexationes, erectiones of kirk-rents, in temporall livings and heritage, 
pensiones, simple donationes, erecting of new patronages, union of teindes, 
making of new abbattes, commendatares, priors, with other papistical titles, 
which ought to have no place in a reformed kirk and countrie; with an infi- 
nite of other corrupt and fraudfull waies, to the detriment and hurte of the 
kirke, the schooles, and the poore, without any stay or gaine-calling. 

" Treuth it is, parliamentes have bene conveened, and acts have bene made, 
for providing ministers of competent livinges ; for reparaling of parish kirkes, 
for trayning up the youth in schooles of theologie. It hath bene also promis- 
ed, and subscribed in writte, by a greafe parte of the nobilitie, that the poore 
labourers of the grounde, should have an ease and relieie of the rigorous ex- 
acting of their teindes : and many other good things have bene devised, tending 
to the advancement of the glorie of God, ai d establishing oi Christ his king- 
dome. Amongst us, namely, in time of thegovernemente of that good Regente, 
(whome for honoures cause I name,) who, although he could not doe all that 
hee woould have done, (having so manie hinderances and enemies;) yet his 
dooings might have bin a perfite patterne of tfodlinesse to the rest of the no- 
bilitie, to make them bene content to live uppon their owne rentes, and to 
cease from robbing and spoyling the patrimonie of the kirke."' Having pro- 
posed the objection that the Levitical Law of Moses is abrogated, and there 
fore his authorities from the Old Testament had no force under the Gospel, 
he adds, — " I aunswere concerning these landes or annuall rentes, out of 
landes deleted and given to the kirke, that although the Leviticall Lawe, with 
the ceremonies thereof concerning the out war de observation, hath taken an 
ende, and is fulfilled in Christ ; yet the substunce of the policie, concerning 
interteinment of the service of God, and up-hold cf religion, still remaines. 
And it is no lesse necessarie, that the ministerie of God amongst us be main- 
teined, and that sufficient provision be made to serve other godlie uses, where- 
unto the kirk-rentes ought to be applyed, nor it was that the priestes and 
Levites shoulde bene upholden in the time of the old-e law. And as to the ho- 
linesse or unholines of these landes and revenues : albeit in their owne nature 
(as I saide in the former sermon) they be like other earthly possessiones : yet 
in so far as they were applyed to an holy use, they may wel be called holy pos- 
sessiones and rents, as the kirk is holy, to whose use they are appointed. I 
will not deny but the teinds might be possibly changed, in other meanes of 
sufficient provision for the kirke, if such godly zeale were nowe amongst men 
as was of olde time. But in so farre as we see the plain contrarie, that men 
are now readier to take away than ever our predecessors were to give, it 
were a foolish thing to loose the certaine for the uneerta'me, and that which is 
never likely to come to passe." Pont's Sermons against Sacrilege, B. 8. 
C. 2. C. 8. E. 6. Waldegrave, 1599. 

Note C. p. 187. — A short account of John Row will introduce the particu- 
lars which I have to state respecting the study of the Hebrew language in 
Scotlano. The account is taken from the Historic of his son, John Row, mi- 
nister of Carnock j and the copy of the MS. which I quote in this Note, is one 



PLRT01) SIXTH. 



SS5 



transcribed in 1726. He was born in a place called Row. between Stirling and 
Dumbiane. After finishing his education, and being laureated at St. An- 
drew's, he pleaded for some time as an advocate before the consistorial court 
in that city. Having resolved to travel, with the view of prosecuting his 
studies to greater advantage, be visited the Continent about the year 1550. and 
was intrusted by the Scottish clergy with the management of some of their 
affairs at the court of Rome. He applied himself to the acquisition of learn- 
ing with great diligence. He did not. however, confine himself to one branch 
of study, but having an opportunity of acquiring Greek and Hebrew, he made 
himself master of these languages, and received the degree of Doctor utrius- 
que juris from two ItalianUniversities. He was a favourite with two Pon- 
tiffs, Julius III. and Paul V. and had every prospect of preferment at Rome : 
but having lost his health, he resolved to return to his native country. Upon 
his departure from Rome, May 20, 1555. the Pope invested him with the pub- 
lic character of Nuncio, and gave him instructions for checking the progress 
of heresy in Scotland. Having arrived in this country, September 29. 1558. 
he exerted himself for some time in executing his commission, but was soon 
converted to the Protestant faith. Row s MS. Historic ut supra, p. 308-310. 
The exposure of the pretended miracle wrought at Musselburgh was the first 
thing which staggered his mind. Being in the house of Meldrum, the gentle- 
man in Fife who'had detected the imposture, the young man who was said to 
have been cured of blindness was brought into his presence, where he "played 
his pavie," by ••flypingup the lid of his eyes and castingup the white." While 
Row was confounded at this discovery. Meldrum addressed him very serious- 
ly: " Weill, Mr. John Row, ye are a great clergyman, and a great linguist 
and lawyer, but I charge you. as you must answer to the great God at the last 
day, that ye do not now hold out' any light that God offers you. bat that ye 
will, as soon as ye come to your study, close the door upon you. and take your 
Bible, and seriously pray to God that ye may understand the Scriptures. — 
Read the 2d ch. of the 2d epist e of the Thessilonians ; and if you do not see 
your master, the Pope, to be the great Antichrist who comes with lyine won- 
ders to deceive the people of God. ; as now he and his deceiving rabble of 
clergy in Scotland have done lately at Musselburgh.) ye shall say Squire Mel- 
drum has no skill. Row. p. 355. By conference with several of the Reformed 
ministers, particularly Knox, he was brought to an abjuration of Popery. 
" Ipse nuncius | says his grandson] nassa evangelii irretitus, ejus nura. pia. pa- 
th etica prcedicatione inescatus, pontificiis syrtibus. famigerati Knoxii opera, 
extractus est.' Hebrew lingua? Institutiones, aM. Joa. Row. epist. dedic. A. 
3. b. Glasgua?, 1644. In the beginning of the year 1560 he was admitted mini- 
ster of Kinneuchar in Fife, where he married Margaret Beatoun. a daughter 
of the Laird of Balfour. Row s History, ut supra Before the end of that 
year he was translated to Perth. Knox. 236. Keith. 498. 

During his residence in Italy, he had made great proficiency in the know- 
ledge of the Greek and Hebrew languages. The latter was at this time almost 
entirely unknown in Scotland, and he immediately began, at the recommen- 
dation of his brethren, to teach it. The grammar-school of Perth was the 
most celebrated in the kingdom, and the noblemen and gentlemen were ac- 
customed to send their children there for their education. Many of these 
were now boarded with Mr. Row, who instructed them in Greek and Hebrew. 
As nothing but Latin was spoken by the boys in the school and in the fields, 
so nothing was spoken in Mr. Row's house but French. The passages of 
Scripture read in the family before and after meals, if in the Old Testament, 
were read in Hebrew. Greek. Latin, French and English ; if in the New Tes- 
tament, they were read in Greek, &c. His son. John, when he was between 
four and five years old. was taught the Hebrew characters, before he knew the 
English letters : and at eight years of age he read the Hebrew chapter in the 
family. When he went to tb i newly erected university of Edinburgh, his un- 
common acquaintance with the Hebrew language attracted the particular no- 
tice of the learned and amiable principal Rollock. Row s Historie. 372-375. 
Hebrse Ling. Institut. ut supra. Mr. Row instructed the master of the gram- 
mar-school in the Greek tongue, by which means it came to be taught after- 
wards in Perth. And in 1637 his own grandson (of the same name was Rector 
of that school, in which he taught Latin, Greek and Hebrew. This produced 
the following encomiastic verses by Principal Adamson of Edinburgh:— 

Perthaaa quor.dam Latialis ! inertias schola O ter beatum Rol'.um rectorern tuura : 

Laude cluebat, fueratque, ur;iu- iabri; Per quem ju^entus, barbariae prccul habito* 

Nunc est trilinguU, Latio jane, as Graeciam, Rudis et tenelia primulis labelluiis 
Et hoic Palestinam ; omnium lingnis loquens. Sol-raas. Athenas. et Romam icitP sonat, 
O ter beatum te nunc Perth anam scholara I 

2c 



386 



NOTES. 



About the year 1567, James Lawson (afterwards Knox's successor at Edin- 
burgh; returned from the Continent, where he had studied Hebrew. The 
professors of St. Andrew's prevailed on him to give lessons on that language 
in their university. Life ot Lawson, p. 2. in Wodrow's MS. Collections, vol. 
i. Bibl. Coll. Glasg. As he was made sub-principal in the University of Aber- 
deen, anno 1569, it is to be presumed that he would also teach the language 
there. Lawson, after his settlement in Edinburgh, patronised the interests of 
literature in this city. It was chiefly by his exertions that the buildings for 
the High School was completed in 1578. His intentions were to have it erect- 
ed into an university, or at least to make it Schola Illustris, with classes 
of logic and philosophy. The books destined for the library were kept in his 
house, previous to the foundation of the College. Crawfurd s History of the 
University of Edinburgh, p. 19, 20. I have already noticed the arrival of An- 
drew Melville in 1573, and the situation which he held both at Glasgow and 
St. Andrew's. After prosecuting his studies at Paris, under the celebrated 
masters, Turnebus, Mercerus, and Ramus, and professed philosophy at Poi- 
tiers, he had, during the five years that he spent at Geneva, learned the He- 
brew, Chaldaic, and Syriac tongues, from Cornelius Bertram. The Regent 
Morton offered him the archbishopric of St. Andrew's, but he refused it, and 
chose an academical life. Life of Andrew Melville, apud Wodrow's MSS. 
ut supra. Calderwood, Epistolas Philadelphi Vindiciae, apud Altare Damas- 
cenum, p. 731. Spotswood, to whom he was a keen antagonist, allows that 
he was a great proficient in the three learned languages. " Andreas Melvi- 
nus bonis literis excultus, et trium linguarum, quarum eo seculo ignorantia 
illi famam et tantum non admirationem apud omnes peperit, calentissimus." 
Refutatio Libelli de Regim. Eccles. Scotic. p. 31. Thomas Smeton, who 
succeeded Melville at Glasgow, was also a Hebrician, as appears from his an- 
swer to Hamilton s Dialogue. Those who held the situation of principal in 
the universities at that time were accustomed to teach those branches which 
were most neglected. 

I have said in the text, that the Reformers, while they exerted themselves 
to revive the knowledge of the learned languages, did not neglect the improve- 
ment of their native tongue. Among others, David Ferguson, minister of 
Dunfermline, distinguished himself in this department. He had not the ad- 
vantage of the same learned education with many of his brethren ; but pos- 
sessing a lively wit and elegant taste, he applied himself particularly to the 
cultivation of the Scottish language. Smetoni Responsioad Hamilt. Dialog, 
p. 92. Row's Coronis to his Historie, p. 314. of copy in Divinity Lib. Edin. 
The sermon which he preached at Leith before the Regent and nobility, and 
afterwards published, is a proof of this, and had it not been a sermon, would 
most probably have been republished before this time as a specimen of good 
Scottish composition. Extracts from it may be seen in the following note. 
John Davidson, then one of the regents at St. Andrew's, celebrated the suc- 
cess of the author in refining his vernacular language in the following Latin 
lines, which are prefixed to the sermon : 



Graecia melifluo quantum det Nestoris ori, 

Aut Demostheneo debeat eloquio ; 

Ipsi facundo quantum (mihi crede) parenti 

Attribuat linguae turba togata suae ; 

Nos tibi, Fevgusi, tantum debere fatemur, 

Scotanam linguam qui reparare studes, 



Sermonem patriam ditas; ineulta vetustas 

Hovret qua longe barbariemque fugas ; 

Adde etiam, nequeabestfacundisgratiadictis, 

Respondet verbis materia apta tuis. 

Quod satis ostendit nobis tua concio praesens. 

Qua nihil in lucem doctus ire potest. 



Besides this sermon, Ferguson was the author of a collection of Scottish 
Proverbs, and of an Answer to the Rejoinder which the Jesuit Tyrie made to 
Knox. That abusive writer, James Laing, calls this last work " a barbarous 
and Scotican epistle," and rails against its author as an ignorant sutor and 
glover, who knew neither Hebrew, nor Greek, nor Latin. As for himself, al- 
though a Scotsman, he tells us, that he thought it beneath him to write in a 
language which was fit only for barbarians and heretics. " Tres sunt linguae 
elegantes et ingenuaa, Hebraica, Graaca, et Latina, quag nobiiibus principibus 
—sunt dignaa : casteras linguas, cum sint barbaraa, barbaris et hecreticis 
tanquam propriis relinquo. " De Vita, &c. Haereticorum, Dedic. p. ult. et 
p. 31. Notwithstanding this writer's boasting concerning his literature, and the 
opportunities which he takes to display it, if we may judge from his book, he 
did not know the top from the bottom of a Hebrew letter, p. 94. b. Laing's 
objection to the literature of Ferguson may, however, be thought as solid as 
that which another Popish writer has brought against his morals, by accusing 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



387 



Mm of using pepper instead of salt to his beef. " At hi quibus carnem accen, 
dant, irritentq. novas artes quotidie excogitant." And on the margin, " Ex~ 
emplo est David Ferguson ad maeerandas carnes Bubulas pipere pro sale 
utens."" Hamilton, De Confus. Calvinianse Sectae, p. 75. But to do justice 
to Hamilton, it is proper to mention that pepper was at that time so high 
priced as to be a morsel only for a Pope, or a Cardinal, and very unlit tor the 
mouths of barbers, cobblers, Sec. of which rank he tells us the Reformed 
preachers generally were. Principal Smeton. after saying that Ferguson had 
reared a numerous family on a very moderate stipend, adds : — " Undenara 
ergo illi, amabo te, tantum pipens ad carnes quotannis maeerandas. quantum 
sexcentis apud nos aureis nummis nemo unquam compararit ?*' The truth 
is, there was rather too much salt and pepper in the writings of Ferguson foi 
the Papists. His son-in-law, John Row, has recorded a number or Ferguson's 
witty sayings, and, among others, some of his repartees to James VI. who 
resided frequently at Dunfermline, and used to take great delight in his 
conversation. M David," said James to him one day. i4 why may not I 
have bishops in Scotland as well as they have in England?" — " Yea, Sir,* 
replied Ferguson, " ye may have bishops here ; but remember ye must 
make us all bishops, else will ye never content us. For if ye set up ten 
or twelve iowns over honest men's heads, .honest men will not have your 
antichristian prelacies.) and give them more thousands to debauch and mis- 
spend than honest men have hundreds or scores, we wil never al be content. 
We ar Paul's bishopis. Sir. Christ's bishopis; ha d us as we are. * — " The 
d— 1 haid aills you," replied James, " but that ye would all be alike : ye can- 
not abide ony to be abone you." — " Sir !" said the minister, " do not ban." 
Row's Coronis to his Historie of the Kirk. p. 314. Ferguson seems to have 
amused himself with some of those incidents which were generally reckoned 
ominous. The King having once asked him, very seriously, what he thought 
was the reason that the Master of Gray's house 'shook during the night, he 
answered, " Why should not the devil rock his awin bairns ?" Having met 
at St, Andrew s along with other Commissioners of the Church, to protest 
against the inauguration of Patrick Adamson as Archbishop of that See. one 
came in and told them, that there was a crow u crouping" on the roof of the 
Church. M That's a bad omen." said he. shaking his head. u for inauguration 
is from avium garritu, the raven is omnimodo a black bird, and it cries cor. 
rupt, corrupt, corrupt. - ' Row's Historie, p. 40. 

Note D. p. 189. — In a letter, dated 28th August. 15-59, Knox requests Cal- 
vin's opinion on the two following questions. 1. Whether bastards, the chil- 
dren of idolaters and excommunicated persons, should be admitted to baptism, 
before their parents gave satisfaction to the church, or they themselves were able 
to require it? 2. Whether menks and Popish priests, who neither serve the 
church, nor are capable of serving it, although they have renounced their er- 
rors, ought to have the annual rents of the church" paid to them ? Knox had 
maintained the negative on the last question. The latter is said to be written 
raptim. " Plura scribere vetant febris qua crucior. laborum moles qua pre- 
mor, et Gallorum bombarda?, qui, ut nos opprimant, appulerunt." Comp. 
Historie, p. 161. Calvin, in a letter, dated Nov. 8, 1559. answers, that it was 
his opinion and that of his colleagues, on the first question, That the sacra- 
ment of baptism was not to be administered to those who were without the 
church, nor to any without proper sponsors; but the promise upon which the 
right was founded) was not confined to the posterity in the first degree : there- 
fore, those who were descended from godly parents were to be viewed as be- 
longing to the church, although their parents or even grand-parents had 
become apostates, and such children were not to be refused baptism, provided 
persons appeared as sponsors, engaging for their religious education. " Adde 
quod alia est nunc renascentis ecclesis ratio, quam rite lorrnatae et composi- 
te." Comp. Dunlop, ii. 573. On the second question, he says, that although 
those who performed no service in the church had not a jusi claim to be sup- 
ported by its funds; still, as the Popish clergy had brought themselves under 
bonds in times of ignorance, and had consumed a par i of their lives in idleness, 
it seemed harsh to deprive them of all support. He therefore advises a mid- 
dle course to be adopted. Calvini Epistohe et Responsa. p. 516-520. Hano- 
via?, 1597. Ibid. p. 201, 202. apud Oper. torn. ix. Amstaelod. 1667. 

From another letter of Calvin to Knox, dated April 23. 1561, it appears that 
the Genevan Reformer had been consulted by our countrymen on some other 
points on which they were diificulted ; most probably on' those questions on 
which the nobility and the rninisters differed. He wrote them accordingly, 



S88 



NOTES. 



but soon after was applied to a second time for his opinion on the same sub- 
ject, as his first letter had miscarried. Knowing that his judgment was not 
altogether agreeable to some of them, he suspected that they wished to draw 
from him an answer more favourable to their own sentiments, and expressed 
his dissatisfaction at such conduct. Knox, who appears to have been employ- 
ed in the correspondence, was grieved at this suspicion, and had purged him- 
self from the imputation. Calvin in this letter apologizes for his severity, and 
assures him that he never entertained any suspicion of his integrity. " Te 
vero dolose quicquam egisse, neque dixi, neque suspicatus sum. — Ac mihi do- 
let, quod exciderat ex ore meo, sic in animum tuum penetrasse, ut putares 
mala fidei aut astutias, a qua te remotum esse judico, fuisse insimulatum. Fa- 
cessat igitur metus ille vel cura." In both letters, Calvin signifies his high 
satisfaction at the wonderful success of the Reformation in Scotland. The 
conclusion of the last is expressive of the unaffected piety of the writer, and 
his warm regard for his correspondent. " Hie versamur inter multa discri- 
mina. Una tantum ccelestis prassidii fiduria nos a trepidatione eximit : quam- 
vis non simus metu vacui. Vale, eximie vir, et ex animo colende frater. Do- 
minus tibi semper adsit, te gubernet, tueatur, ac sustentet sua virtute." Ut 
supra, p. 564-566. et in alter, edit. p. 150. 

These are the only parts of the correspondence between Calvin and our Re- 
former which have been published ; but Mons. Senebier, the librarian of Ge- 
neva, has informed us that there are a number of Knox's letters to Calvin 
preserved in the public library of that city. Histoire Litteraire de Geneve, 
torn. i. p. 380. During his residence at Geneva, Knox became acquainted 
with Beza, who then acted as professor of Greek in the neighbouring city of 
Lausanne, from which he was translated to Geneva, upon the erection of the 
university there, the same year in which our Reformer returned to Scotland. 
An epistolary correspondence was afterwards maintained between them. Two 
letters of Beza to Knox, the one dated June 3, 1569, the other April 12, 1572, 
are inserted in Epistol. Theolog. Bezce, p. 333-336, 344- 346, of the first edi- 
tion; and p. 304-307. 314-316, of the second edition, Genevas, 1575. Both of 
them evince the writer's ardent regard for our Reformer, and his high opi- 
nion of our Reformation. The first letter is inscribed " To John Knox, the 
Restorer of the Gospel of God in Scotland" and begins with these words:— 
*' Gratiam et pacem tibi, mi frater, omnibusque vestris Sanctis ecclesiis opto 
a Deo et Patre Domini nostri Jesu Christi, cuietiam gratias ago assidue, turn 
de tanta ipsius in vos beneficentia, turn de vestra singulari inasserendo ipsius 
cultu constantia et animi fortitudine. Euge mi frater, quam recte illud quod 
disciplinam simul cum doctrina conjungitis? obsecro et obtestor ut ita per- 
gatis, ne vobis idem quod tarn multis eveniat, ut quia in limine impegerunt, 
progredi non possint, imo etiam interdum ne velint quidem, quod longe mis- 
serrimum est." The second letter, which behoved to be received by Knox 
only a few months before his death, could not fail to be gratifying to him, even 
although he had then taken a formal farewell of the world It is addressed 
" To his dearest Brother and Colleague," and begins in the following lofty 
strain of affection: "Etsi tanto terrarum et maris ipsius intervallo disjuncti 
corporibus sumus, mi Cnoxe, tamen minime dubito quin inter nos semper vi- 
guerit, et ad extremum vigeat, summa ilia animorumconjunctio, unius ejus- 
demq. spiritus fideique vinculo sancita." 

Note E. p. 192.—" Les Papistes (says Bayle, in a Treatise in which he 
pleads for toleration on a very extensive basis;, Les Papistes eux-memessont 
les premiers en ce pais-ci, a crier qu'il n'y a rien de plus injuste que de vexer 
la conscience. Pensee ridicule en leur bouche ! et non seulement ridicule, 
mais traitresse," &c. i. e. The Papists themselves are the first in this country 
[Britain] to exclaim that there is nothing more unjust than to distress con- 
science. A sentiment ridiculous in their mouth ! and not only ridiculous, 
but treacherous; and marked with that dishonesty which they have uniformly 
discovered for so many ages. For they would not fail, in three years, to burn 
and butcher all who refused to go to mass, if they acquired the power, and 
could avail themselves of the baseness of a sufficient number of court para- 
sites, men of venal souls, and unworthy of the Protestant name which they 
bear, to overturn the fundamental barriers which so salutarily restrain the 
royal power. Commentaire Philosophique, Pref. p. xiii. xiv. Anno, 
1686. 

The following passage is now become so antiquated and unintelligible, that 
I shall not risk my credit by venturing to translate it. " Les malheurs qui 
sontarrivez a nos freres de France, tourneront, comme il y aapparence, anotre 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



389 



profit. II nous ont remis dans la necessaire defiance du Papisme, ils nous ont 
fait voir que cette fausse religion ne s 'amende pas par le long age, quelle est 
toujours, corame au tems jadis, animCe de l'esprit de fourbe etde cruautg, et 
que malgrg la politesse, l'honnetete\ la civilite, qui regne dans les manieres 
de ce siecle plus qu'en aucun autre, elle est toujours brutale et farouche. 
Chose etrange ! tout ce qu'il y avoit de grossier dans les mceurs de nos ances- 
tres s'est evanouit ; a cet air rustique et sauvage des vieux tems, a succed£ par 
toute l'Europe Chretienne une douceur et une civilite extreme. II n'y a que 
le Papisme qui ne se sent point du changement, et qui retient toujours son 
ancienneet habituelle ferocity. Nous nous imaginions nous autres [entre ?] 
Anglois, que c'etoit une bete aprivoissee, un loup et un tigre qui avoit oublie 
son naturel sauvage ; mais Dieu merci aux Convertisseurs de France nous 
nous sommes desabusez, et nous savons a qui nous aurions a faire si notre sort 
etoit entre leurs mains. Pesons bien cela et considerons quel malheur nous 
pendroit sur la tete, si nous laissions croitre le Papisme dans ce bien heureux 
climats. Je ne veux pas que cela nous porte a faire aucunes represailles sur 
lespapistes; ncn, jedetesteces imitations ; jesouhaite seulementqu'ils n'aquie- 
rent pas la force d'executer sur nous ce qu ils savent faire." Ut supra, xv. 
xviii. xix. 

Note F. p. 196. — The following extract from a letter of Throckmorton's 
to Queen Elizabeth, dated 13th July, 1561, Paris, and preserved in the French 
Correspondence of the State Paper Office, evinces the strong aversion which 
the young Queen of Scots had conceived against the Reformer, previous to her 
arrival in her dominions. 

" The said Queen's (Scotland) determination to go home continues still ; 
she goeth shortly from the Court to Fescamp, in Normandy, there to make 
her mother's funerals and burial, and from thence to Calais, there to embark. 
* * The late unquietness in Scotland hath disquieted her very much, and 
yet stayeth not her journey. The 5th of this present, the Earl of Bothwell 
arrived here in post. * ** I understand that the Queen of Scotland, is 
thoroughly persuaded that the most dangerous man in all her realm of Scot- 
land, both to her entent there, and the dissolving of the league between your 
Maj : and that realm, is Knokes. And therefore is fully determined to use all 
the means she can devise, to banish him thence, or eise to assure them that 
she will never dwell in that country as long as he is there, and to make him 
the more odious to your Maj : and that at your hands he receive neither cou- 
rage nor comfort ; she mindeth to send very shortly to your Maj : (if she have 
not already done it) to lay before you the book that he hath written against 
the Government of women, (which your Maj: hath seen already) thinking 
thereby to animate your Maj : against him, but whatsoever the said Queen 
shall insinuate your Maj : of him, I take him to be as much for your Maj : 
purpose, and that he hath done, and doth daily, as good service for the ad- 
vancement of your Maj : desire in that country, and to establish a mutual 
benevolence, and common quiet between the two realms, as any man of that 
nation ; his doings wherein, together with his zeal well known, have sufficiently 
recompensed his faults in writing that book, and therefore (he) is not to be 
driven out of that realm." — Ty tier's Hist, of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 467, 468. 

NoTfi G. p. 206.— The following extracts from the Records of the Town 
Council of Edinburgh, shew the attention which they paid to the support and 
accommodation of their minister. 

May 8. 1560. The provost, baillies, and council ordain the treasurer to 
pay the sum of £40 Scots for furnishing of the minister John Knox in his 
household, and because he had been furnished on David Forrester's expenses 
since his coming to this town, for the space of fifteen days, ordains to receive 
David s accompts, and make payment. — " Penultimo Octobris 1560. The 
quhilk dav, the provost, baillies, and counsaill ordanis James Barroun to pay 
to John Knox the souime of sax scoir pounds of the reddiest money of the 
solmes being in his hands, ?nd sicklyk the souime of £20."— This last sum 
seems to have been allotted tor repairs on his house. — " 12th Dec. 1560. The 
provost, baillies, and counsill ordanis Jamfe- i^ar^-uin (Dean of Guild of last 
year) to pay and deliver to Johne Knox, minister, the sourae of fiftie pound 
for supporting of his charges, and that incontinent after the sight heirof, and 
gif it beis funden that the said James be superexpendit, after the making of 
his accompt, precepts shall be given in maist strait forme, commanding the 
treasurer to mak him gud and thankfull payment of his haill superexpensis, 
within aught days nixt thairafter." From the minutes of Dec. 22, 1560. April 5, 



NOTES. 



and May 28, 1561, it appears that his fixed stipend was £200 a-vear ; for£ 50 
is ordered, each time, for his "quarter payment" or " dues." Dec. 14, 1560, it 
was agreed that his house rent should afterwards be paid " at the rate of fif- 
teen merks a year." 

" Penultimo Octobris (1561.) The samine day the provost, bailies, and" 
counsail ordanis the Dene of Gyld, with all diligence, to makanewarme stuy- 
dye of dailies to the minister, johne Knox, within his hous, abone the hall 
of the same, with lyht and wyndokis thereunto, and all uther necessaris : and 
the expends* disbursitt be him salbe allowit to him in his accomptis." 
"January (i.e. 1562.) the provost, baillies, and counsale, understand- 

ing that the minister, Johne Knox, is requyrit be the hale kirk to passe in 
the partis of Anguss and Mearnys, for electing of ane superintendent thare, 
to the quhilk they themselfs has'grantit, thairfoir ordains Alexander Guthrie, 
Dene of Gild, to pass in companie with him for furnishing of the said mi ms- 
ter is charges, and to deburse and pay the same of the readeast of the townis 
gudis in his handis, quhilk salbe allowit in his accomptis : And further haist 
the said minister hame, that the kirk hear be not desolait." 

To these extracts respecting Knox, I may add one from the same re- 
cords respecting WillocK, who officiated in his place as minister of Edin- 
burgh, during the civil war. " 29 August 1560. The counsail ordains their 
treasurer to deliver to John Willock twenty-two crownes of the sone for 
recompense of the great traveill sustenit be him this haill yiere bygane, in 
preening and administring the sacramentis within this burgh, and ordanis 
ane member of the counsail to thank him for his greit benevolence, and for 
the greit travaill forsaid " Previous to this they had remunerated John 
Cairns, with whom that minister had lodged. 

" In the text I have mentioned, that, after the arrangement made by the 
Privy Council respecting the thirds of benefices, Knox seems to have received 
his stipend from the common fund. The extracts which Keith has given 
from the books of assignation, mention only two allowances made to him. 
" To John Knox, minister, Wheat 2 c[halders], bear 6 c. meal o. oats 4 c' 
Whether this was for the year 1563, or not, Keith does not say. He adds in 
a note, " For the year 1568, 1 see £333. 6s. 8d. given to Mr Knox." History, 
App. 188. His stipend at the time of his death has been mentioned above, 
p. 326. Keith has inserted, from the same books, the prices of the prin- 
cipal articles of living at that time, from which an idea of the value of money 
may be formed. Ibid. 189. The following are a specimen. In Fyfe, Lo- 
thian, Merse and Teviotdale, for 1573, wheat L.26. 13s. 4d. the chalder ; bear, 
L.21. 6s. 8d. ; meal, L.16. oats, 20 merks. Or, according to another account, 
without expressing any county, wheat L.l. the boll; bear, L.l. 13s. 4d. ; 
meal the same ; oats, 10s. ; malt, L.2 ; rye, and pease and beans, the same ; 
mairts of Aberdeen, L.2. 13s. 4d. the piece; sheep, 9s. ; poultry, 4s. the do- 
zen ; geese, Is. the piece ; cheese 6s. 8d. the stone. 

Note H. p. 210.— "10th April, 1562.— The same day the counsale under 
standing the tedious and havie labours sufferit be the minister, Jhone Knox, 
in preiching thrise in the oulk, and twise on the Sounday, ordains, with ane 
consent, to solist and persuade Maister Jhone Craig presentlie minister of the 
Canongait, to accept upoun him the half chargis of the preaching of the said 
kirk of Edinburgh, for sic gud deid as thai can aggre on.'* — That this mea- 
sure was not carried into effect for some time after, appears from the follow- 
ing act of Council:—" 18th June, 1563. — After lang reasoning upon the neces- 
sities of ministers, finds that there salbe ane uther minister elected be the 
provost, baillies, and counsale, dekynes, and elderis of this burgh, and addit to 
Johne Knox, minister." From the same act and subsequent measures, it is 
evident that the want of necessary funds was the cause of the delay. For the 
council resolved, that " for susteaning of thame baith, togidder with Johne 
Cairns reider," the deacons should meet with the trades, and the merchants, 
to see what they would be willing to give. The reports made to the council 
did bear, that if they would fix a particular stipend, the trades were willing to 
pay a. fifth of it, according to old custom. But although Craig had not been 
translated from the Canongate, he seems to have performed a part of the duty 
in Edinburgh ; for, in the same month, I find the council appointing a num- 
ber of persons "to go amang the faithfull who had communicate," and make 
a collection for "Johne Craig and Johne Cairns, who had received nothing for 
a lang time." This expedient they were obliged afterwards to repeat. On 
the 26th September, 1561, the council had agreed to give "to John Cairns, 
lector of morning prayeris, 100 merks a-year, in tyme to cum." Records of 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



391 



Town Council* A more particular account of Craig will be found in Note 
B. Period Eighth. 

Note I. p. 212.— Very different and opposite accounts have been given of the 
book usually called Archb skop Hamilton's Catechism. The following isdrawn 
up from the Catechism itself, compared with the canon of the council which au- 
thorized it. The title is as follows : *« The Catechisme, That is to say, ane co- 
moneand Catholick instructioun of the christin people in materis of our Catho- 
lic faith and religioun, quhilk na gud christin man or woman suld misknaw ; set 
furth be ye maist reuerend father in God Johne, Archbischop of Sanct Androus, 
Legatnait and primat of ye kirk of Scotland, in his prouincial counsale haldin 
at Edinburgh the xxvi. day of Januarie, the zeir of our Lord 1551, with the 
aduise and counsale of the bischoippis and other prelatis, with doctours of The- 
ologie and Canon law of the said realme of Scotland present for the tyme. — S. 
Aug. libro 4. de trinitate, cap, 6, 8cc. Prentit at Sanct Androus, be the com- 
mand and exptsis of the maist reuerend father in God Johne, Archbischop of 
sanct Androus, and primat of ye haill kirk of Scotland, the xxix. day of Au- 
gust, the zeir of our Lord M.D. lii. " It does not appear by whom it was com- 
posed, but we may readily conclude that it was by some person or persons who 
had more knowledge of theology than there is any reason to think the Arch- 
bishop had, and who had more leisure than him to write a book consisting of 
412 pages quarto. It was laid before the provincial council, which met at 
Edinburgh in January 155 %, and was adopted and approved by them. The 
care of printing it was committed to the Archbishop, to whom it properly be- 
longed, as metropolitan, to set it forth ; and the colaphon at the end of the 
work informs us, that it was printed by his "command and expensis," " the 
XXIX. day of August, theyeir of our Lord MD.LII." Spotswood (p. 92.) 
has confounded it with a treatise, called by the people The Twa- Penny Faith, 
which Knox informs us was set forth by the provincial council which was sit- 
ting when he returned to Scotland in 1559. Historie, p. 109, 110. The 
Archbishop's Epistle to «* Personis, Vicars, and Curattis," prefixed to the Ca- 
techism, informs us of its design and use. " First to your awin instruction. — 
Secondly, According to the decreit maid in our provincial counsale, our will 
is that ye reid the samyn Catechisme diligently, distinctly, and plainly, ilk 
ane of vow, to your awn parochianaris, for thair common instructioun and spi- 
ritual edificatioun in the word of God, necessarie of thame to be knawin." 
The canon provides that it be read, " omnibus dominicis et festivis," which is 
thus explained in the close of the Archbishop's Epistle; " Everilk Sonday 
and principal halydaie, quhen yair cummis na precheour to thame to schaw 
thame the word of God, to have yis Catechisme usit and reid to thame in- 
stead of preening, quhil [until] God of his gudnes provide ane sufficient now- 
mer of catholyk and abil precheouris, quhilk sal be withen few yeiris as we 
traist in God.'' The clergy were aroused from their lethargy and indolence, 
be the preaching of the Protestants and the complaints of the people. But 
those whose province it was to preach were found generally incapable of per- 
forming the task. This book was therefore provided for them, that they 
might read it to the people instead of a sermon. 

As it is intituled a Catechism, was printed in the vulgar language, is said to 
be designed for the instruction of the people, and no prohibition of its use is 
mentioned in the book itself, we might be apt to conclude, that it was intend- 
ed to be circulated among the people, and promiscuously read. But this was 
very far from being the design of those who approved and set it forth. On 
the contrary, the canon of the Council expiessly provides, " That all the 
copies not i equired Jo r the use of the clergy be kept in safe custody (firma 
custodia) by the Archbishop," that he might distribute them, " prout tempus 
et necessitas postulaverint," The clergy are charged not to communicate 
their copies to secular persons, except with the allowance of their ordinaries 
(the bishops,) who were permitted to give copies to certain honest, grave, 
faithful, and discreet laics, especially such as seemed to desire them for the 
sake of instruction rather than out of curiosity. " Caveant vero ipsi rectores, 
vicarii, et curati, ne sua exemplaria secularibus quibuscunque indiscrete com- 
municent, nisi ex judicio, consilio, et discretione sui ordinarii ; quibus ordi- 
nariis licebit nonnullis probis, gravibus, bona; fidei, ac discretis viris laicis, 
ejusdem catechismi exemplaria communicari, et iis potissimum, qui videbun- 
tur potius suae instructionis causa, quam curiositatis cujuscunque, eadem ex- 
petere." Wilkins, Concilia, IV. 72. and Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils, 
p. 36. Lord Hailes had therefore reason for saying (in opposition to Mac- 
kenzie's taieof the Archbishop allo-seir.ig M the pedlars to take two pennies for 



322 



NOTES. 



ihfcir pains in hawking it abroad") that the Council " uses as many precau- 
tions to prevent it from coming into the hands of the laity, as if it 'had beea 
a book replete with the most pestilent heresy." It would have been impru- 
dent to insert the prohibition in the book itself, copies of which, notwith- 
standing all their caution, would come into the hands of improper persons;, 
but the canon of the Council remained the rule for regulating the clergy in 
the use of it. Nor is there any thing in the catechism which is inconsistent 
with the canon, or which implies that it was to come into the hands of the 
people. It is all along supposed that they were to be instructed by hearing, 
not by reading it. This is particularly evident from the concluding address.. 
" O christin pepil, we exhort yow with all diligence, heir, understand, andkeip 
in your remembrance, the ha'lie wordis of God, quhilk in this present cate- 
chisme ar trewlyand catholykly exponit to your spiritual edification." And 
again, " Gif ye persaif be frequent heiring heirof your self spiritually in- 
struckitmair than ye haif bein in tymes bygane, geve the thankis thairof only 
to God." Fol. ccvi. If any of the hearers moved any controversy about its 
contents, he was to be delivered up to the Inquisitors. Wilkins, ut supra,, 
p. 73. 

Lord Haileshas animadverted on Keith for saying that the author of the 
catechism shews "his wisdom and moderation, in handsomely eviting to enter 
upon the controverted points," and he has given extracts from it asserting 
the doctrine of transubstantiation, the propriety of withholding the cup from 
the laity, and of prayers to the saints. Provincial Councils, ut supra, p. 35, 
36. The use of images in worship, purgatory, prayers for the dead, the re- 
moval of original sin by baptism, the sinlessness of concupiscence after bap- 
tism, the mystical signification of the ceremonies practised in that ordinance, 
the exorcism, or blowing upon the child at the church door, and making the 
sign of the cross on it3 brow and breast, putting salt into its mouthy anointing 
its nostrils and ears with spittle, and its breast and back with oil, with the ap- 
plication of chrism to the forehead, the clothing of it with the cude or white 
linen cloth, and putting a lighted torch or candle into its hand; these, with 
other doctrines and ceremonies of the Popish Church, are all stated and vin- 
dicated. At the same time, while the opinions peculiar to Popery are stated 
and defended, there is an evident design of turning away the attention of the 
people from these controversies, as to which they are often reminded of their 
duty to " belief as the haly Catholic kirkbeliefis," and a great part of the book 
is occupied in declaring duties and general doctrines about which there was 
no question. Considerable art is also used by introducing some of the most 
exceptionable articles of Popery under the cover of unquestionable truths^ 
Thus under the question, " <j>uhat thing suld move us to belief the word of 
God ?" The first reason which is given is, " Ye eternal and infallible verite 
of God, fra quhom na lesing may procede, na mair than myrknes may cum fra 
the cleir schenand sonne." But how gradually and artfully are the people 
led away from the Scriptures in what follows : " The secund thing that suld 
move us to belief the word of God, quhilk ar the haly bukis quharin the woid 
of God is contenit, and quhat is the true sence of the same bukis, is ye con- 
sent andauthorite of our mother the haly kirk, fra the apostils tyme hitherto, 
and specially quhen it is lawfully gadderit be the haly spirit in ane general 
counsel, quharof sainct Augustine sais thus: ' I wald nochtgif credence to the 
evangel, except that the universal kirk warnis me sa to do.' And tharfor leir 
thir twa lessons. The ane is, quhatsoevir the haly spirit revelis and schawls 
to us, other in the bukis of haly Scripture, or in the determinatiouns and dif- 
finitiounis of general councilles, lawfully gadderit for the corroboracion and 
maintenans of our faith, we sidd beleif ye same to be the trew word of God, 
and thairto gyf ferme credens as to the verite that is infallible. The secund 
lesson, ye that ar simple and unleirnit men and women suld expressly belief 
al the artickils of your Crede, as for al uther hie misteries and matteris of the 
Scripture ye audit to belief generally as the kirk of God belieffis. And this 
faith is sufficient to you, for the perfectioun of that faith quhilk year bund to 
haif." Fol. xiii. b. xv. a. A specimen of the same kind occurs on the ques- 
tion, How is the true sense of the Scripture to be discerned ? where, after 
being gravely taught the usefulness of the collation of one place with another, 
and the connexion of the passage, the people are told that this belongs to 
those who have the gift called interpretatio sermonum, and are then devoutly 
set down at the feet of the doctors of the Church, and taught implicitly to re- 
ceive the decisions of councils. " Quarfor, he that will nocht heir, iesaif, and 
obey the diffinitionis and determinationis of lauchful general counsellis con- 
cerning materis of our faith, he is nocht to be accountit a true Christin man, 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



S93 



according to the wordis of our salviour, « Gif he will nocht hear the kirk, 1st 
him be to the as ane infidele. unchristinit, and ane publican.' Thus ye naif 
quha is an herityk, and how he brekis the first command. ' Fol. xviii. b. xix. 
. As all who question the infallible decisions of the Church are pronounced 
guilty of a breach of the first commandment, the Roman Catholics are, with 
no less ease, exculpated from a breach of the second, by throwing in a con- 
venient parenthesis. The reader will observe, that, according to a division of 
the law first countenanced by August. ne. and of which the Popish Church is 
extremely fond, the first and second commandments are thrown into one. and, 
to make up the number, the tenth :s divided into two: although the compilers 
of the Catechism found it impracticable to keep to this las: division in their 
explication. The following is their enunciation of the first commandment, 
" 1 am the Lord thi God, quhilk hais brocht ye fra the land of Egypt, fra the 
house of bondage. Thou sail haif na other goddis but me. thou sail nocht 
mak to thee fas gods) ony gravit ymage, nother ony similitude of ony thing 
that is in the heven above, or in the erd beneth, nor of ony thing that is in the 
watter under the erd. Thou sail nocht adorne yame nor worship yame (as 
goddis)." Fol. xii. a. It is fair, however, to hear the explication which the 
authors of the Catechism give respecting images. " Ar ymagis aganis the first 
command? Xa. sa thai be weil usit. Ouhat is the rycht use of ymagis? 
Imagis to be made na haly writ forbiddis, says venerabil Bede, for the sycht 
of thame. specially of the crucifixe. giffis greit compunction to thame quhilk 
behaldis it with faith in Christ, and to r hame yat are unletterat. it giffis a quik 
remembrance of the passion of Chris:. Salomon in tyme of his wisdome, 
nocht without the inspiration of G d. made ymagis in tne temple. Moyses, 
the excellent prophet and trew servand of God. made and ereckit a brassin 
ymage of a serpent, ( quhilk figurit the tiftyng up of our salviour Jesus Christe 
upon thecrosse andalsbe the command of God. causit mak .the imagis of twa 
angelJis callit Cherubinis, quhilk thing thir twa sa excellent men in wisedome 
wald nevir haif done, gif the makin of imagis war aganis the command of God. 
Bot utterly vis command forbiddis to mak ymagis to that efleck, that thai suld 
be adornit and wirschippit as goddis. or with ony godiy honour, ye quhilk 
sentence is-expremit bi thir wordis : Non adorabis ea neq. coles. Thou shall 
nocht adorne thame nor worschip thame as goddis. Now we suld nocht gif 
goddis honour, or Christis honour to ony ymage, cot to God ailanerly, repre- 
sents be ane ymage. " Fol. xxiii. b. 

In the explication of the firth article cfthe Creed, is a particular account 
of the four places in hell ; m/emus damnatorxtm, puerorum, purgandorum, 
et patrum. The following proof is given of our Saviour s descent into hell, 
to deliver the saints who had been confined in the last mentioned place until 
the time of his death, — " Also the same deliverance was prophesit bi the pro- 
phet Osee : Ero mors tua, o mors, ero morsus tuus o interne. dede [ sais 
our Salviour) I sail be thy dede—O heL I sal byte the. The man yat bytes 
ony thing, he takis part to him, and lattis part remane behind. Sa our Sal- 
viour passand doune to heL he fulfylitt this prophesie. takand part of sauiis 
out fra hell with him. and lehfand part behind him. Ouhom tuk he with 
him ? bot thame that was haly and gud. quhilk was haldin thair as preson- 
aris." Fol. cviii. Upon the whole, this Catechism has been written with 
great care, and the style m by no means bad. It is singular that it should 
have been so little noticed at that time. I have not observed that it is men- 
tioned by any of the writers of that age. either Popish or Protestant. This 
might induce us to conclude that it was very little used, even in the way 
directed by the canon of the provincial council. 

Note K. p. 213. — After the particular account which I have given of the 
preceding work, it is not necessary to add large extracts from the Compendi- 
ous Tractive of Kennedy, Abbot of Crossraguel. Having quoted John V. 
39, he says, " Marke (gude redare) the Scripture to occupy the place of ane 
tcytnes, and not the place of ane juge." A. iiij. In a posterior part of the 
work, he seems disposed to qualify what he had stated respecting the church 
being judge of all matters of religion. — We never say in all our lytle trac- 
tive, that the kirk is juge to the Scripture, bot yat the kirk is juge to discern 
quhilk is the trew Scripture of God. and to mak manifest to the congregation 
the trew understandying of the samyn." H. v. This explication does not 
mend the matter ; for certainly he "who has the power of calling what wit- 
nesses he pleases, and of putting what sense he pleases upon their testimony, 
is to ali intents and purposes the judge of the witnesses, a? well as the pan- 
nek The Abbot repeatedly testifies the great reluctance with which ne was 



394 



NOTES. 



compelled to prove his principles, by persons who were " swa religious and 
clene fyngerit, that than wil ua thyng perswade thaim without testimony of 
Scripture.'* He gives this easy advice to those whose consciences were dis- 
tressed, with the "barbour and commoun" sayings of the Protestants, im- 
plying that every Christian should be satisfied in his own mind as to the doc- 
trines of Scripture. " All Christin men havand ane generate understand- 
ing of the articles of our faith (conforme to the understanding that the kirk 
hesteacheit ws:) the ten commandments, the prayer of the Lord callit the 
Pater noster. It suffices to thame to quhame it does not appertene of thair 
office nor vocatioun, to occupy the place of the prechairis or techearisin the 
congregation. As to the sacramentis, and all uther secretis of the Scripture, 
stand to the jugement of thy pasture, without curious ressoning or cersing 
of the secretis of Godis word, quha beiris thy burding in all materis doutsum 
abone thy knawlege, conforme to the saying of the apostle, ' Obey unto your 
superioris, &c.' And in cais they be negligent, ressave doctryne of the kirk, 
as the tyme teicheis ws. Be this way (quhilk is conforme to Godis word 
and al veritie,) it sal be asie to all men, quhat place or estait in the congre- 
gatioun that ever he occupy, to beir his awin burding." Ane C&mpendius 
Tractive, &c. D. vii. 

Another work of Kennedy has lately been printed, from a MS. in the 
Auchinleck library, under the following title : — " Ane oratioune in fauouris 
of all thais of the "Congregation e, exhortand thaim to aspy how wonderfullie 
thai ar abusit be thair dissaitful prechouris, set furth be master Quintine 
Kennedy, Commendatour of Corsraguell, ye zeir of Gode 1561. Edinburgh, 
1612. Perhaps this oration was printed in the year mentioned in the title, 
although no copy is now to be found, and was one of " his books," referred 
toby the Abbot in his dispute with Knox. I have already given extracts from 
this book, p. 352, 367. It concludes in the following manner: — " Quharfor, 
with all my hart exhortis, prays, and but mercie appellis thar pestilent pre- 
cheouris," [on the margin, "Knox, Willock, Winrame, Gudmane, Dow- 
glasse, Heriot, Spottiswoode, and all the rest, '] "puffit up with vane glore, 
quhilkis rackmnistbaimselris of gretar knawlege nor Christis haill kirk, curn- 
and but authoritie, subuertand, subornande, and circumuenande the simple 
peple, cersande, thair pray like the deuillis rachis, barkand bauldly like 
bardis, aganis the blissit sacrament of the altare, the sacrifice of the mess, and 
all vther godlie ordinance of Jhesus Christ and his kirk, to priess their wittis 
and inginis, and to streik all their pennis in my contrar, makande the con- 
gregatioun and all vtheris to vnderstande, gif I do propirly, truely, and 
godly, or nocht, invey aganis thair deuillische doctrine and doyingis. Failye- 
ande thairof, recant, for schame, recant (ye famouse precheouris) and cum 
in obedience to the kirk of God, quhilk ye haue stubbornlie misknawin this 
lang tyme bypast, (and that nocht without grete dangere to your avnesaulis 
and mony vtheris,) thairfor recant, in tyme. recant, asyelufe your saluation, 
aud cry God mercie : To quham, with the Sone and Haly Gaist, be prayse, 
honour, and glore, for ever ande ever, Amen. 

I mentioned it is probable that the book which George Hay published on 
the sacrament of the Supper was an answer to Kennedy's treatise on that 
subject. That it was so, appears from Ames, Typographical Antiquities, vol. 
iii. p. 1487. There is in the library of Alexander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck, 
a MS. by the Abbot, entitled, " Ane familiar commune, and ressoning anent 
the misterie of the sacrifice of the mess, betwixt twa brether, master Quin- 
tin Kennedy, commendator of Corsraguell, and James Kennedy of 
In the yeir of God ane thousand, five hundred, three scoir ane yen-." It was 
answered by George Hay, in a work entitled, " The Confutation of the Ab- 
bote of Crosraguels Masse, set furth be Maister George Hay. Imprinted at 
Edinburgh by Robert Lekpreuik, 1563." The dedication is inscribed, "To 
the most noble, potent, and godlie Lord James Earle of Murray." 

The following passage will serve as a specimen of Hay's style : — "Trew it 
is, that before this boke of the abbote of Crosraguel's wes set furth and pub- 
lished, sindrie and diuerse were the opinions of men concerning it. For the 
sorte of them that he comonly tearmed Papistes, aduersaries to all trew reli- 
gion, thoght in verie deid that they should receaue such a comfort, yea, such 
a gun as no munition myght withstand, no strengthe resiste, nether yet any 
maner of force repel. They were encuraged by the brute and fame of the 
man, who onely wolde appeare in these tymes to haue dexteritie of ingyne, 
helped and auanced by long progress of tyme spent in good letters, yea, ad be- 
side the Scriptures of God, will also appeare to haue the conference, judgment, 
aiid authoritie of the ancient Fathers and councils, which it may seme to the 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



395 



reader that he feadeth (not unlyke the nyne Muses ■ in his bosome. I my self 
hauing hade some tymes credit and acquentence of the man, loked for some 
what that might haue troubled the cc sciences of waikhnges, and of such as 
stayed them selues vpon a glistering and semely ymagination of mans heart, 
rather then upon the written and reueiled treuth, by the spirite of God. For 
it wes not vnknaweti to me how familiare he hath bene with the scolastikeso- 
phisters, their thornie questions, and scabrus conclusions, yea and some of 
the ancient doctors, whose writinges, what by ignorance of tyme seduced, 
what by affection carry ed away, I thought wel he should wreist to his vngod- 
ly opinion." Fol. 3. a. Having pointed out a false quotation, which the ab- 
bot had made from Chrysostom. Hay adds, *• Hereby it is sasy to perceaue 
how vainely ye ascribe such reading of the ancientes vn to your self, as in your 
writinges ye take vpon you, that you will seme in the eyes of the people, to be 
the onely he in this realme versed in antiquitie. And now to say my judgment 
frely, 1 truste ye haue no workes of such men as ye draw your authorities out 
of, but onely hath, I can not tell what lytle scabbed treaties of Eccius, Coch- 
leuc, Hosius, Stanislaus youre new start up Campion, and of such others of 
your factio, and taketh out of them, such thinges as ye think may serue to your 
wicked and blasphemus purpose. What credite now, or what authoritie oght 
to be given to such places, as thou draweth out of the doctors, who belyke 
neuer hath sene there workes, nether yet knoweth to what purpose they speak, 
if they speak of their owne mynde, or of their aduersaries, whither they speak 
by an interrogation or conclusiuely, and determinatly, whither they speak 
i*tc&o>.izv$* that is excessiuely. to extoll thedignitie of the mater they haue 
in Hand (which is not rare in this author' or simplie. Thus the text it self 
is to be considered, that it that preceadeth being conferred with it that fol- 
loweth, the mynde and sentence of the author may be knowen perfytlie. Not 
that I will hereby damne yong men, who, ether excluded by tyme or els lack- 
ing bookes. muste giue credite to good authorities, but in this man who will 
seme to be an other Anacharses inter sordidos Scythas, it is intolerable, who 
is sequstrate frome the common soeietie of men, and trauell in the common 
wealth, hauing not else to do, but that he hath inioyned to himself, that is to 
Iv bv a pleasing bray, and cast in stones to trouble the faire and cleare rinning 
watter." Fol. 18. b. 19. a. 

Note L. p. 220.— In the prologue to the Reasoning betwix Jo. Knox and 
the Abboteof CrossraguelL, Knox adverts to the cavils of the Papists against 
the validity of the call of the Reformed ministers, and intimates his intention 
of returning an answer to the questions on this head which had been proposed 
to him by Ninian Winget, the Procutourfor the Papists. There are some 
general remarks on this subject in his answer to Tyrie s Letter, but I do not 
think that he ever published any thing professedly on the point. There is a 
ridiculous tale told by a Popish writer, concei ning a prerended convention 
among the Reformed ministers in Scotland, to determine in what manner they 
should proceed in the admission of ministers. Willock proposed as a weighty 
difficulty, that if they used imposition of hands, or any other ceremony usu- 
ally practised in the church, they would be asked to shew that they them- 
selves had beer, admitted by the same ceremonies, and thus the lawfulness of 
their vocation would be called in question. Johann kmnox ansuerit maist 
resolutelie, Bit/. buj\ man. we ar anes entered, let se quha dar put us out 
agane : meaning that thair was not sa monie gunnis and pistollis in the 
countrie to put him out as was to intrud him with violence. Sua Johann 
kmnox, to his awin confusion, entered not in the kirk be ordinal vocatione 
or imposition cf handis, but be imposition oibuUatis and pouMir in culrin- 
gis and lang gunnis ; sua ye misrer not to troubil you larder in seiking out 
of Johann kmnox vocatione." — Thisstory " I understude says the author) of 
ane nobil and honorabil man. quha can yit beir witnes gif I lea or not." But 
he takes care not to give the name of the nobleman. Nicol Buxne's Dispu- 
tation, p. 129. Parise, 1581. 

Note M. p. 221. — The dealings of the kirk with Paul Methven, are recorded 
at length in the proceedings of the Eleventh General Assembly, held at 
Edinburgh in June 1566. " Anent the supplication given in be Paull Meth- 
ven, makand a long rehearsal] of his miserable estate, Che supplication pre. 
sented in his name to the General! Assembly holden in Edinburgh in Decem- 
ber 1564, of the estate of the answers thereto frome the said Assembly, of his 



* The Greek word is inserted with a pen. 



396 



NOTES. 



long and tedious journey out of England to Scotland and impediments that 
chanced him in the way ; finally requests for ane of thir two, That is, either 
to suspend excommunication of the Kiik for ane tyme, and receave him in 
the fellowship of the same as ane poor sheep, upon ane condition, wherever 
he chances to be, upon half ane year's warning, he shall be bound to returne 
againe at command of the Kirk, and obey sic injunctions as they would com- 
mand him to doe; at if the Kirk pleased not this petition, then to committ 
his answer to such as the Kirk should appoint, who's judgment and determi- 
nation (as his body might bear) he promised be God's grace to obey ; Final- 
ly, all counsell that have followed heretofore, and himself most humbly, he 
submitted to the judgement of the present Assembly ; as in the said suppli- 
cation at length was contained : Last of all, it was ordained that he present 
himself personally before the Assembly ; and being entered, prostrate him- 
self before the haill brethren with weeping and howling, and commanded to 
ryse, might not espresse farther his request, being, as appeared, so farr trou- 
bled with anguish of heart, was desyred to be of good comfort, and to depart 
to his lodgeing whill order were taken anent his request. And forsuameikle 
as in the said Assembly holden in Edinburgh in December 1564, it was con- 
cluded to receave him to repentance, now rested to conclude upon the man- 
ner thereof that he should doe when and where ; and for that purpose was 
appointed the Superintendant of Fyfe, Mr. John Dowglass, rector of St. An- 
drew's, David Forrest, Mr. Hugh Hay, minister of Ruthven, Mr. John Craig, 
minister of Edinburgh, John Row of St. Johnstone, William Christisone of 
Dundie, and Adam Herriot of Aberdeene, ministers, that they, seven or sex 
of them, should conveene the morrow, at seven houres before noone, and 
take order in the premises; and whatsomever the doe hereanent. to signifie 
the same to the Superintendant of Lowthiane and Session of the Kirk of 
Edinburgh, deliver the said ordinance to the Scribe of the Generall Assem- 
bly, that he may insert the same among uther acts of Generall Assembly for 
ane remembrance to the posteritie. 

"The Commissioners appointed be the Generall Assembly for ordering of 
Paull Methwenhis repentance, In consideration of the said Paul's lamentable 
supplication to the kirk, humble submission of himselfe to the same, and his 
absence out of this realme the space of two yeares or more, Ordaines the mi- 
nister of Edinburgh, that he, upon ane Sonday after sermone, notifie unto the 
people the said Paull his supplicatione, and how the Generall Assembly hes 
ordained to receive him to repentance, with the conditions underwritten; and 
therefore to admonishe all faithfull brethren that they, within the nixt eight 
dayes, notifie the said minister of Edinburgh, if any of them hes any know- 
ledge, or are fully informed of the said Paull his conversation and behaviour 
since his departure furth of this realme, whilk might imped his receaving to 
repentance, whilk shall be on this manner, viz. The said Paull, upon the said 
two preaching dayes, betwixt the Sondayes, shall come to the kirk doore of 
Edinburgh, when the second bell ringeth, clad in sackcloth, bareheaded and 
barefooted, and there remaine whill he be brought into the sermone, and 
planted in the publick spectacle above the people, in tyme of every sermone 
during the said two dayes ; and on the next Sonday thereafter, shall compear 
in like manner, and in the end of the sermone, shall declare signes of his in- 
ward repentance to the people, humbly requireing that kirk's forgiveness: 
quhilk done, he shall be clad in his own apparell, and received in the societie 
of the kirk, as ane ly vely member thereof, and this same order to be observed 
in Dundie and Jedburgh, allwayes secluding him from any function of the 
ministrie in the kirk, and also from participation of the table of the Lord, 
unto the 25th of December next to come, when the Generall Assemblie of 
the Kirk conveens, into the whilk they ordain the said Paull to resort, bring- 
and with him sufficient testimoniall from authentick persons, of these places 
where he in the meanetyme shall chance to remaine, reportand his conversa- 
tione and behaviour; at the whilk tyme the kirk shall take further order what 
6hall be done anent h m." Booke of the Univ. Kirk, Peterkin's Edit. p. 44-46. 

This form of satisfaction was appointed for all who had been excommuni- 
cated for murder, adultery, incest, or other aggravated crimes. The mur- 
derer was to bear in his hand '• the same or lyke weapoun whairwith the mur- 
ther was committit." Buik of the Univ. Kirk, p. 38. The other rules ob- 
served in cases of discipline may be seen in Knox's Liturgy, p. 55-67. edition 
1611. and in Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 704-756. Impartiality, as well as seve- 
rity, distinguished the discipline of these times. " Gryt men offending in sick 
crymes as deserves secklaith, they suld receave the same als weill asthe pure. 
Na superintendant nor commissioner, with advyce of any particular kirk of 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



397 



yair jurisdiction, may dispense with the extreamitie of sackloth, prescrivit 
be the actes of the generall discipline, for any pecuniall sura or pame ad pios 
usus." Ibid, ad August, 1573. Dunlop, ii. 753. This was not a mere theo- 
retic proposition. For in 1563 we find the Lord Treasurer making public sa- 
tisfaction (Keith, 245, 529); in 1567, the Countess of Argyle ( Buik of the 
Univ. Kirk, p. 37.); and in 1568 the Bishop of Orkney (Anderson's Collec- 
tions, ii. 284.) The offence of the Countess is thus stated in the Assembly's 
proceedings, Sess, 5. Dec. 1567: " Anent the complaint give in against my 
Lady Argyle, declaring how sche once being at the table of the Lord Jesus, 
and professing his Evangell, had revolted therelrae, in giving her assistance 
and presence to the baptizing of the King in ane papisticall manner. The 
said lady being present, grantit that she had offended to the eternall God, and 
been ane sclander to the Kirk in committing the premises; and therefore 
willingly submitted herself to the discipline of the Kirk and discretioune of 
them. Therefore, the Kirk ordaines the said lady to make publick repent- 
ance in the Chapell-Royall of Stirling, upon ane Sonday in tyme of preach- 
ing ; and this to be done at sick tyme as the Kirk hereafter shall appoint to 
the Superintendant of Lowthaine, provyding alwayes it be before the next 
Assembly." Bookeofthe Univ. Kirk, p. 73. Let notour modern fashionables 
and great ones be alarmed at hearing of such things. These days are gone, 
and will not, it is likely, soon return. 

It is a mistake, however, to represent the ecclesiastical courts as inflicting 
corporal punishments upon offenders. The Parliament, or the magistracy of 
particular burghs, enacted punishments of this kind against certain crimes 
which were ordinarily tried in the Church Courts. Some of these existed be- 
fore the Reformation, and some of them were posterior to it ; but the inflic- 
tion, as well as the enacting of them, pertained to the civil magistrate. Knox, 
p. 269. The following extract will explain the occasion of the mistake, and 
the true state of the case. " What you bring," says Mr Ba.llie in his answer 
to Bishop Maxwell, " of pecuniary mulcts, imprisonments, banishments, 
jogges, cutting of haire, and such like, it becomes neither you to charge, nor 
us to be charged with any such matters : No Church Assembly in Scotland 
assumes the least degree of power, to inflict the smallest civill punishment 
upon any person ; the Generall Assembly it selfe hath no power to fine any 
creature so much as in one groat : It is true, the lawes of the land, appoint 
pecuniary mulcts, imprisonment, joggs, pillories, and banishment for some 
odious crimes, and the power of putting these laws in execution is placed by 
the Parliament in the hands of the inferior magistrates in burroughs or shires, 
or of others to whom the counsel table gives a speciall commission for that 
end; ordinarily some of the^e civill persons are ruling elders, and sit with the 
eldership : So when the eldership have cognosced upon the scandull aione of 
criminall persons, and have used their spirituall censures only to bring the 
party to repentance, some of the ruling elders, by vertue of their civill office 
or commission, will impose a mulct, or send to prison, or stocks, or banish out 
of the bounds of some little circuit, according as the acts of Parliament or 
Counsell do appoint it. But that the eldership should imploy its ecclesiastick 
and spirituall power for any such end, none of us doe defend. That either in 
Scotland or any where else in the world the haire of any person is command- 
ed to be cut by any church judicatory for disgrace and punishment, is (as I 
take it) but a foolish fable. That any person truely penitent is threatned in 
Scotland, with church censures for non-payment of monies, is in the former 
category of calumnies." Historical Vindication of the Government of the 
Church of Scotland, p. 17, 18. Lond. 1646. I have in my possession (extracted 
from the records of a kirk-session) a commission, granted in 1701, by the she- 
riff depute of Berwickshire, constituting one of the elders session-baillie, for 
executing the laws against profaneness, agreeably to an act of Parliament 
authorising the appointment of such an officer in parishes within whicn no 
ordinary magistrate resided. 

Note N. p. 227. — The Parliament now met, and was held with unusual 
pomp. Mary, surrounded by a brilliant cavalcade, rode in procession to the 
Tolbooth, where the Estates assembled: the hall was crowded, not only by 
the members, but glittered with the splendid dresses of the royal household 
and the ladies of the court, who surrounded the throne and filled the galle- 
ries. The extreme beauty of the Queen, and the grace with which she de- 
livered the address, in which she opened the proceedings, surprised and de- 
iignted her people; many exclaimed, 4k May God save that sweet face. 1 she 
*peaks as properly as the be->t orator among them 



398 



NOTES* 



Amidst this general enthusiasm, the preachers took great offence at tn* 
liberty of the French manners, and the extravagance of the foreign dresses. 
"They spake boldly, - ' says Knox, " against the superfluities of their clothes* 
and affirmed, that the vengeance of God would fall, not only on the foolish 
women, but on the whole realm. To check the growing licentiousness, an 
attempt was made to introduce a sumptuary law ; articles against apparel 
were drawn up, and it was proposed to take order with other abuses ; but, to 
the extreme mortification of the Reformer, he was arrested in his career of 
legislation by the hand of the- Lord James. This powerful minister, deemed 
it impolitic at this moment to introduce these enactments. " The Queen," 
he said, " had kept her promises, the religion was established, the mass- mon- 
gers were punished, if they carried things too high, she would hold no Parlia- 
ment at all." Kno\ smiled significantly — Mar, he hinted, trembled for his 
new Earldom of Murray, and all must be postponed to have his grant con- 
firmed, lest Mary should repent of her munificence; he denounced in strong 
terms, such selfish motives, reminded him of his solemn engagements to the 
Church, and accused him of sacrificing truth to convenience, and the service 
of his God to the interests ol his ambition. The proud spirit of Murray could 
not brook such an attack, and he replied with asperity; the two friends part- 
ed in anger, and the Reformer increased the estrangement by addressing a 
letter in which, in his usual plain and vehement style of reproof, he exone- 
rated himself of all further care in his lordship's affairs* committing him to the 
guidance of his own undeistanding^ whose dictates he preferred to the ad- 
vancement of the truth. " I praise my God," said he, " I leave you victor over 
your enemies, promoted to gieat honour, and in authority with your Sove- 
reign. Should this continue, none will be more glad than I ; but if you decay, 
(as I fear ye shall) then call to mind by what means the Most High eNalted you. 
It was neither by trifling with impiety, nor maintaining pestilent Papists." 
So incensed was Murray with this lemonstrance, that for a year and a half, he 
and Knox scarcely exchanged words together. — Ty tier's Hist, of Scotland, 
vol. vi. p. 328-30. 

Note O. p. 231. — The whole account which Mr.Hume has given of the con- 
duct of the Protestant clergy towards Mary, from her arrival in Scotland 
until her marriage with Darn ley, is very remote from sober and genuine his- 
tory. It is rather a satire against the Reformation, which he charges with 
rebellion : the Presbyterian Church, whose genius he describes as essentially 
productive of fanaticism and vulgarity ; and his native country, the inhabi- 
tants of which, without exception, he represents as overrun with rusticity, 
strangers to the arts, to civ.lity, and the pleasures of conversation. History, 
Reign of Eliz. chap. i. near the close. " II n'estrien de plus facile quand on 
a beaucoup d "esprit, et beaucoup d experience dans Fart de faire des livres, 
que de composer une Histoiie satyrique, des meme faits qui ont servi a faire 
une Eloge. Deux ligne& supprimee, ou pour ou contre, dans l'exposition 
d'un fait, sont capables de faire paroistre un homme ou fort innocent, ou 
fort coupable : et commepar la seule transposition dequelquesmots, on peut 
faire d'un discours fort saint un discours impie \ de meme par la seule trans- 
position de quelques eirconstances, I on peut faire de Taction la plus crimi- 
nelle, Taction la plus vertueuse. ' Bayle, Critique GSnerale de FHistoiredu 
Calvinisme, p. 13. 2de edition, 1683. 'This is a charge to which the Histo- 
rian of England has exposed himself on more than one occasion. 

I cannot here expose all his mistatements in the passage to which I have 
referred. He keeps out of view the fixed resolution of the Queen to re-esta- 
blish the Romish religion, with all the perils to which the Protestants were 
exposed. He artfully introduces his narrative, by placing her proclamation 
against altering the Protestant religion before the symptoms of popular discon- 
tent at her setting up mass ; whereas the proclamation was emitted after these, 
and perhaps would never have appeared, had it not been found necessary to 
allay the apprehensions of the people. Knox, 285. Keith, 504, 505. As a proof 
that the preachers " took a pride in vilifying, even to her face, this amiable 
princess," he gives extracts from an address to her by the General Assem- 
bly, without ever hinting that this was merely a draught : that every offen- 
sive expression was erased from it ; and that, when it was presented by the 
superintendents of Lothian and Fife, the Queen said, " Here are many fair 
words ; I cannot tell what the hearts are." Knox, 315. Mr. H. goes on to 
say : " The ringleader in all these insults on Majesty, was John Knox. — 
His usual appellation for the Queen, was Jezebel." This is a mistake. Nei- 
ther in his sermons, nor in his prayers, nor in conversation, did he give this 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



399 



appellation to Mary, as long as she was queen ; but always honoured her be- 
fore ihe people, as well as in her own presence, even when he lamented and 
condemned her errors. Afterwards, indeed, when for her crimes of which 
no man was more convinced than Mr H. ) she was removed from the govern- 
ment, and he no longer acknowledged her as his sovereign, he did apply this 
name to her. It is go far from being true, that " the whole life of Mary was, 
from the demeanour of these men, filled with bitterness and sorrow," or that 
she "was curbed in all amusements by the absurd severity of these reform- 
ers," that she retained her "gaiety and ease,' until by her imprudent mar- 
riage with Darniey, she with her own hands planted thorns under her pillow ; 
while the preachers were most free in their sermons, she enjoyed all manner 
of liberty ; her mass was never taken from her; she was allowed to indulge 
her "feasting, finery, dancing, balls, and whoredom, their necessary attend- 
ant;" nor was she ever interrupted in these amusements, except when her 
own husband deprived her of her favourite Italian fiddler, a loss for which she 
afterwards took ample vengeance. It is difficult to conceive how one ac- 
quainted with the history of that period, and the character of the Oueen, 
could impute the "errors of her subsequent conduct" to the " harsh and 
preposterous usage which she met with" from the reformers. Nor can there 
be a greater satire upon the general character of Mary, {previous to her first 
marriage,) than to say, that she " foundevery moment reason to regret her lea- 
ving that country, from whose manners she had, in her early youth, received 
the first impressions." It is well known that the court at which she received 
her education was most dissolute; and the supposition that she carried away 
the innocent polish and refinement of their manners, without contracting 
their criminal contagion, is not only incredible, but contradicted by the con- 
fessions of her friends. Memoirs de Castelnau. augmentez par J. le Labou- 
reur, Prior de Juvigne\ torn. i. p. 528. A Bruxelles, 1731. I have no desire, 
however, to dip into the subject, nor to draw forth to light facts unfavourable 
to that princess ; although the unwarranted and persevering attacks which 
have been made upon worthy men, with the view of reconciling the "future 
conduct'* of Mary, with the "general tenor of her character,'' would justify 
greater freedoms than have been lately used in this way. 

" We are too apt to figure to ourselves the Reformers of that age, as per- 
sons of impolitic and inflexible austerity." This is the remark of one who 
was much better acquainted with their history than Mr. Hume. Loid Hailes* 
Historical Mem. of the Provincial Councils" of the Scottish Clergy, p. 41. 
Comp. Knox, Historie, p. 310. See also, in addition to the facts already pro- 
duced in this work, what is contained in Note B Period Eighth. 

Mr Hume's object, in the passage upon which I have animadverted, was 
to blacken the Reformers, rather than to exalt the Oueen. of whose charac- 
ter he had at bottom no great opinion. " Tell Goodall," says he, in a letter 
to Dr. Robertson, " that if he can but give up Queen Mary. I hope to satisfy 
him in every thing else; and he will have the pleasure of seeing John Knox, 
and the Reformers, made very ridiculous." Indeed, he confessed to his con- 
fidential fri nds. that he had, in his History, drawn the character of that prin- 
cess in too favourable colours. " I am afraid," says he to the same corres- 
pondent, " that you, as well as myself, have drawn Mary's character with too 
great softenings. She was undoubtedly a violent woman at all times." 
Stewart's Life of Robertson, p. ST. 38, of the separate edition ; or, as reprinted 
with the History of Scotland, vol. i. p. 25. Lond. 1809. 

Note P. p. 233.— "ISmo Junii, 1563.— The samyn day. in presence of the 
baillies and counsale, comperit Jhone Gray, scribe to the k rk, and presentit 
the supplicatione following, in the name of the haill kirk, bering that it was 
laitlie cummen to thair knawlege, bi the report of faythfull bretherins, that 
within thir few dayis Eufame Dundas, in the presence of ane multitude, had 
spokin divers injurious and sclandarous wordis, baith of the doctrine and 
ministeris. And in especiall of Jhonne Knox, minister, sayand, that within 
few dayis past, the said Jhone Knox was apprehenclit and tane forth of ane 
killogye with ane commoun hure ; and that he had bene ane commone har- 
lot all his dayis. Quhairfore it was maist humblie desyrit that the said Eu- 
fanemytbe callit and examinat uprme the said supplicatione, and gif the 
wordis abone writtin, spokin bi hir. myt be knawin or tryit to be of veritie, 
that the said Jhonne Knox myt be pun st with all rigour without favour : 
otherwyse to tak sic ordour with hir as myt stand with the glory of God, and 
that sclander myt be takin from the kirk. As at mair length is contenit *n 
the said supplication. Quhilk beand red to the said Eufane,personallie pre* 



400 



NOTES. 



sent in judgement, sckodcnijit the samyn, and Fryday the 25 day of JunSi in- 
stant assign.t to hir to here and see witnes prcducit for preving of the alle- 
giance abone expremit, and scho is warnyt apud acta." Records of Town 
Council of Edinburgh, of the above date. 

The minute of the 25th contains the account of the proof which Knox's 
procurator led to shew that Eufame Dundas had uttered the scandal which 
she now denied, and the appointment that the parties should be " warnit li- 
teratorie to hear sentence given in the said action." I have not observed any 
thing more respecting the cause in the minutes, and it is probable, that the 
Reformer, having obtained the vindication of his character, prevailed on the 
judges not to inflict punishment on the accuser. 

Note Q. p. 233.—" C'est rendre sans doute," says Bayle, " quelques ser- 
vice a la memoire de Jean Knox, que de fair voir les extravagances de ceux 
qui ont dechire sa reputation." And, having referred to the " gross and ex- 
travagant slanders" of one writer, he adds, " this alone is a sufficient pre- 
judice against all which the Roman Catholic writers have published con- 
cerning the great Reformer of Scotland." Diet. art. Knox. If Mons. Bayle 
could speak in this manner upon a quotation from one author, what conclu- 
sion shall we draw from the following quotations ? — The first writer who 
seems to have attacked Knox's character, after his death, was Archibald Ha- 
milton, whose hostility against him was inflamed by a personal quarrel, as well 
as by political and religious considerations. (See above, p. 281.) His book 
shews how much he was disposed to recommend himself to the Papists, by 
throwing out whatever was most injurious to his former connexions. But 
there were too many alive at that time to refute any charge which might be 
brought against the Reformer's moral character. Accordingly, when he aimed 
the most envenomed thrust at his reputation, Hamilton masked it under the 
name of an apprehension or surmise. Having said that, upon the death of 
Edward VI. " he fled to Geneva with a noble and rich lady,' (which by the 
bye is also a falsehood,) he adds in a parenthesis. " qua simul et filia matris 
pellice familiariter usus fuisse putabatur." De Confusione Calvinianee Sec- 
tse, p. 65, a. Parisiis 1577. What Hamilton insinuated as a mere surmise, 
his successors soon converted into undoubted certainty. In 1579, Principal 
Smeton published his answer to Hamilton's book, in which he repelled the 
charges which he had brought against Knox, and pronounced the above 
mentioned surmise a malicious calumny, for which the accuser could not ad- 
duce the slightest proof, and which was refuted by the spotless character which 
the Reformer had maintained before the whole world. Smetoni Responsio 
ad Virulent. Dial. Hamiltonii, p. 95. Edinb. 1579. It now behoved Hamil- 
ton either to retract or to prove his injurious insinuation. But how did he 
act in his reply to Smeton ? Under the pretence of repeating what he had said 
in his former book, he introduces a number of other slanders against Knox's 
character, of which he had not given the most distant hint before ; and (in- 
credible to be told !) he absolutely avers, that he had formerly specified all 
these crimes, and condescended upon the places, times, and other circum- 
stances of their commission ; although, in his former publication, he had not 
said one word on the subject except the general surmise quoted above ! ! ! A 
few years after the publication of Hamilton's last work, we find another Po- 
pish author writing in the following terms : — " Johne Kmnox your first apos- 
tel, quha caused ane young woman in my Lord Ochiltreis place fal almaist 
dead, becaus sche saw his maister Satthan in ane black mannis likenese with 
him, throuche ane bore of the dure : quha was also ane manifest adulterare, 
bringand furth of Ingland baith the mother and the dochter, whom he per- 
suadit that it was lesum to leve her housband, [See p.156.] and adhere un- 
to him, making ane fleshe of himself, the mother, and the dochter, as if he 
wald conjoyne in ane religione the auld synagogue of the Jeuis with the new 
fundat kirk of the Gentiles." In another place he introduces the account of 
his second marriage wirh these words : — " That renegat and perjurit priest 
schir Johane Kmnox, quha efter the death of his first harlot, quhilk he mareit 
incurring eternal damnation be breking his vou and promiss of chastitie. quhen 
his age requyrit rather that with tearis and lamentations he sould have chas- 
tised his flesh and bewailit the breaking of his vou, as also the horribil incest 
with his gudmother in ane killogie of Haddingtoun.' Burne's Disputation 
concerning the Controversit Headdis of Religion, p. 102, 143. Parise, 1581. 
But the two former writers were outstripped in calumny by that most impu- 
dent of all liars, James Laing, who published in Latin, during the same year 
in which the last mentioned work appeared, an account ot the lives and man- 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



401 



tiers of the heretics of his time. There are few pages of his book in which he 
does not rail against our Reformer; but in (what he calls) his Life, he may 
justly be said to have exceeded any thing which personal malice, or religious 
rancour, ever dictated. " Statim," says he, " ab initio sua? pueritia? omm 
genere turpissimi facinoris infectus fuit. Vix excesserat jam ex ephebis, cum 
patris sui uxorem violarat, suam novercam vitiarat, et cum ea, cui reverentia 
potissimum adhibenda fuerat, nefarium stuprum fecerat." His bishop hav- 
ing, forsooth, called him to account for these crimes, he straightway became 
inflamed with the utmost hatred to the Catholic religion. " Deinde non modo 
cum profanis, sed etiam cum quibuscunque sceleratissimis, perditissimis, et 
potissimum omnium hsereticis est versatus, etquo quisque erat immanior, sce- 
leratior, crudelior, eo ei carior et gratior fuit. Ne unum quidem diem scele- 
ratissimus htereticus sine una et item altera meretrice traducere potuit. — 
Continuo cum tribus meretricibus, qua? videbantur posse sufficere una sacer- 
doti, in Scotia convolat. — Ceterum hie lascivus caper, quern assidue seque- 
batur lasciva capella, partim perpetuis crapulis, partim vino, lustrisque ita 
confectus fuit, ut quotiescunq. conscenderet suggestum ad maledicendum, 
velim precandum suis, opus erat illi duobus aut tribus viris, a quibus elevan- 
dus atq. sustendandus erat." De Vita et Moribus atque Rebus Gestit Hce- 
reticorum nostri temporis. Authore Jacobo Laingcco Scoto Doctore Sor- 
bonico, fol, 113. b. 114, a, b. 115. a. Farisiis, 1581. Cum Privilegio. Nor 
were such accounts confined to that age. As late as 1628, we find Father 
Alexander Baillie repeating, in the English language, all the gross tales of his 
predecessors, with additions of his own, in which he shews a total disregard to 
the best known facts in the Reformer's life. " Jhon Knox," says he, " be- 
ing chaplane to the Laird of Balvurie, and accused for his vices and leccherie, 
was found so guiltie and culpable, that to eschevie the just punishment pre- 
pared for him he presently fled away in to Ingland." He afterwards says, 
that, after the death of his second wife [that is, twenty years at least after his 
own death,] Knox " shamefully fell in the abominable vice of incestuous 
adultery, as Arciib. Hamilton and others doe witnesse ;'' and as a proof that 
Knox reckoned this vice no blot, he puts into his mouth a defence of it, in the 
very words which Sanders, in his book against the Anglican Schism, had re- 
presented Sir Francis Brian as using in a conversation with Henry VIII. — 
Baillie's True Information of the unhallowed Offspring, Progress, and im- 
poisoned Fruits of our Scottish- Calvinian Gospel and Gospellers, p. 14, 41. 
Wirtsburgh, 1628. 

It is evident that these outrageous and contradictory calumnies have been 
all grafted upon the convicted lie mentioned in the preceding note, and on 
the malignant surmise insinuated by Archibald Hamilton. The characters 
of the Foreign Reformers were traduced in the very same manner by the Po- 
pish writers. Those who have seen Bolsec's Lives of Calvin and Beza, or 
others of the same kidney, will be sufficiently convinced of this. Will it be 
believed that, in the middle of the seventeenth century, a book should have 
been published under the name of the Cardinal de Richlieu, in which it is as- 
serted that " Calvin being condemned for acts of incontinency, which he had 
carried to the utmost extremity of vice, (ses incontinences qui le porterent 
jusques aux dernieres extremitez du vice,) retired from Noyon (his native 
city) and from the Roman Church, at the same time ?" And that this should 
have been published after the cardinal himself had examined the registers of 
Noyon, which stated facts totally inconsistent with the charge ? La Defence 
de Calvin, par Charles Drelincourt, p. 10, 11, 33. Geneve, 1667. Our coun- 
trymen of the Popish persuasion were careful to retail all the calumnies 
against the Foreign Reformers, and they do so in a manner almost peculiar 
to themselves. Nicol Burne most seriously assserts that Luther was begot- 
ten of the Devil, as to his carnal as well as his spiritual generation ; and in 
order to prove that this was not impossible, he advances the most profane ar- 
gument that ever proceeded from the mouth or pen of a Christian. Dispu- 
tation, ut supra, p. 141. The same thing is asserted by James Laing. De 
Vita, &c. Hseretic. ut supra, fol. 1. b. In a pretended translation into Scots 
of a poem written by Beza in his youth, (which the Roman Catnolics. after 
he left their communion, were careful to preserve from oblivion,) Burne has 
unblushingly inserted some scandalous and disgraceful lines, for which he had 
not the slightest warrant from the original. Disputation, p. 103, 104. Laing, 
in his Life of Calvin, (of which Senebier has justly said, " that it would be 
impossible to believe that such a libel had been written, if it were not to be 
seen in print,") has raked together all the base aspersions which had been 
cast upon that reformer, and has spent a number of pages in endeavouring to 



4-02 



NOTES. 



shew that he was guilty of stealing a sum of money. De Vita, &c. ut supra, 
fol. 76. b. — 79. b. Of Buchanan, whom he calls '« homo sacrarum literarum 
imperitissimus, simulque impudentissimus," he relates a number of impieties, 
of which this is the last, "plurimi etiam narrant ilium miserrimum hominem 
quondam in sacro fonte, quo infantes aqua benedicta ablui solent, adsit re- 
verentia dictis, oletum fecisse." Ibid. fol. 40. a. One example more may 
suffice. " Te admonerem de quodam impio haeretico sacerdote Davidson, 
quern audivi his jam multis annis publice cum quadam meretrice scortatum 
esse, quam fertur peperisse prima nocte, qua cum ilia dormivit, quod hie doc- 
tores medici pro magno miraculo habent ; cum vix mulieres ante nonura 
mensem, vel octavum parere soleant." Ibid. fol. 36. b. 37. a. 

Persons must have had their foreheads, as well as their consciences, " sear- 
ed with a hot iron," before they could publish such things to the world as 
facts. Yet Laing's book was approved, and declared worthy of publication, 
by two doctors of the University of Paris. Its grossest slanders against the 
Scottish Reformers were literally copied, and circulated through the Conti- 
nent as undoubted truths, by Reginaldus, Spondanus, Julius Breigerus, and 
many other foreign Popish authors. Each of these added some fabrication 
of his own ; and one of them is so grossly ignorant, as to rail against our Re- 
former by the name of Noptx. Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Knox, Note G. 

I do not wish to insinuate that all the Popish writers were of the above de- 
scription, or that there were not many Roman Catholics, even at that time, 
who disapproved of the use of such dishonourable and empoisoned weapons: 
but the great number of such publications, the circulation which they ob- 
tained, and the length of time during which they continued to issue from the 
Popish presses, demonstrate the extent to which a spirit of lying and wanton 
defamation was carried in the Romish Church. And I may safely aver, that 
no honest and candid person, who is duly acquainted with the writings on both 
sides, will pretend that this can be accounted for from the hostility and aspe- 
rity common to both parties. 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 

Note A. p. 242.—" Heaving laid aside al feir of the panis of hel, and re- 
garding na thing the honestie of the warld, as ane bund sklave of the Devil, 
being kendillit with an unquenshible lust and ambition, he durst be suabauld 
to interpryse the sute of marriage with the maist honorabil ladie, my laidie 
Fleming, my lord Duke's eldest dochter, to the end that his seid being of the 
blude royal, and gydit be thair father's spirit, might haveaspyrit to the croun. 
And because he receavit ane refusal, it is notoriouslie knawin how deidlie he 
haited the hail hous of the Hamiltonis. And this maist honest refusal would 
nather stench his lust nor ambition ; bot a lytel efter he did persew to have 
allyance with the honourabill hous of Ochiltrie of the Kyng's M. awin blude ; 
Rydand thair with ane gret court, on ane trim gelding, nocht lyk ane prophet 
or ane auld decrepit priest, as he was, bot lyk as he had bene ane of the blude 
royal, with his bendes of taffetie feschnit with golden ringis, and precious 
stanes : And as is plainlie reportit in the countrey,be sorcerie and witchcraft 
did sua allure that puir gentil woman, that scho could not leve wethout him : 
whilk appeiris to be of gret probabilitie, scho being ane damsel of nobel blud, 
and he ane auld decrepit creatur of maist bais degrie of onie that could be 
found in the countrey : Sua that sik ane nobil hous could not have degenerat 
sua far, except Johann kmnox had interposed the powar of his maister the 
Devil, quha as he transfiguris him self sumtymes in an angel of licht ; sua he 
causit Johann kranox appeir ane of the maist nobil and lustie men that could 
be found in the warld." Nicol Burne's Disputation, ut supra, p. 143, 144. 
But the Devil outwitted himself in his design of raising the progeny of the 
Reformer to the throne of Scotland, if we may believe another Popish writer. 
" For as the common and constant brute of the people reported, as writeth 
Reginaldus [a most competent witness !] and others, it chanced not long after 
the marriage, that she [Knox's wife] lying in her bed, and perceiving a blak, 
uglie, il favoured man busily talking with him in the same chamber, was so- 
dainely amazed, that she took seiknes and dyed" [nor does the author want 
honourable witnesses to support this fact, for he immediately adds:] " as she 
revealed to two of her friends, being ladyes, come thither to visite her a litie 
before her decease." Father A. Baillie's True Information, ut supra, p. 4i. 
ft is unfortunate, however, for the credit of this " true information," that the 
keiojmer's wile not only lived to bear him several children, but survived 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



403 



him many years. James owed the safety of his crown to another cause, which 
we have already had occasion to notice. 

Note B. p. 246. — The following is a more full account of the continuation 
of the discussion between the Secretary and our Reformer. " The most part 
of this reasoning, Secretary Lethington leaned upon the Master of Maxwel's 
breast, who said, ' I am almost weary, I would some other would reason in the 
chief head, which is yet untouched.' Then the Earl of Morton, Chancellor, 
commanded Mr. George Hay to reason against John Knox, in the head of obe- 
dience due to the magistrates, who began so to do : Unto whom John Knox 
said, * Brother, that ye shall reason in my contrary, I am well content, be- 
cause I know you to be both a man of learning and of modesty ; but that you 
shall oppose yourself unto the truth, whereof I suppose your own conscience 
is no less persuaded, than is mine, I cannot well approve ; for, I would be sorry, 
that ye and I should be reputed to reason, as two schollars of Pythagoras, to 
shew the quickness of our wit. as it were to reason on both parts. I protest 
here before God, that whatsoever I sustain, I do the same in conscience ; yea, 
I dare no more sustain a proposition, known to myself untrue, than I dare 
teach false doctrine in the public place; and therefore, brother, if conscience 
move you to oppose yourself to that doctrine, which ye have heard out of my 
mouth, in that matter, do it boldly, it shall never offend me ; but that ye shall 
be found to oppose yourself unto me, ye being persuaded in the same truth ; 
I say yet again, it pleaseth me not ; for therein may be greater inconveniency, 
than either ye or I do consider, for the public.' The said Mr. George answered, 
' that I will not oppose myself unto you, as one willing to impugn or confute 
that head of doctrine, which not only ye, but many others, yea, and myself 
have affirmed ; far be it from me. for so should I be found contrarious to my- 
self ; for my Lord Secretary knows my judgment in that head.' ' Marry,' said 
the Secretary, ' you are, in my opinion, the worst of the two ; for I remember 
that your reasoning, when the Queen was in Carrick.' " Knox's History, 
p. 301. 

None of the company being disposed to enter the lists with Knox, Maitland 
again resumed, and endeavoured to defend the absolute authority of rulers. 
" Well," said he, " I am somewhat better provided in this last head, than 1 
was in the other two. Mr Knox, yesterday we heard your judgment upon 
the 13th to the Romans ; we heard the mind of the apostle well opened ; we 
heard the causes why God has established powers upon earth ; we heard the 
necessity that mankind has of the same ; and we heard the duty of magistrates 
sufficiently declared. But in two things I was offended, and I think some 
more of my lords that then were present: The one was, ye made difference 
betwixt the ordinance of God, and the persons that are placed in authority ; 
and ye affirmed, that men might resist the persons, and yet not offend God s 
ordinance : The other was, thatsubjects were not bound to obey their princes 
if they commanded unlawful things, but that they might resist their princes, 
and were not ever bound to suffer." Knox said that the Secretary had given 
a correct statement of his sentiments. " How will you prove your division 
and difference," said Maitland, "and that the person placed in authority may 
be resisted, and God's ordinance not transgressed, seeing that the Apostle 
says, ' He that resists the power, resists the ordinance of God ?' " Knox re- 
plied, that the difference was evident from the words of the Apostle, and that 
his affirmative was supported by approved examples. For the Apostle as- 
serts, that the powers ordained of God are for the preservation of quiet and 
peaceable men, and for the punishment of malefactors: whence itis plain, 
that God s ordinance is wholly intended for the preservation of mankind, the 
punishment of vice, and the maintenance of virtue ; but the persons placed in 
authority are often corrupt, unjust, and oppressive. Having referred to the 
conduct of the people of Israel in rescuing Jonathan from the hands of Saul, 
which is recorded with approbation, and to the conduct of Doeg, in putting to 
death the priests at the command of that monarch, which is recorded with 
disapprobation in Scripture, he proceeded thus : " And now, my lord, in an- 
swer to the place of the Apostle, I say, that ' the power' in that place is not 
to be understood of the unjust commandment of men, but of the just power 
wherewith God has armed his magistrates to punish sin and to maintain virtue. 
As if any man should enterprise to take from the hands of a lawful judge a 
murderer, an adulterer, or any other malefactor that by God's law deserved 
the death, this same man resisted God's ordinance, and procured to himself 
vengeance and damnation, because that hestayeth God's sword to strike. But 
so it is not, if that men, in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury and 



404 



NOTES. 



blind rage of princes; for so they resist not God, but the devil, who abuses the 
sword and authority of God."—" I understand sufficiently," said Maitland, 
" what you mean ; and unto the one part I will not oppose myself, but I doubt 
of the other. For if the Queen would command me to slay John Knox, be- 
cause she is offended at him, I would not obey her ; but if she would command 
others to do it, or yet by a colour of justice take his life from him, I cannot 
tell if I be bound to defend him against the Queen, and against her officers." 
— " Under protestation," replied the Reformer, ** that the auditory think not 
that I speak in favour of myself, I say, my lord, that if ye be persuaded of my 
innocence, and if God hath given you such power or credit as might deliver 
me, and yet ye suffer me to perish, that in so doing ye should be criminal, and 
guilty of my blood." — " Prove that, and win the plea," said Maitland. " Well, 
my lord," answered Knox, " remember your promise, and I shall be short in 
my probation." He then produced the example of Jeremiah, who, when ac- 
cused by the priests and false prophets, said to the princes, " Know ye for cer- 
tain, that if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon 
yourselves, and upon this city, and upon the inhabitants thereof."—" The 
cases are not like," said Maitland. " And I would learn," said Knox, " where- 
in the dissimilitude stands." — " First," replied Maitland, " the King had not 
condemned him to death. And next, the false prophets, the priests, and the 
people, accused him without a cause, and therefore they could not but be 
guilty of his blood." — " Neither of these fights with my argument," said Knox; 
" for, albeit neither the King was present, nor yet had condemned him, yet 
were the princes and chief counsellors there sitting in judgment, who repre- 
sented the King's person and authority. And if ye think tnat they should all 
have been criminal only because they all accused him, the plain text witnesses 
the contrary; for the princes defended him, and so, no doubt, did a great part 
©f the people, and yet he boldly affirms that they should be all guilty of his 
blood, if that he should be put to death." — " Then will ye," said the Secre- 
tary, "make subjects to control their princes and rulers?" — "And what 
harm," asked the Reformer, " should the commonwealth receive, if the cor- 
rupt affections of ignorant rulers were moderated, and so bridled, by the wis- 
dom and discretion of godly subjects, that they should do wrong or violence to 
no man ?" 

The Secretary, finding himself hard pushed, said that they had wandered 
from the argument : and he professed that if the Queen should become a per- 
secutor, be would be as ready as any within the realm to adopt the doctrine 
of the Reformer. " But our question," said he, " is, whether that we may, 
and ought, suppress the Queen's mass. Or, whether that her idolatry should 
belaid to our charge." — "Idolatry ought not only to be suppressed," said 
Knox, "but the idolater ought to die the death." — "I know," answered 
Maitland, " that the idolater ought to die the death ; but by whom ?"—.*' By 
the people," rejoined the Reformer; "for the commandment was made to 
Israel, as ye may read, ' Hear, O Israel, saith the Lord, the statutes and com- 
mandments of the Lord thy God.' " — " But there is no commandment given 
to the people to punish their king, if he be an idolater."—" I find no privi- 
lege granted unto kings," said Knox, "more than unto the people, to offend 
God's majesty." — " I grant," said the Secretary ; but yet the people may not 
be judge unto their king, to punish him, albeit he be an idolater. The peo- 
ple may not execute God's judgment, but must leave it unto himself, who 
will either punish it by death, by war, by imprisonment, or by some other 
kind of plagues." — " I know," replied Knox, " the last part of your reason to 
be true ; but, for the first, I am assured ye have no other warrant except your 
own imagination, and the opinion of such as more fear to offend princes than 
God." 

" Why say you so ?" said Maitland. " I have the judgments of the most fa- 
mous men within Europe, and of such as ye yourself will confess both godly and 
learned." Upon which he produced a bundle of papers, and read extracts from 
the writings of the principal reformed divines against resistance to rulers ; ad- 
ding that he had bestowed more labour on the collection of these authorities 
than on the reading of commentaries for seven years. Knox replied, that it 
was a pity he had given himself so much labour, for none of the extracts 
which he had read bore upon the question under discussion ; some of them 
being directed against the Anabaptists, who denied that Christians should be 
subject to magistrates, or that it was lawful for them to hold the office of ma- 
gistracy ; and" the rest referring to the case of a small number of Christians 
scatteied through heathen and infidel countries, which was the situation of 
the primitive Church. In this last case, he said, he perfectly agreed with the 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



405 



writers whom Maitland had quoted ; but when the majority of a nation were 
professors of the true religion, the case was very different. V\ hile the pos- 
terity of Abraham were few in number, and while they sojourned in different 
countries, they were merely required to avoid all participation in the idola- 
trous rites of the heathen ; but as soon as they " prospered into a kingdom," 
and obtained possession of Canaan, they were strictly charged to suppress 
idolatry, and to destroy all its monuments and incentives. The same duty 
was now incumbent on the professors of the true religion in Scotland, whose 
release from bondage, temporal and spiritual, was no less wonderful than the 
redemption of the Israelites from Egypt. Formerly, when not more than ten 
persons in a country were enlightened, and when these were called to seal 
their testimony to the truth by giving their bodies to the flames, it would 
have been foolishness to have demanded of the nobility the suppression of 
idolatry. But now, when knowledge had increased, and God had given such 
a signal victory to the truth, that it had been publicly embraced by the realm, 
if they suffered the land to be again defiled, both they and their Queen should 
drink of the cup of divine indignation. She, because, amidst the great light 
of the Gospel, she continued obstinately addicted to idolatry, and they, be- 
cause they tolerated, and even countenanced her in such conduct. 

Maitland challenged his opponent to prove that the apostles or prophets 
ever taught that subjects might suppress the idolatry of their rulers. Knox 
appealed to the conduct of the prophet Elisha in anointing Jehu, and giving 
him a charge to punish the idolatry and bloodshed of the royal family of Ahab. 
u Jehu was a king before he put any thing in execution," said the Secretary. 
M My lord, he was a mere subject, and no king, when the prophet's servant 
came to him ; yea, and albeit that his fellow captains, hearing of the message, 
blew the trumpet, and said, « Jehu is king,' yet I doubt not but Jezebel both 
thought and said he was a traitor, and so did many others in Israel and Sama- 
ria." — " Besides this," said Maitland, " the fact is extraordinary, and ought 
not to be imitated." — " It had the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which 
commands the idolater to die the death," answered Knox. "We are not 
bound to imitate extraordinary examples/' rejoined Maitland, " unless we 
have like commandment and assurance." Knox granted that this was true 
when the example was repugnant to the ordinary precept of the law, as in the 
case of the Israelites borrowing from the Egyptians without repayment. But 
when the example agreed with the law, he insisted that it was imitable; and 
of this kind was the instances to which he had appealed. " But," said Mait- 
land, M whatsoever they did, was done at God's commandment." — " That 
fortifies my argument,'* retorted the Reformer ; " for God, by his command- 
ment, has approved that subjects punish their princes for idolatry and wicked- 
ness by them committed." — " We have not the like commandment," said the 
Secretary. " That I deny; for the commandment, that the idolater shall die 
the death, is perpetual, as ye yourself have granted ; ye doubted only who 
should be the executioner, and I have sufficiently proven that God has raised 
up the people, and by his prophet has anointed a king, to take vengeance upon 
the king and his posterity, which fact God since that time has never retract- 
ed."—" Ye have produced but one example," said Maitland. " One sufticeth ; 
but yet, God be praised, we lack not others, for the whole people conspired 
against Amaziah, king of Judah, after he had turned away from the Lord." 
— " I doubt whether they did well, or not," said Maitland. " God gave suf- 
ficient approbation of their fact, for he blessed them with victory, peace, and 
prosperity, the space of fifty-two years after." — " But prosperity does not al- 
ways prove that God approves the facts of men." — " Yes, when the facts of 
men agree with the law of God, and are rewarded according to his promise, I 
say that the prosperity succeeding the fact is a most infallible assurance that 
God has approved the fact. And now, my lord, I have but one example to 
produce, and then I will put an end to my reasoning, because I weary longer 
to stand." The lords desired him to take a chair : but he declined it, saying, 
" that melancholic reasons needed some mirth to be intei mixed with them." 
After a short dispute on the resistance of the priests to Uzziah, the Reformer 
recapitulated the propositions which he thought had been established in the 
course of the debate. " Well," said Maitland, " I think ye shall not have 
many learned men of your opinion." Knox replied, that the truth ceased 
not to be the truth, because men misunderstood or opposed it, and yet he did 
not want the suffrages of learned men to his opinions. Upon which he pre- 
sented a copy of the Apology of Magdeburgh, desiring the Secretaiy to look 
at the names of the ministers who had approved of the defence of that city 
against the emperor, and subscribed the proposition, that to resist a tyrant i* 



406 



NOTES. 



not to resist the ordinance of God. " Homines obscuri!" said Maitland, 
slightingly, after perusing the list. "Dei tamen servi !" replied the Re- 
former. 

And Lethington arose and said, " My lords, ye have heard the reasons upon 
both parts ; it becomes you now to decide, and to put in order unto preach- 
ers, that they may be uniform in doctrine. May we, think ye, take the Queen's 
mass from her ?" While some began to give, as it were, their votes (for some 
were appointed, as it were, leaders of the rest) John Knox said, " My lords, I 
suppose, ye will not do contrary to your lordships' promise made to the whole 
assembly, which was, That nothing should be voted in secret, till that first all 
matters should be debated in public, and that then the votes of the whole as- 
sembly should put an end to the controversy." Knox's Historie, p. 307. 

Note C. p. 250 — Christopher Goodman was an Englishman, and belonged 
to a respectable family in Chester, but from the intimate and long friendship 
which subsisted between him and our Reformer, he deserves more particular 
notice than has yet been taken of him in this work. He had been a fellow 
student with Cranmer at Cambridge, and was one of those learred men who, 
about 1523, were chosen from that university to be removed to the new col- 
lege erected by Cardinal Wolsey at Oxford. Soon after he was thrown into 
prison for heresy. He read lectures on Divinity in Oxford during the reign 
of Edward VI. Strype's Cranmer, p. 3. Strype's Annals, i. 124. At the 
accession of Queen Mary, he retired first to Strasburgh, and afterwards to 
Frankfort. When he was at Strasburgh, he joined in a common letter, ad- 
vising the exiles of Frankfort to alter as little in the English service as pos- 
sible ; but he became afterwards so much convinced of the propriety of altera- 
tions, and was so much offended at the conduct of the Coxian party, that he 
removed from Frankfort to Geneva, along with those who were of the same 
sentiments with him, and was chosen by them joint minister with Knox. 
Troubles at Franckford, p. 22, 23, 54, 55, 59. 

In 1558, he published the book which afterwards created him a good deal of 
trouble. Its title is : " How superior powers oght to be obeyd ; of their sub- 
jects, and wherin they may lawfully by God's worde be disobeyed and resisted. 
Wherein also is declared the cause of all this present miserie in England, and 
the onely way to remedy the same. By Christopher Goodman. Printed at 
Geneva by John Crispin, MDLVIII." In this book he subscribed to the opi- 
nion respecting female government, which his colleague had published only a 
few months before. He pronounced the power of kings and magistrates to be 
limited, and that they might lawfully be resisted, deposed, and punished by 
their subjects, if they became tyrannical and wicked. These principles he par. 
ticularly applied to the government of the English Mary. A copy of verses by 
William Kethe (who translated some of the Psalms into English metre) is 
added to the work, of which the following is a specimen : 

Whom fury long fostered by suffrance and awe, 
Have right rule subverted, and made will their law. 
Whose pride how to temper, this truth will thee tell ; 
So as thou resist may'st, and yet not rebel. 

Goodman returned to England in 1559; but he found Queen Elisabeth so 
much displeased at his publication, that he kept himself private. Burnet, iii. 
Append. 274. On this account, and in compliance with the urgent request of 
our Reformer, he came to Scotland. When the lords of the congregation 
chose him one of the council for matters of religion, the Earl of Arran endea- 
voured to appease the resentment which the English queen still entertained 
against him. Sadler, i. 510, 511, 532. In 1562, the Earl of Warwick repeat- 
edly interceded for him, and for his being recalled from Scotland ; ** of whom 
(says he) I have heard suche good commendation both of the Lord James of 
Scotland and others, that it seemeth great pitie, that our countrye shuld want 
so worthie and learned an instrument." Forbes's State Papers, ii. 235. Cal- 
vin urged Goodman not to leave Scotland until the Reformation was complete- 
ly established. Epist- 566. Hannovias, 1597. When he did return to his na- 
tive country in 1565, it was with some difficulty that he was received into fa- 
vour, notwithstanding the friends he had at court. He was obliged to make 
a retractation of the offensive doctrines in his publication. He protested and 
confessed that ' c good and godly women may lawfully govern whole realms 
and nations ;" but he qualified and explained, rather than recanted, what he 
had taught respecting the punishment of tyrants. Strype has inserted the do- 
cument, in his Annals, i. 126 ; but he has certainlv placed it under the wrong 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



40? 



year. Collier thinks it " a lame recantation," Eccl. Hist. ii. 440. In 1571 
he subscribed, in the presence of the queen's ecclesiastical commissioners, a 
more ample protestation of his obedience to Elizabeth. Strype's Annals, ii. 
95, 96. He was also harassed on account of his non-conformity to the Eng- 
lish ceremonies. Life of Grindal, 170. Life of Parker, 3-25, 32 k Knox cor- 
responded with his friend after he left Scotland, and Caldenvood has preserved 
a letter which he wrote to him in 1571, in which he alludes to the troubles 
which he understood he was exposed to, MS. ii. 270. He was alive in 1580, 
and resided in Chester, from which he sent his salutations to Buchanan. Bu- 
chanani Epistolas, 30, 31. Oper. Rud. Goodman's book was quoted, but for 
very different purposes, both by Bancroft (Dangerous Positions, B. ii. chap, 
i.), and by Milton (Tenure of Magistrates, apud Prose W orks by Symmons, 
vol. hi. p. 196.) 

Goodman was not the only person belonging to the English church who 
published free sentiments respecting civil government. About the same time 
with his book, there appeared another on the same subject, entitled, " A Short 
Treatise of Politique Pouuer, and of the true Obedience which Subjectes owe 
to Kynges." The author of it was Dr. John Ponet, bishop, first of Rochester, 
and afterwards of Winchester, under Edward VI. Ames, iii. 1594. He dis- 
cusses the questions respecting the origin of political authority, its absolute or 
limited nature, the limits of obedience and the deposition and punishment of 
tyrants. " This book," says Strype, " was not over-favourable to princes. Their 
rigors and persecutions, and the arbitrary proceedings with their peaceable 
subjects in these times, put them upon examining the extent of their power, 
which some were willing to curtail and straiten as much as they could. This 
book was printed again in the year 1642, to serve the turn of those times." 
Memorials of the Reformation, iii. 328, 329. Collier (who was a keen Tory) 
calls it " a most pestilent discourse." He wished to believe that Bishop Po- 
net was not the author ; but it is evident from what he says, that he could see 
no reason for departing from the common opinion. History, ii. 363. Ponet 
was a superior scholar. He read the Greek lecture in the University of Cam- 
bridge about 1535, and was among the first who adopted the new method of 
pronouncing that language introduced by Sir Thomas Smith. He wrote seve- 
ral books on mathematics and other subjects, which were greatly esteemed. 
Life of Sir Thomas Smith, p. 26, 27. Ames, Typ. Antiq. i. 599. ii. 753, 1146, 
iii. 1587. 

Note D. p. 261 — The proceedings jf the committee are to be found in Ro- 
bertson's Records of the Parliament of Scotland. Almost the only ecclesiasti- 
cal propositions of the committee which were not adopted by the subsequent 
parliament were such as respected the patrimony of the church. I shall ex- 
tract one or two respecting the commonwealth which did not obtain a par- 
liamentary sanction. " Als it is thocht expedient, that in na tymes cuming 
ony women salbe admittit to the publict autoritie of ye realme, or function in 
publict government within ye same." On the margin, opposite to this, is 
written, " Fund gude ;" which is expressive, as I understand it, of the com- 
mittee's approbation of the motion. Ut supra, p. 795. As Knox, at a period 
subsequent to this, declared from the pulpit that he had never " entreated 
that argument in publict or in prevat" since his last arrival in Scotland (Ban- 
natyne's Journal, p. 117), it appears that this motion had been made by some 
other member of the committee. The late misconduct of Queen Mary must 
have had a great effect in inclining them to give this advice. The 23d article 
does great honour to the enlightened views of the movers. It proposes that 
all hereditary jurisdictions throughout the kingdom should be abolished. On 
the margin is written, " Apprevit," and farther down, " Supercedis." Ibid. 
A long time elapsed before this measure, so necessary to the wise administra- 
tion of justice, was adopted in Scotland. The following was a proposed sump- 
tuary law : ** Item, that it be lauchfull to na wemen to weir abone yair estait, 
except howris." On the margin of this is written : " This act is verray gude. " 
Ut supra, p. 798- 

The ministers appointed on this committee were " Maister Jobne Spottis- 
wood, Maister Johne Craig, Johne Knox, Maister John Row, and Maister 
David Lindesay." It will be observed that our Reformer is the only one who 
has not " Maister" prefixed to his name. This title was expressive of an aca- 
demical degree. It was commonly given in that age to Masters of Arts as 
well as Doctors of Law, and in their subscriptions they often put the letter M f 
or " Maister,"' before their names. 



408 



NOTES. 



Note E. p. 268.— I am not moved with the unfavourable representations 
which the partisans of Mary have given of the Regent Murray, nor am I sur- 
prised at the cold manner in which Mr. Hume has spoken of him ; hut I con- 
fess that it pains me to think of the manner in which Dr. Robertson has drawn 
his character. The faint praise which he has bestowed on him, the doubt 
which he has thrown over his moral qualities, and the unqualified censures 
which he has pronounced upon some parts of his conduct, have, I am afraid, 
done more injury to the Regent's memory, than the exaggerated accounts of 
his adversaries. History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 315,. 316. Lond. 1809. Ha- 
ving said this much, it will be expected that I shall be more particular. In 
addition to those qualities which " even his enemies allow him to have pos- 
sessed in an eminent degree," Dr. R. mentions his humanity, and his distin- 
guished patronage of learning, and impartial administration of justice. " Zea- 
lous for religion," he adds, " to a degree which distinguished him even at a 
time when professions of that kind were not uncommon." This is what every 
writer must have allowed, but it certainly is far from doing justice to this part 
of the Regent's character. His professions of religion were uniformly sup- 
ported, in all the different situations in which he was placed; his strict regard 
to divine institutions was accompanied with the most correct and exemplary 
morals ; his religious principle triumphed over a temptation which proved too 
powerful for almost ail the Protestant nobility. (See above, p. 223.) When 
there exist such proofs of sincerity, to withhold the tribute due to it is inju- 
rious not only to the individual, but to the general interests of religion. After 
bearing a decided testimony to the " disinterested passion for the liberty of 
his country," which prompted Murray to oppose the pernicious system of the 
Princes of Lorrain, and the " zeal and affection" with which he served Mary 
on her return into Scotland, the historian adds : " But, on the other hand, his 
ambition was immoderate ; and events happened that opened to him vast pro- 
jects, which allured his enterprising genius, and led him to actions inconsistent 
with the duty of a subject." That his ambition was immoderate does not, I 
think, appear from any evidence which has been produced. Dr. R. has de- 
fended him from the charge as brought against him at an earlier period of his 
life, and we have met with facts that serve to corroborate the defence. ( See 
above, p. 384.) The " vast projects" that opened to him must be limited 
to the attainment of the Regency ; for I do not think that Dr. R. ever for a 
moment gave credit to the ridiculous tales as to his design ofsetting aside the 
young King, and seating himself upon the throne. His acceptance of the 
Regency cannot be pronounced " inconsistent with the duty of a subject," 
without determining the question, Whether the nation was warranted, by the 
misconduct and crimes of Mary, in removing her from the Government, and 
crowning her son. " Her boldest advocates," says Mr. Laing, " will not ven- 
ture to assert, that, on the supposition of the fact being fully proved that she 
was notoriously guilty of her husband's murder, she was entitled to be restor- 
ed." History of Scotland, i. 137. Second edition. Murray was fully satisfied 
of her guilt before he accepted the Regency. Never was any person raised 
to such a high station with less evidence of his having ambitiously courted the 
preferment. Instead of remaining in the country to turn the embroiled state 
of affairs to his personal advantage, he, within two months after the murder 
of the King, left Scotland, not clandestinely, but after having asked and ob- 
tained leave. And whither did he retire ? Not into England, to concert mea- 
sures with that Court, or the more easily to carry on a correspondence with 
the friends whom he had left behind him, but into France, where his motions 
could be watched by the friends of Mary. Ibid. p. 59-61. The association for 
revenging the King's murder, and for the safety of the young Prince, the sur- 
render of Mary, and her imprisonment in Lochleven, followed so unexpected- 
ly and rapidly, that they could not proceed from his direction. When he re- 
turned to Scotland, he found that the Queen had executed formal deeds re- 
signing the Government to her son, and appointing him Regent during his mi- 
nority, and that the young Prince was already crowned. Hume, vol. v . Note K. 

" His treatment of the Queen, to whose bounty he was so much indebted, 
was unbrotherly and ungrateful." To the charge of ingratitude, I can only 
reply, by repeating what I have said in the text, that all the honours which 
she conferred upon him were not too great a reward for the important services 
which he had rendered to her. How many persons have been celebrated for 
sacrificing parental as well as brotherly affection to the public good ! The pro- 
bable reasons for Murray's interview with the Queen at Lochleven have been 
stated by Mr. Laing, i. 119-121. But " he deceived and betrayed Norfolk 
with a baseness unworthy of a man of honour." To this harsh censure I may 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



409 



oppose the opinion of Mr. Hume, who will not be suspected of partiality to 
the Regent. " Particularly, (says he, in a letter to Dr. Robertson, written 
after the publication of his History of Scotland) I could almost undertake to 
convince you that the Earl of Murray's conduct with the Duke of Norfolk 
was no way dishonourable." Stewart's Life of Robertson, apud History, ut 
supra, i. 158. See also " Part of a Letter from the Earl of Murray to L.' B. ' 
inserted in vol. ii. Append. No. xxxni. — " His elevation to such unexpected 
dignity inspired him with new passions, with haughtiness and reserve ; and, 
instead of his natural manner, which was biunt and open, heaifected the arts 
of dissimulation and refinement. Fond, towards the end of his life, of flattery, 
and impatient of advice, his creatures, by soothing his vanity, led him astray, 
while his ancient friends stood at a distance, and predicted his approaching 
fall." Certainly the facts stated by Dr. R. in the preceding part of this nar- 
rative, do not prepare the mind of his reader for these charges. The severity 
of the Regent's virtues had, indeed, been mentioned, and it had been asserted 
that his deportment had become distant and haughty. The authority of Sir 
James MelvO was referred to in support of this statement ; and I am satisfied 
that it was upon his testimony chiefly that the historian proceeded, when he 
gave the above account of Murray's conduct during the latter part of his life. 
I submit to the reader the following remarks as to the degree of credit which 
is due to the authority of Melvil. 

In theirs* place, there is every reason to think, either that Melvil's Me- 
moirs have been unfaithfully published by the editor, or that the author acted 
unfaithfully, in the narrative which he has given of affairs from the Queen's 
marriage with Bothwell to the death of the Earl of Murray. I shall not take 
upon me to determine which of these is the most probable supposition, but I 
am of opinion that either the one or the other must be admitted. The charge 
which was brought against Queen Mary, of participation in the murder of her 
husband, with all the proofs produced in support of it, is suppressed, and stu- 
diously kept out of view, in the Memoirs. There is not one word in them 
respecting the celebrated letters to Bothwell, although they formed the grand 
▼indication of the Regent and his friends. The same inference may be drawn 
from the ridiculous account given of the appearance made by the Regent be- 
fore the commissioners at York, when he presented the nameless accusation 
against Mary, (Memoirs, 96. 97- Lond. 1683;) an account which is completely 
discredited by the journals ot both parties, and which neither Hume nor Ro- 
bertson thought worthy of the slightest regard. It is observable, that Mel- 
vil could not be ignorant of the real transaction, as he was present at York; 
and that the design of this, as well as of the subsequent part of his narrative, 
is to represent the Regent as weakly suffering himself to be duped and misled 
by designing and violent counsellors. Mr. Laing has adverted to both of 
these things as discreditable to the Memoirs. History, ut supra, i. 118. — I 
shall produce only one other instance of the same kind. Speaking of the 
Queen's marriage" with Bothwell, he says : " I cannot x.e\\koicox by what law 
he parted with his own wife, sister to the Earl of Huntly." Mem." 80. Is it 
credible that one who was in the midst of the scene, and acquainted even with 
the secrets of State at that time, could be ignorant of that which was pro- 
claimed to all the world ! If it should be alleged that Melvil, writing in his 
old age, might have forgotten this glaring fact, (the excuse commonly made 
for his inaccuracies,) I am afraid that the apology will detract as much from 
the credibility of his Memoirs as the charge which it is brought to repel. 

2. In estimating the degree of regard due to the censures which Melvil has 
passed on the Regent's conduct, we must keep in view the political course 
which he himself steered. Sir James appears to have been a man of amiable 
dispositions, whose mind was cultivated by the study of letters ; but those who 
have carefully read his Memoirs must, I thnnk, be convinced that his penetra- 
tion was not great, and that his politics were undecided, temporising, and in- 
consistent. He was always at Court, and always tampering with those who 
were out of Court. We rind him exposing himself to danger by dissuading 
his mistress from marrying Bothwell, and yet countenancing the marriage by 
his presence ; a little after acting as an agent for those who had imprisoned the 
Queen, and yet intriguing with' those who wished to set her a: liberty; carry- 
ing a common message from the King's lords to the Earl of Murray "upon his 
return out of France, and yet secretly conveying another message tending to 
counteract the design of the former ; supporting" Murray in the Regency, and 
yet trafficking with those who wished to undermine his' authority. I do not 
call in question the goodness of his intentions in all this ; I am willing to be- 
lieve that a desire for the peace of the country, or attachment to the Queen 



410 



NOTES. 



induced him to go between, and labour to reconcile the contending parties 
but when parties are discordant, when their interests, or the objects at which 
they shoot, are diametrically opposite, to persevere in such attempts is pre- 
posterous, and cannot fail to foster and increase confusions. Who believes 
that the Hamiltons were disposed to join with the King's party, or that the 
latter, when unassured of the assistance of England, wer e not extremely anxi- 
ous for a junction with them ? Yet Melvil asserts the contrary. Mem. 85, 
86. 90. Who thinks that there was the smallest feasibility in what he pro- 
posed to the Regent as " a present remedy for his preservation," or believes 
that Maitland would have consented to go into France, and Kircaldy to de- 
liver up the Castle of Edinburgh ? The Regent heard him patiently ; he re- 
spected the goodness of the man, bat he saw that he was the dupe of Mait- 
land s artifices, and he followed his own superior judgment. For rejecting 
such advices as this (and not the religious proverbs, and political aphorisms, 
which he quoted to him from Solomon, Augustine, Isocrates, Plutarch, and 
Theopompus) has Melvil charged him with refusing the counsel of his oldest 
and wisest friends. Mem. 102-104. 

3. What were the errors committed by the Regent which precipitated his 
fall ? There are two referred to by Melvil ; the imprisonment of the Duke 
and Lord Herries, and the accusation of Maitland and Balfour. Mem. 100, 
101. In vindication of the former step, I have only to appeal to the narrative 
which Dr. Robertson has given of that affair. Vol. ii. p. 296-299. Maitland 
was at that time deeply engaged in intrigues against the Regent ( Ibid. p. 307 ;) 
there is not a doubt that both he and Balfour were accessory to the murder 
of Darnley, (Laing, i. 28, 135. ii. 22;) and they were arrested and accused at 
this time in consequence of the recent confession of one of Bothwell's ser- 
vants. (Ibid. ii. 37.) 

4. Who were the unworthy favourites by whose flattery, and evil counsel, 
the Regent was led astray? Dr. Robertson mentions " Captain Crawford, 
one of his creatures." This is the same person whom he afterwards calls 
" Captain Crawford of Jordan-hill, a gallant and enterprising officer,*' who 
distinguished himself so much by the surprise of the Castle of Dumbarton. 
History, ii. 307-331. comp. Laing, ii. 297, 298. Morton, Lindsay, Wishart of 
Pittarow, Macgill of Rankeillor, Pitcairn, Abbot of Dunfermline, Bainaves 
of Hallhill, and Wood of Tilliedavy, were among the Regent's Counsellors. 

5. Who were his old friends who lost his favour ? They could be no other 
than Sir James Balfour, Maitland, Kirca'dy, and Melvil himself. Of the two 
former I need not say a word. Kircaldy of Grange was a brave man, and had 
long been the intimate friend of the Regent; but he was already corrupted by 
Maitland, and had secretly entered into his schemes for restoring the Queen. 
Robertson, ii. 307. Of Melvil I have already spoken; nay, he himself testifies 
that the Regent continued to the last to listen to his good advices. " The 
most part of these sentences," says he, " drawn out of the Bible, I used to re- 
hearse to him at several occasions, and he took better with these at my hands, 
who he knew had no by-end, than if they had proceeded. from the most learned 
philosopher. Therefore, at his desire, I promised to put them in writing, to 
give him them to keep in his pocket ; but he was slain before I could meet with 
him." Mem. 104. How this is to be reconciled with other assertions in the 
Memoirs, I leave others to determine. It required no great sagacity in his 
ancient friends to ''predict his approaching fall," by assassination ; when re- 
peated attempts had already been made on his life, and some of them were 
privy to the design then formed against it ; and it says little for their ancient 
friendship, that they " stood at a distance," and allowed it to be carried into 
execution. 

There are three honourable testimonies to the excellence of the Regent's 
character which must have weight with all candid persons. The first is that 
of the great historian Thaunus. He not only examined the histories which 
both parties had published concerning the transactions in Scotland, which 
made so much noise through Europe, but he carefully conversed with the 
most intelligent Scotsmen, Papists and Protestants, whom he had the oppor- 
tunity of seeing in France. When this part of his history was in the press, 
be applied to his friend Camden for advice, acquainting him how much he 
was embarrassed, and that he was apprehensive of displeasing King James, 
who, he understood, was very hostile to Buchanan. " I do not wish," says 
he, " to incur the charge of imprudence or malignity from a certain person- 
age who has honoured me with his letters, and encouraged me to publish the 
rest of my history, with the same candour, and regard for truth," Camden, 
m reply, exhorted him to use moderation, and told him the story which he 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



411 



had received from his master, imputing the disturbances in Scotland chieriy 
to the ambition of Murray. Durand, Histoire du XVI. Siecle, torn. vii. 
contenant la Vie de Monsieur De Thou, p. 226-231. But notwithstanding 
the respect which he entertained for Camden, and the desire which he felt 
to please James, Thuanus found himself obliged, by a sacred regard to truth, 
to reject the above imputation, and to adopt in the main the narrative of 
Buchanan. I shall merely quote, from his answer to Camden, the character 
which he draws of Murray. Having mentioned the accusation brought against 
him, he says: ** This is constantly denied by all the credible Scotsmen with 
whom I have had opportunity to converse, no* even excepting those icho other- 
wise were great enemies to Murray on a religious account; for they affirm 
that, religion apart, he was a man without ambition, without avarice, 

INCAPABLE OF DOING AN INJURY TO ANY ONE, DISTINGUISHED BY HIS VIR- 
TUE, AFFABILITY, BENEFICENCE, AND INNOCENCE OF LIFE ; and that, had 

it not been for him, those who tear his memory after his death would never 
have attained that authority which they now enjoy." Ut supra, p. 248. and 
Bulkley's Thuanus, apud Laing, ii. b2. " A second testimony of a very strong 
kind in favour of the Regent is that of Archbishop Spotswood. He must 
have conversed with many who were personally acquainted with him ; he 
knew the unfavourable sentiments which James entertained respecting him, 
which had been published in Camden's Annals, and he had long enjoyed the 
favour of that monarch ; yet, in his history, he has drawn the character of Mur- 
ray in as flattering colours as Buchanan himself has done. The last testimony 
to which I shall appeal is the Vox Populi, strongly expressed by the title of 
The Good Regent, which is imposed upon him, and by which his memory 
was handed down to posterity. Had he, elated by prosperity, become haughty 
and reserved, or, intoxicated' with flattery, yielded himself up to unprincipled 
and avaricious favourites, the people must soon have felt the effects of the 
change, and would never have cherished his name with such enthusiastic gra- 
titude and admiration. 

Note F. p. 271 .—The Regent's monument is yet entire and in good order. It 
stands in that part of St. Giles', now called the Old Church, (the former aisle 
being taken into the body of the church when it was lately fitted upj at the 
back of the pulpit, on the east side. At the top is the figure of an eagle, and 
below it 1570," the date of the erection of the monument. In the middle is a 
brass plate, on which the following ornaments and inscriptions are engraved : 
The family arms, with the motto, " Salus per Christum" (Salvation through 
Christ). On the one side of the arms, is a female figure with across and Bible, 
the word <; Religio" above, and below " Pietas sine vindice luget," (Piety 
mourns without a defender ;) on the other side, another female figure, in a 
mourning posture, with the head reclining on the hand, the word " Justicia" 
above, and below ''Jus exarniatura est" (Justice is disarmed.) Underneath 
s the following inscription or epitaph : 

23 Janvarlt 1569. 

jacobo • stovarto * moravle * comiti ' scotle ' 

proregi * viro " jetatis ' svm ' loxge * optimo 1 

ab • inimicis * omnis " memori/e * deterrimis ' 

ex * insidiis ' extincto * cev * patri * 

commvni ' patria ' mobrens ' posvit . 

To James Stuart. Earl of Murray, Regent of Scotland, by far 
the best man of his age, treacherously cut off by enemies of most 
detestable memory, his grieving country hath erected this monu- 
ment, as to a common father. 

Knox, among others, warned the Regent of the designs which his enemies 
had formed against his fife. " When the Mr. of Grahame come and drew 
him to Dumbartane, he planelie said to the Regent then, that it was onlie 
done for a trane be that meanis to cut him off, as it come to pas ; also when 
he was in Stirveling, being returned from Dumbartane, he sent me to my 
.adie the Regentis wyfe, tuo sundrie tymes. and desyrit her to signifie my lord 
her husband, that he suld not come to Lynlythgow. So that gif his counsal] 
bad belie followed, he had not died at that tyme. And my ladie the last tyme 



412 



NOTES. 



sent Mr. Jhone Wood, to desyre him to avoid Lynlythgow. But God thoeht 

vs not worthy of sic a rewlare above vs, and also he wald therby have the 
wickitnes of vtheris knawin, whilk then was hid; and therefore did God then 
tak him fra us. But lat the Hamiltonis, the Lard of Grange, with the rest of 
that factione, lay thair compt and recken thair advantage and wining since.** 
Bannatyne's Journal, p. 428, 429. The intrepidity of Murray prompted him 
to despise these prudential admonitions, and defeated the precaution of his 
friends. 

Mr. Scott has, by a poetical license, introduced the Reformer as present at 
Linlithgow, to grace the Regent's fall. 

From the wild Border's humbled side, 
In haughty triumph marched he, 
While Knox relaxed his bigot pride, 
And smil'd the traitorous pomp to see. 

Ballads and Lyrical Pieces, p. 32. Edin. 1810. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 

Note A. p. 284. — The Scottish Reformers never ascribed or allowed to 
civil rulers the same authority in ecclesiastical matters which the English did. 
In particular, they resisted from the beginning the claim of ecclesiastical su- 
premacy granted to the English monarchs. In the Booke of the Universall 
Kirk, we find that in Session 3d, July 7th, 1568, " It was declared and fund, 
that Thomas Bassendie, printer in Edinburgh, printed anebook, intituled the 
Fall of the Roman Kirk, nameing our King and Soveraigne supreame Head 
of the primitive Kirk. Also, that he had printit ane Psalme Book, in the end 
whereof was fund printed ane baudy song callit Wellcome Fortune ; whilk 
books he had printed without licence of the magistrat or revising of the Kirk : 
Therefore, the haill Assembly ordained the said Thomas, to call in againe all 
the forsaids books that he has sauld, and keep the rest unsauld untill he alter 
the foresaid title, and also that he delait the said baudy song out of the end of 
the Psalme Book; and farther, that he abstaine in all tyme coming from fur- 
ther printing any thing without licence of the supreame magistrate, and re- 
viseing of sic things as pertaine to religione be some of the Kirk appointit for 
that purpose. Attour, the Assemblie appointit Mr. Alexander Arbuthnot to 
revise the rest of the foresaid tractat, and report to the Kirk what doctrine 
he finds therein." Booke of the Universall Kirk, p. 100-101. The General 
Assembly were frequently occupied in settling the bounds between civil and 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and in March 1570-1, arranged the objects which 
pertained to the latter under six heads; including, among other things, the 
judgment of doctrine, administration of divine ordinances, the election, exa- 
mination, admission, suspension, &c. of ministers, and all cases of discipline. 
The following is the concluding article: " And because the conjunctioun of 
marriages pertaineth to the ministrie, the causis of adherents and divorcements 
aucht also to pertaine to thame, as naturallie annexit thairto.'' Booke of the 
Universall Kirk, p. 51. Actes of the Generall Assemblies, prefixed to The 
First and Second Booke of Discipline, printed anno 1621, p. 3, 4. 

On occasion of some encroachments made on the liberties of the church in 
1571, John Erskine ot Dun. superintendent of Angus and Mearns, addressed 
two letters to the Regent Mar. They are written in a very clear, spirited, and 
forcible style, contain an accurate statement of the essential distinction be- 
tween civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and should be read by all who wish 
to know the early sentiments of the Church of Scotland on this subject. See 
Bannatyne's Journal, p. 279-290. 

From the earliest period, the Church of Scotland adhered to the principle 
that ministers of religion should not hold civil offices. The first General As- 
sembly (Dec. 1560) agreed to petition the Estates, to " remove ministers from 
civil offices, according to the canon law. ' Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 
2. At the request of the Regent Mar, the assembly, or convention, which met 
at Leith in January, 1571-2, allowed Mr. Robert Pont, on account of his great 
knowledge of the laws, to act as a Lord of Session. Booke of the Universall 
Kirk, p, 54. But in March, 1572-3, the Regent Morton having laid before 
them a proposal for appointing some ministers Lords of Session, the Assem- 
bly " votit throughout, that naine was able nor apt to bear the saides twa 
charges. 1 ' They therefore prohibited any minister from accepting the place 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



413 



«f a senator ; from this inhibition they, however, excepted Pont. Ibid. p. 56. 
In 1584, Pont resigned his place as a Lord of Session, or rather was deprived 
of it, in consequence of the act of Parliament passed that year, declaring that 
none of the ministers of God's word and sacraments " in time cuming sail in 
ony waies accept, use, or administratony place of judicature, in quhatsumever 
civ'il or criminal causes, nocht to be of the Colledge of Justice. Commission- 
ers, Advocates, court Clerkes or Notaris in ony matteris (the making of tes- 
tamentes onely excepted.)" Skene's Acts, fol. 59. b." Edinburgh, 1597. Lord 
Hades' Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 5. and note 34. 

Note B. p. 293.— The following particulars refer to the time of Knox's 
residence at St. Andrew's. " This yeir in the moneth of July, Mr. Jhone 
Davidsone, an of our regents, maid a'pley at the marriage of Mr. Jhone Col- 
vin, quhilk I saw playit in Mr. Knox presence, wharin, according to Mr. 
Knox doctrine, the Castle of Edinburgh was besieged, takin, and the captin, 
with ane or twa with him, hangit in effigie," p. 24. This seems to have been 
an exercise among the students at the University. The following extract 
shews that the tine arts were not uncultivated, and that the professors and 
students attended to them in their recreations : " I learnit singing and pleying 
on instrument is passing weill, and wald gladlie spend tyme, whar the exercise 
thairof was within the collag; for twa or thrie of our condisciples pleyedfellin 
weill on the virginals, and another on the lut and githorn. Our Regent had 
also the pinalds in his chalmer, and lernit sum thing, and I efter him." Mel- 
ville adds, that his fondness for music was, at one period, in danger of draw- 
ing away his attention from more important studies, but that he overcame the 
temptation, p. 25. 

I may add an extract from the same Diary, relating an incident in the life 
of one who entertained a high respect for Knox, and afterwards became a dis- 
tinguished minister in the church. " The ordor of four kirks to a minister, 
then maid be the Erie of Morton, now maid Regent, against the quilk Mr. 
Jhone Davidsone. an of the regents of our collag, maid a buik called The Con- 
ference betwixt the Clark and the Courtier ; for the quhilk he was summoned 
befor the Justice Air at Haddinton this winter [1573] the lest of our course, 
and banished the countrey," p. 24. The General Assembly, in October 1577, 
presented a supplication to the Regent Morton, requesting: him to allow 
Mr. Davidson to return home from England. Booke of the Universall Kirk, 
p. 70. 

As the name of John Craig has been repeatedly introduced, and as he 
held the appointment of colleague to our Reformer, a short account of him 
will not be deemed uninteresting or out of place. He was born in the year 
1512, and soon after lost his father in the battle of Flodden. After finish- 
ing his education at the University of St. Andrew's, he went to England, where 
he became tutor to the family of Lord Dacres ; but war having" broken out 
between the two kingdoms, he returned to his native country, and entered 
into the order of Dominican friars. The Scottish clergy being at that time 
making strict inquisition for Lutherans, Craig fell under the suspicion of he- 
resy, and was thrown into prison ; but the accusation was found to be ground- 
less, and he was set at liberty. Although still attached to the Roman Catho- 
lic religion, the bigotry and licentiousness of the clergy so disgusted him at his 
native country, that he left it in 1537, and after remaining a short time in Eng- 
land, went to France, and from that to Italy. At the recommendation of 
Cardinal Pole, he was admitted among the Dominicans in the city of Bologna, 
and was soon raised to ah honourable employment in that body. In the li- 
brary of the Inquisition, attached to the monastery, he found a copy of Cal- 
vin's" Institutions, which he read ; and the consequence was, that he became 
a thorough convert to the reformed opinions. This change of sentiments, he 
could not refrain from imparting to his associates, and had not the friendship 
of a Father in the monastery saved him, he must have fallen a sacrifice to the 
vigilant guardians of the faith. The old man, who was a native of Scotland, 
advised him to retire immediately to some Protestant country, and with this 
prudent advice he complied so far as to procure his discharge' from the mo- 
nastery. 

On leaving Bologna, Craig became tutor in the family of a neighbouring 
nobleman, who had embraced Protestant principles ; but within a short time 
after, both he and his host were delated for heresy, seized by the officers of 
the Inquisition, and carried to Rome. After being confined nine months 
in a noisome dungeon. Craig was brought to trial, and, along with some 
others, condemned to be burnt, on the 20th of August, 1559. On the evening 



414 



N0TH3. 



preceding the day appointed for their execution, the reigning pontiff, Paul 
IV. died; and, according to an accustomed practice on such occasions, the 
prisons in Rome were all thrown open. While those who were confined for 
debt and civil offences were liberated, heretics, after being allowed to go with- 
out the walls of their prison, were conveyed back to their cells. A tumult, how- 
ever, having been raised that night in the city, Craig and his companions effect- 
ed their escape, and concealed themselves in a house at a small distance from 
Rome. They had not been long there when they were followed by a company 
of soldiers, sent to apprehend them. On entering the house, the captain, star- 
ing Craig in the face, took him aside, and asked him if he recollected of once 
relieving a poor wounded soldier in the vicinity of Bologna. Craig, in his con- 
fusion, admitted that he did not remember the circumstance. " But I remem- 
ber it," replied the captain, " and I am the man whom you relieved, and Pro- 
vidence has now put it in my power to return the kindness which you shewed 
to a distressed stranger. You are at liberty ; your companions I must take 
along with me, but, for your sake, shail shew them every favour in my power/ ' 
He then gave him what money he had upon him, with directions how to make 
his escape. 

The*e are not the only wonderful events in the life of Craig. " Another 
accident," says Archbishop Spotswood, " befell him, which I should scarcely 
relate, so incredible it seemeth, if to many of good place he himself had not 
often repeated it as a singular testimony of God's care of him. " In the course 
of his journey through Italy, while he shunned the public roads, and took a 
circuitous route to escape from pursuit, the money which he had received 
from the grateful captain failed him, and having laid himself down by the side 
of a wood to ruminate on his forlorn condition, he perceived a dog approach- 
ing him with a purse in its teeth. It occurred to him that it had been sent 
by some evil-disposed person who was concealed in the wood, and wished to 
entrap him into a quarrel. He theretore endeavoured to drive the ani- 
mal away, but as it continued to fawn upon him, he at last took the purse, 
and found in it a sum of money which enabled him to prosecute his journey. 
Having reached Vienna in safety, and announced himself as a Dominican, he 
was employed to preach before the Archduke of Austria, who afterwards wore 
the impei ial crown, under the title of Maximilian II. That prince, who was 
not unfriendly to religious reform, was so much pleased with the sermon, that 
he was desirous of retaining Craig ; but the new Pope, Pius IV. having heard 
of his reception in the Austrian capital, applied to have him sent back to 
Rome as a condemned heretic ; whereupon the Archduke dismissed him with 
a safe conduct. When he arrived in England, in 1560, and was informed of 
the establishment of the Reformed religion in his native country, he imme- 
diately repaired to Edinburgh, and was admitted to the ministry. Having in 
a great measure forgotten his native language during an absence of twenty- 
four years, he preached for a short time in Latin to some of the learned in 
Magdalene chapel. He was afterwards appointed minister of the parish of 
Canongate, where he had not officiated long, till he was elected colleague to 
Knox, as has been already stated. Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 47. 
Spotswood, p. 463-4. Row mentions that he had his information from several 
persons who had heard Craig himself relate the story, and particularly from his 
widow, " dame Craig," who survived her husband, and lived in Edinburgh until 
1630. Craig, upon his removal from Edinburgh, went to Montrose. After con- 
tinuing there two years he was removed to Aberdeen, and had the inspection 
of the churches in Buchan and Mar committed to him. In 1579, he was called 
to be the King's minister, which situation he held until his death. Spotswood, 
464. The General Assembly, July 1580, when informed of the choice which 
his Majesty had made, '* blessed the Lord, and praised the King for his zeal." 
Row's MS. Historie, 47 ; of copy in the Divinity Library, Edinburgh. In a 
paper given in by the King to the Assembly, 27th June 1591, it is said that 
" Mr. John Craig is awayting quhat hour it sail pleise God to call him, and is 
altogether unhabile to serve any longer." Booke of the Univ. Kirk. Petrie, 
h. 509. Spotswood says that he died at Edinburgh Dec. 12, 1600, in the 88th 
year of his age. A similar account is given by Row, who says that he re- 
ceived it " from the wife of Mr. Craig, who survived her husband a long time, 
living in Edinburgh until the year 1630, where she was well known under the 
name of Dame Craig." MS. Historie, ut supra, compared with a copy tran- 
scribed in 1726. Mr. Craig is well known as the person who drew up the Ca~ 
techism, appointed by the General Assembly to be used in churches and fa- 
milies, and the National Covenant, so frequently sworn and renewed in Scot- 
land. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



415 



Note C. p. 310.— Beza has inserted no verses to the memory of our Re- 
former, in the account which he has given of him in his Icones, id est, Verce 
Imagines Virorttm Doctrina simul et Pictate Illustrium, published by him 
in Latin, anno 1580. E e, iij. But " of this work, a French version was 
published under the title of Les Vrais Pourtraits cies Homines Blustres en 
Piete et Doctrine. Geneve, 1581, Mo. In the translation are inserted ori- 
ginal verses on Knox, &c." Irving's Memoirs of Buchanan, p. 234. Having 
never seen this translation, I cannot say whether the verses which it contains 
coincide with those which I am about to quoie, or not. 

Jacobus Verheiden published " Prasstantium aliquot Theologorum, qui 
Romas Antichristum oppugarant. Effigies, quibus addita eorum Elogia, libro- 
rumque Catalogi. Hag. Comit. 1602. A new edition of this was published by 
Fredencus Roth-Sholtz, under the title of " Jacobi Verheidenii Haga-Comi- 
tis Imagines et Elogia, &c. Hagas-Comitum, A°. 1725."' In this work the 
following lines are placed under the portrait of Knox : — 

Scottorum primum te Fcclesia, CXOXE, docentem. 
Audiit, auspiciis estque vedacta tuis. 
Nam te caelestis pietas super omnia traxit, 
Atque Reformatae Religionis amor. 

To thee, Knox, the Scottish Church listened as her first instructor, and 
under thy auspices was restored. For celestial piety, and love of the Re- 
funned religion, attracted thee above all things. 

To the account of his life and writings, in the same woik, is added an epi- 
gram, in Greek, and in Latin, which, according to a common custom in such 
compositions, consists of a play upon the sound of his name, and that of his 
country, in the way of contrast; representing Knox as driving the nocturncci 
crows, or Scotican sophists from Scotland. As the author informs us that, 
the Batavian youth amused themselves in making these epigrams, and thinks 
that some of them will amuse the reader, I shall not withhold this specimen 
in both languages. 

AAAce Ti ).vyp 'Ha; QiCyn «as|> z« xos- 
QvTtoj u-n KN0H02 Hk6tts,cu£ dvoQigous srs /rcQHrrcts 

Nocturnos corvos, noctem obscuramquo, volartes 

Mures, Aurora ut cetera dira fug.it ; 
Sic Cnoxvs Scoticos simul obscurosque sophistas 
Ex Scotica lucens ejicit hie t^atria. 

Verheidenii Imagines et Elogia, p. 69, 70. Hagas-Comitura, 1725. 

Davidson and Johnston both wrote verses to the memory of Knox; and in 
the Appendix will be found a long poem in the Scottish language, entitled, 
' k Ane brief Commendatioun of Vprichtness," also to the memory of our Re- 
former. 

Notes D. p. 311. and E. p. 316. — The slanders propagated by the Papists 
against our Reformer's character have been stated in Note P. Period Sixth. 
After the specimen there given, it will not be expected that I shall dwell upon 
the equally extravagant and incredible accounts which they circulated concern- 
ing the manner of his death. I shall, however, abridge the account of Archibald 
Hamilton, the original picture from which so many copies were taken. " The 
opening of his mouth (he says) was drawn out to such a length of deformity, 
that his face resembled that "of a dog, as his voice did the barking of that ani- 
mal. The voice failed from that tongue, w r hich had been the cause of so 
much mischief, and his death, most grateful to his country, soon followed. In 
his last sickness, he was occupied not so much in meditating upon death, as in 
thinking upon civil and worldly affairs. When a number of his friends, who 
held him in the greatest veneration, were assembled in his chamber, and an - 
xious to hear from him something tending to the confirmation ot his former 
doctrine, and their comfort, he perceived that his death approached, and that 
he could gain no more advance from the pretext of religion, disclosed to them 
the mysteries of that Savoy an art, ( Sabaudicce disciplines, magic,) which h*= 



416 



NOTES. 



had hitherto kept secret ; confessed the injustice of that authority which was 
then defended by arms against the exiled Queen, and declared manv things 
concerning her return, and the restoration of religion after his death. * One of 
the company who had taken the pen to record his dving sayings, thinking that 
he was in a delirium, desisted from writing, upon which Knox, with a stern 
countenance, and ^reat asperity of language, began to upbraid him. " Thou 
good for nothing man ! why dost thou leave off writing what my presaging 
mind foresees as about to happen in this kingdom ! Dost thou distrust me' 
Dost thou not believe that all which I say shall most certainly happen ? But 
that I may attest to thee and others how undoubted these things which I have 
just spoken are, Go out all of you from me, and I will in a moment confirm 
them all by a new and unheard-of proof.— They withdrew at length, though 
reluctantly, leaving only the lighted candles in the chamber, and soon return- 
ed, expecting to witness some prodigy : when they saw the lights extinguish- 
ed, and his dead body lying prostrate on the ground." Hamilton adds, that 
the spectators, after recovering from their astonishment, replaced the dead 
body in the bed, and entered into an agreement to conceal what they had wit- 
nessed ; but God, unwilling that such a document should be unknown, dis- 
closed it, "both by the amanuensis himself, [Robertus Kambel a Pinkin- 
cleugh,] soon after taken off by a similar death, and by others, although unwil- 
lingly, making clear confessions." DeConfusione Calvin. Sectce apud Scotos, 
fol. 66, 67. Those who have not access to the work itself, will find the origi- 
nal words extracted, although with some slight inaccuracies, by Mackenzie. 
Lives of Scottish Writers, iii. 131, 132. " All the rest of the Romish writers 
(says Mackenzie) insist upon such like ridiculous stories that are altogether 
improbable." Hamilton's fabrications gave occasion, however, to the publi- 
cation of that minute and satisfactory narrative of the last illness and death 
of Knox, drawn up by one who waited on him all the time, and added by Prin- 
cipal Smeton to the answer which he made to that virulent writer. See 
above, p. 297. Yet the Popish writers continued to retail Hamilton's story 
until a late period. It was published by Knot in his Froteatancy ConcLtmn- 
ed, Douay, 1654; and in The Politician's Catechism, printed at Antwerp, 
165S. Fermissu Superiorum. Those who wish to see the variations which 
it had undergone by that time, may be satisfied by looking into Strype's Life 
of Archbishop Parker, p. 367. 

" The miserable, horrible, detestable, and execrable deaths" of Luther, 
Calvin, and other heretics of that time, are particularly recorded by James 
Laing, in the work to which I have repeatedly referred. 

Note F. p. 326.— The two sons of our Reformer, Nathanael and Eleazar, 
were enrolled in the matriculation - book of the University of Cambridge, De- 
cember 2, 1572, eight days after their father's death. Nathanael, the eldest, 
was made Bachelor of Arts, anno 1576, admitted Fellow of St. John's College 
in 1577, made Master of Arts in 1580, and died the same year. Eleazar, the 
youngest son, was made Bachelor of Arts in 1577, admitted Fellow of St. 
John's College, March 22, 1579, made Master of Arts in 1581, was one of the 
preachers emitted by the University in 1587-8, made Vicar of Clacton- Magna, 
May, 1587, and created Bachelor of Divinity in 1588 : he died in 1591, and was 
buried in the chapel of St. John'p College, Cambridge. Newcourt s Repert. 
Lond. ii. 154. and Communications from Mr. Thomas Baker, apud Life of 
Knox, prefixed to his History of the Reformatioun, edit, anno 1732 p. xli. 

xlii The Assembly, considering that the trauelis of umqwhill John Knox, 

merits fauourably to be remembrit in his posteritie, Giues to Margaret Stew- 
art, his relict, and her three daughters of the said unquhiil Johne, the pen- 
sione qwhilk he himself had in his tyme of the Kirk; and that for the year 
next approachand, and following his deceis of the year of God 1573, to their 
education and support, extending toffyve hundred merks money, twa chalder 
wheit, sax chalder beir, four chalder eats. 

The Kirk requestit the kirk of Edinburgh to provyde and appoint some 
learnit, to support Richard Bannatyne to put John Knox historie, that is 
now in scrolls and papers, in good forme ; and because he is not able to await 
thereupone, upon his awne expenses, appoynts to him the soume of ffourty 
pound, to be payit of the 81 years cropt." Booke of the Univ. Kirk, p. 135. 
Peterkin's edition. 

Note G. p. 327. — Mr. Matthew Crawfurd, in his Life of Knox, prefixed 

to the edition of his Historie, printed in 1732, thinks it improbable that Mrs. 
Pont was a daughter of Knox by his second marriage ; " for no doubt," says 



PERIOD EIGHTH, 



417 



he, ** Mr, Pont was an old man, before any of that marriage could be of age.'* 
P. xlii. It is now ascertained that it wasZachary Pont, one of Robert's sons, 
that married Knox's daughter. The following clause respecting his family 
appears in his answer to Tyrie : " Let thy mercyfull providence luke upon 
my desolate bed-fellow, the frute of hir bosome, and my two deir children, 
Nathanael and Eleezer." From this it appears that the two sons mentioned 
were the only children which he had, besides those who were born to him by 
his second wife. At the end of the volume of MS. Letters, in my possession, 
this prayer is inserted (but evidently by a different hand) under the title of 
« k The last Will and Words of John Knox, at St. Andros, May 13, 1572. ' But 
in the preface to the publication above mentioned, he himself says—" 1 have 
added unto this preface a meditatioun or prayer thrawin furth of my sorrow- 
ful heart, and pronounced be my half dead toung, befoir 1 was compelled to 
leave my flocke of Edinburgh, who now ar dispersed, suffering ly till les cala- 
mine then did the faith full efter the persecution of Stephen." After the 
prayer is this date, " At Edinburgh the 12 of March 1865, i. e. 1566, according 
to the modern reckoning; from which it appears that this prayer was com- 
posed by him when he left Edinburgh, as related in p. 253. 

The name often occurs in the account of ecclesiastical transactions during 
the remainder of the sixteenth century. The writer of Additional Notes to 
Lord Hailes* Catalogue of the Lords "of Session, calls him, by mistake, " the 
first presbyterian minister of the West Kirk, p. 8. Edinburgh, 1798." Wil- 
liam Harlaw preceded him in that situation. Keith 498. At the request of 
the Regent Mar, the Assembly, or convention, which met at Leith in Janu- 
ary 1571-2, allowed Mr. Robert Pont, on account of his great knowledge of 
the laws, to act as a Lord of Session. Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 54. 
But in March 1572-3, the Regent Morton having laid before them a proposal 
for appointing some ministers Lords of Session, the Assembly " votit through- 
out that naine was able nor apt to bear the saides twa charges." They there- 
fore inhibited any minister from accepting the place of a Senator ; from this 
inhibition they however excepted Mr. Pont. Ibid. p. 56. He was commis- 
sioner of Murray, and provost of Trinity College, Edinburgh. Upon the death 
of the Earl of March, James VI. offered him the bishopric of Caithness, but 
he declined accepting it. Keith's Scottish Bishops, 129. He was the author 
of several publications, besides the Sermons "against Sacrilege" repeatedly 
mentioned. 

The time of his death, and his age, appear from the following inscription 
on his tombstone, in St. Cuthbert's church-yard. 

II Ie ego Robertus Pontanus, in hoc prope sacra 
Christi qui fueram pastor gregis, auspice Christo, 
£ teniae hie recubans exspecto resurgere vitae. 

Obiit octavo die mensis Maii, Anno D. 160S. ^tatis 81. 

Maitiand's History of Edinburgh, 178, 179. 

Note H. jr. 328 —While in France, Mr. Welch applied himself with such 
industry to the acquisition of the language, that he was able, in the course of 
fourteen weeks, to preach in French, and was chosen minister to a Protestant 
congregation at Nerac, from which he was transferred to St. Jean d Angely, 
a town in Lower Charente. War having broken out between Lewis XIII. 
and his Protestant subjects, St. Jean d Angely was besieged by an army com- 
manded by the King in person. Welch, whose courage seemed equal to his 
learning, not only animated the citizens to a vigorous resistance by T his exhor- 
tations, but he took his post on the walls, and gave his assistance to the garri- 
son. The town at length capitulated in consequence of a treaty, and the King 
being displeased that Welch preached during his residence in it, sent the 
Duke d'Espernon with a detachment of soldiers, to take him from the pulpit. 
When the preacher perceived the duke enter the church, he ordered his hear- 
ers to make room for the marshal of France, and desired him to sit down and 
hear the word of God, which his Grace did, and listened to the sermon with 
great attention. He then brought Welch before his Majesty, who asked him, 
how he durst preach there, since it was contrary to the laws of the kingdom 
for any Protestant to officiate in places where the Court resided. " Sir," re- 
plied Welch, " if your Majesty knew what I preached, you would not only 
come and hear it yourself, but make all France hear it ; for I preach not as 
those men you use to hear. First, I preach that you must be saved by the 
merits of Jesus Christ, and not your own ; and I am sure your conscience tells 
you that your good works will never merit heaven. Next, I preach, that, as 

2 E 



418 



NOTES. 



you are King of France, there is no man on earth above you ; but these men 
whom you hear, subject you to the Pope of Rome, which I will never do.' 
Pleased with this reply, Lewis said to him, He bien, vous seriex tnon mmis- 
tre ; " Very well ; you shall be my minister ;" and addressing him by the title 
of Father, assured him of his protection. And he was as good as his word ; 
for St. Jean d'Angely being reduced by the Royal forces in 1621, the King 
gave directions to De Vitry, one of his generals, to take care of his minister ; 
in consequence of which Welch and his family were conveyed, at his Majes- 
ty's expense, to Rochelle. History of Mr. John Welch, p. 31-33. Edinburgh, 
1703. Characteristics of Eminent Ministers, subjoined to Livingston's Lite: 
Art. John Welch. Mr. Livingston received his account of the above trans- 
actions in France, from Lord Kenmure, who resided in Mr. Welch's house. 
The author of the History of Welch,, says, that he received his information 
from the personal acquaintances of that minister. That work was drawn up 
by Mr. James Kirkton, who married a descendant of Knox, and consequently 
a relation of Mrs. Welch. 

Note I. p. 331.— In the Preface to the Gentill Reidare prefixed to Knoxe's 
Histoi ie, edit. 1732, we find that the Protestants were determined, for their own 
vindication, to publish a narrative of their proceedings, after they had come to 
an open breach with the Queen- Regent. The confusions produced by the civil 
wax prevented them from executing this resolution at the time intended, and 
the object originally in view was in part answered by occasional proclamations 
which they had been obliged to make, and by answers whim they had publish- 
ed to proclamations issued by the Regent. The design was not, however, 
laid aside ; and the person to whom the compilation was committed conti- 
nued the narrative. The book which is placed second in the printed History 
was first composed. The third book was next composed, and contains a cir- 
cumstantial account of the steps taken by the Congregation to obtain assist- 
ance from England, which it was judged imprudent to disclose when the for- 
mer book was drawn up. It brings down the history to Queen Mary's arrival 
in Scotland. The book which occupies the first place in the printed History 
was composed after these, and intended as an introduction to them, bringing 
down the history from the first dawn of the Reformation in Scotland to 1558. 
See Preface to the Gentill Reidare, ut supra. The publication being still 
delayed, the fourth book was added, which contains the history of ecclesias- 
tical transactions from the arrival of Mary to the end of 1564. The first and 
fourth books were composed during the years 1566, 1567, and 1568. Historie, 
pp. 86, 108, 282. Some additions were made to the fourth book so late as 
1571. Ibid. p. 338. The fifth book in the printed history is not found in any 
of the ancient MSS. It was added by David Buchanan, but whether he pub- 
lished it from an oid MS. or compiled it himself, cannot now be ascertained. 

The History was composed by one person, (Preface, ut supra,) and there 
is no reason for doubting that Knox was the author. In a letter which he 
wrote on the 23d of October, 1559, he mentions the design of publishing it. 
Keith, Append, p. 30. The English ambassador, Randolph, says, in a letter 
to Cecil, dated Edinburgh, 23d September, 1560, " I have tawlked at large 
with Mr. Knox concernynge hys Historie. As mykle as ys wrytten thereof 
shall be sent to your honour, at the comynge of the Lord s embassadors, by 
Mr. John Woode : He hath wrytten only one booke. If yow lyke that, he 
shall contynue the same, or addie onie more. He sayethe, that he must have 
farther helpe than is to be had in this coimtrie, for more assured knouledge 
of thyngs passed, than he hath hymself, or can com bye here : yt is a worke 
not to be neglected, and greatly to be wyshed that yt sholdebe well handled.'* 
Life of the Author, p. xliii. prefixed to Knox's Historie, edit. 1732. From a 
letter written by Knox to Mr. John Wood, and dated Feb. 14, 1568, it ap- 
pears that he had come to the resolution of withholding the History from the 
public during his life. See Appendix. The important light in which he 
considered the work, appears from the way in which he expressed himself in 
April, 1571, when he found that the state of his health would not permit him 
to finish it. " Lord, provyde for thy flocks trew pastouris ; rease thou up the 
spretis of some to observe thy notable workis, fay thfullie to commit the same to 
writ, that the prosperities [posterities] to come may praise thy holie name, for 
the great graces plentyfullie powred foorth upon this vnthankfulgeneratione. 
Jhone Knox trusting end of trawell." Bannatyne's Journal, p. 129. He did 
not, however, desist altogether from the prosecution of the work. It appears 
from two letters of Alexander Hay, clerk to the privy council, written in 
December, 1571, that the Reformer had applied to him for papers to ass\st 
nun in the continuation of his History. The papers which Hay proposed to 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



419 



send him related to the years 1567—1571, a period which the printed history 
does not reach. Bannatyne, pp. 274—302. 

The following petition, presented by Bannatyne to the first General As- 
sembly which met after our Reformer's death, with the act of Assembly 
relating to it, gives the most satisfactory information respecting the His- 
tory. " Unto your Wisdoms humbly means and shows, I, your servitor 
Richard Bannatyne, servant to your unquhill most dearest brother John 
Knox of worthy memory : That where it is not unknown to your Wisdoms, 
that he left to the kirk and town of Edinburgh his history, containing 
in effect the beginning and progress of Christ's true religion, now of God's 
great mercy established in this realm ; wherein he hath continued and 
perfectly ended at the year of God 1564. So that of things done sinsyne, 
nothing be him is put in that form and order that he has put the former. 'Yet 
not the less there are certain scrolls and papers, and minuts of things, left 
to me by him, to use at my pleasure, whereof a part were written and subscri- 
bed by his own hand, and another be mine at his command, which if they 
were collected and gathered together, would make a sufficient declaration of 
the principal things that have occurred since the ending of his former history, 
at the year foresaid ; and so should serve for stuff and matter, to any of under- 
standing and ability in thac kinde of exercise, that would apply themselves to 
make a history, even unto the day of his death. But for so meikle as the said 
scrolls are so intacked and mixed together, that if they should come in any 
hands not used nor accustomed with the same, as I have been, they should 
altogether lose and perish : And seeing also I am not able, on my own costs 
and expenses, to apply myself and spend my time to put them in order, which 
would consume a very long time ; much less am I able to write them, and 
put them in register, as they require to be, without your wisdoms make some 
provision for the same : Wherefore I most humbly request your wisdoms, 
That 1 may have some reasonable pens on appointed to me by your wisdoms 
discretion, that thereby 1 may be more able to await and attend upon the 
samine : lest these things, done by that servant of God dear to you all, should 
perish and decay, which they sha'll do indeed, if they be not put in register, 
which I will do" willinglie, if your wisdoms would provide, as said is. And 
your wisdoms answer," &c. To this supplication the Assembly gave the fol- 
lowing answer : — " The Assembly accepted the said Richard's offer, and re- 
quest the kirk of Edinburgh, to provide and appoint some learned men, to 
support Richard Bannatyne, to put the said history, that is now in scrolls and 
papers, in good form, with aid of the said Richard. And because he is not 
able to await thereon, upon his own expences, appoints to him the sum of 
forty pounds, to be payd of the 1572 years crope, be the collectors under* 
written, viz. the collector of Lothian," Fife, Angus, and the West, Galloway, 
and Murray, every one of them to pay six pound thirteen shillings four pen- 
nies of the said crope ; and it shall be allowed to them in count, they bring- 
ing the said Richard's acquittance thereupon." Life of the Author, p. xliv. 
xlv. prefixed to Historic, edit. 1732. Booke of Univ. Kirk, p. 56. 

Note K. p. 331.— The following Catalogue of the Reformer's Works 
will, I trust, be found more correct and complete than any one which has 
hitherto appeared. The titles have been accurately copied'from the books 
themselves, when I could possibly procure them, and'attheendof each I have 
mentioned where a copy may be "seen. For such as I could not get access to 
I have had recourse to the best authorities, as marked after each article. I 
have also noticed those of which there are copies in the MS. volume in my 
possession. 

I. ** An admonition, or warning, that the faithful Christians in London, 
Newcastel, Barwycke and others, may avoide God's vengeance both in thys 
.ifeandin the life to come. Compyled by the servaunt of God, John Knokes." 
A cut of Truth, poor woman, handcuffed and fastened in the stocks, with a 
halter about her neck, held by Tyrrannve, on the one hand ; while Crueltye, 
with a cornered cap, is threatening hes'with a rod, on the other. Benea'th 
the cut, The persecuted speaketh— 

u I fear not death, nor passe not for bands : 

Only in God put I my whole trust, 

For God -will requyre my blod at your hands, 

And this I know that once dye I must, 

Only for Chryst, my lyfe if I give : 

Death is no death, but a mean for to leyve." 

Under these verses, in ancient writing, " John Fry the boke Red and send yt 



420 



NOTES. 



agayne." E. in eights. M From Wittonburge by Nicholas Dorcastor. Anno 
M.d.liiii. the viii of May. Cum Frivilegio ad imprimendum solum." W. 
H. (Ames by Herbert, p. 1576.) sixteens. Comp. Tanneri Bibliotheca Bri- 
tannico-Hibernica, p. 400. See Life, p. 79, note t- 

2. " A faythfull admonition made by John Knox, unto the professours of 
God's truthe in England, whereby thou mayest learne howe God wyli have 
his churche exercised with troubles, and how he defendeth it in the same. 
Esaie ix. After all this shall not the Lordes wrath ceasse, but yet shall hys 
hande be stretched out styll. Ibidem. Take hede that the Lorde roote thee 
not out both headeand tayle in one daye." 

On the back of title : " The epistle of a banyshed manne out of Leicester- 
shire, sometime one of the preachers of Goddes worde there, to the Christen 
reader wysheth health, deliveraunce, and felicitie." 

" Imprynted at Kalykow the 20 daye of Julii 1554. Cum gratia et privile- 
gio ad Imprimendum solum." French black letter, extends to I. and makes 
63 leaves. Advocates' Library. A copy of this in MS. Vol. 

3. " A godly letter sent to the faythefull in London, Newcastell, Barwyke, 
and to all other within the realme of Englande, that love the coming of our 
Lorde Jesus by Jhon knox. Matth. x. He that continueth unto the ende 
shall be saved. Imprinted in Rome, before the Castel of S. Aungel, at the 
signe of Sainct Peter. In the moneth of July, in the yeare of our Lord 
1554." D. 28 leaves, Fr. bl. letter. Advocates' Library. A copy in MS. 
Vol. 

4. " A confession and declaratiS of praiers added therunto, by Jhon Knox, 
minister of christes most sacred Evangely, upon the death of that moste fa- 
mous King Edward the VI. kynge of Englande, Fraunce, and Ireland, in 
which confession, the sayde Jhon doth accuse no lesse hys owne offences, then 
the offences of others, to be the cause of the awaye takinge of that moste 
godly prince, nowe raininge with Christ whyle we abyde plagues for our un- 
thafulnesse. Imprinted in Rome, before the Castel of S. Aungel, at the signe 
of Sainct Peter. In the moneth of July, in the yeare i of our Lorde, 1554." 
C. 19 leaves. Fr. black letter. Advocates' Library. 

The " Confession" is inserted in Note G. Period Third. The "Declar- 
ation of Praiers" is in MS. Vol. see Note D. Period Second. Another edi- 
tion was licensed 1580, see Ames, p. 1146. 

5. " The Copie of a Letter sent to the ladye Mary Dowagire, Regent of 
Scotland, by John Knox, in the yeare 1556. Here is also a notable Sermon, 
made by the sayde John Knox ; wherein is evidentlye proved that the masse 
is, and alwayes hath ben abhominable before God, and idolatry e. Scrutamini 
Scripturas." (In sixty- four leaves, black letter,) 16mo. 

" After that letter to Queen Mary, exhorting her to reform her church 
and prelates, follows the said Sermon, or Confession, which Knox, on the 4th of 
April 1550, made before the council, &c. among whom was present the Bishop 
of Durham, and his doctors ; wherein our said author maintained the mass to 
be idolatry. And the whole concludes with his Declaration of the opinion we 
Christians have of the Lord's Supper." Catalogue of Pamphlets in the Har- 
leian Library, Number iv. 105. Ames (p. 1587) introduces this book as print- 
ed in 1556, but without alleging any authority; and (p. 1834) be speaks of the 
Sermon against the Mass as printed in 1550, for which he quotes T. Baker s 
Maunsell, p. 101. All the tracts mentioned in this article are in MS. Vol. 

6. " Ane exposition upon the syxth Psalme of David, wherein is declared 
hys crosse, complayntes, and prayers, moste necessarie too be red of all them, 
for their singular comforte, that vnder the banner of Christeare by Satan as- 
saulted, and feel the heauye burthen of synne, with which they are oppressed. 
ggtT The paciente abydinge of the sore afflicted was neuer yet confounded," 
ends on the reverse of the last leaf of F. On G begins, " A comfortable 
Epistell sente to the afflicted church of Chryst, exhortynge the to beare hys 
erosse with paciece, lokyng euery houre for hys commynge agayne to the greate 
comfort and consolation of hys chosen, with a prophecy of ye destruction of 
the wycked. Whereunto is joyned a most wholesome counsell, howe to be- 
haue ourselues in the myddes of thys wycked generacion touching the daily 
exercise of God's most holy and sacred worde. Wrytten by the man of God, 
J. K." In the same volume, are two tracts by " Gracious Menewe," the first 
on " Auricular Confession," and the second, " Of the Communion in both 
kyndes." It has been conjectured that Knox wrote these under a fictitious 
name. 

7. " The Copie of a Lettre delivered to the ladie Marie, Regent of Scotland, 
from Johne Knox, minister of Goddes worde, in the yeare of our Lord 1556, 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



421 



and nowe augmented and explained by the author in the yeare of our Lord 
1558." Device: two arches, one narrow, the other broad ; over the narrow 
one is a crown of laurel, over the broad one flames of fire, with this motto 
about them, " Enter in at the streit gate : for wide is the gate, andbrode is the 
wave, that leadeth to destruction, Matth. vii." Printed at Geneva, by James 
Po'llain, and Antonie Rebul. m.d.lviii. D, extends to 28 leaves. Rom. 
Letter, 16mo. Advocates' Library. 

8. The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regiment of 
Wemen. Veritas temporis filia. m.d.lviii. 56 leaves, Rom. Letter. Advo- 
cates' Library. 

9. '* The Appellation of John Knoxe from the cruell and most unjust sen- 
tence pronounced against him by the false bishoppes and clergie of Scotland, 
with his supplication and exhortation to the nobilitie, estates, and comunalitie 
of the same realme. Printed at Geneva m.d.lviii." The Appellation is ad- 
dressed " To the nobilitie and estates of Scotlad" only; the epistle " To his 
beloved brethren the comunalitie of Scotlad" annexed, begins at folio 47 
and concludes at folio 59, " Be witness, to my Appellation. — From Geneva, 
the 14 of July, 1558. Your brother to commaunde in godlines, John Knoxe." 
On the back of which leaf begins : " An admonition to England and Scotland 
to call them to repentance, written by Antoni Gilby." On the back of leaf 
78, Psalme of David xciii turned into metre by W. Kethe, ends on first page 
of folio 80— Rom. Letter, l6mo. Advocates' Library. It is a mistake to sup- 
pose that " Antoni Gilby" was a fictitious name assumed by Knox. Gilby 
was a member of the English church at Geneva. (See p. 107.) Ames men- 
tions several publications by him. See also Tanneri Bibliotheca, p. 318- 

10. " The copie of his (John Knox's) epistle, sent unto Newcastle and Bar- 
wick. (This was, perhaps, another edition of No. 3.) Also a briefe exhor- 
tation to Englande for the speedy embracing of Christes gospell, heretofore 
by the tyranny of Mary suppressed. Prin. at Geneva, 1559." Maunsell, p. 
€5. With a catalogue of Martyrs, 16mo. Ames, p. 1600. Comp. Tanner, 
p. 460. 

11. " An Answer to a great number of blasphemous cauillations written by 
an Anabaptist, and adversarie to God's eternal Predestination ; and confuted 
by Iohn Knox, minister of God's worde in Scotland : Wherein the Author 
so discouereth the craft and falshode of that sect, that the godly, knowing that 
error, may be confirmed in the treuth by the euident worde of God. Prov. 
xxx. There is a generatiS that are pure in their owne coceit, and yet are 
not washed from their filthines. Printed by Iohn Crespin, m.d.lx." Rom. 
Letter, 454 pages. Advocates' Library. Another edition licensed 1580, and 
again printed in 1591. See Ames, p. 1196, 1254, 1263. 

12. " Heir folio weth the coppie of the ressoning which wasbetuix the Ab- 
bote of Crosraguell and John Knox in Mayboill concerning the Masse, in the 
yeare of God, a thousand five hundreth thre scoir and two yeares. Apocalips 
xxii. For I protest, &c. Imprinted at Edinburgh by Robert Lekpreuik, 
and are to be solde at his hous, at the nether bow. Cum privilegio, 1563." 
The running title is " The ressoning betwix Jo. Knox and the Abbote of 
Crossraguell." In the library of Alexander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck. 
See p. 219, 220. 

13. " A Sermon preached by John Knox, minister of Christ Jesus, in the 
publique audience of the church of Edenbrough, within the realme of Scot- 
land, upon Sonday the 19 of August, 1565. For the which the said John 
Knoxe was inhibite preaching for a season, 1 Tim. iv. The time is come that 
men cannot abyde the sermon of veritie, nor holsome doctrine. To this is 
adjoyned an exortation unto all the faithfull within the sayde realme, for the 
reliefe of such as fay th fully trauayle in the preaching of Gods word. Writ- 
ten by the same John Knbxe, at the commandment of the ministrie afore- 
said." 49 leaves ; and 11 more, " Of the superintendents to the faithfull." 
No name of place, nor printer. Sixteens. Ames, p. 1488-89. Tanner, p. 460. 

14'. " To his loving brethren whome God ones gloriously gathered in the 
church of Edinburgh, and now are dispersed for tryall of our faith, &c. Johne 
Knox. Imprented at Strivilingbe Robert Lekpreuik. Anno Do. m.d.lxxi." 
Rom. Letter, 4 leaves, 16mo. Advocates' Library. 

15. " An Answer to a Letter of a Jesuit named Tyrie, be Johne Knox. 
Proverbs xxvi. Answer not a foole according to his foolishnes, least thou be 
lyke him : answer a foole according to his foolishness, least he be wise in his 
owe coseat. The contrarietie appearing at the first sight betwix thir twa sen- 
tecis, stayit, for a tyme, baith heart to meditate and hand to wryte any thing 
cotrair that blasphemous letter. But when, with better mynd, God gave me 



422 



NOTES. 



to considder, that whosoever opponis not him self bouldly to blasphemy and 
manifest leis, differis lytill fra traitouris : cloking and fostering, so far as in 
them ly, the treasoun of tratouris, and dampnable impietie of those, against 
whome Gods just vengeance mon burne without end, unless spedie repent- 
ace follow: To quyet therefore my owne conscience, I put hande to the pen 
as followeth : — Imprentit at Sanctandrois be Robert Lekpruik, Anno Do. 
1572."— " Jhone Knox, the servand of Jesus Christ, now wearie of the world, 
and daylie luiking for the resolution of this my earthly tabernakle, to the 
faithful," &c. 3 pages. The Prayer, 3 pages, concludes, " Now, Lord, put an 
end to my miserie. At Edinburgh the 12 day of Marche 1565"— on next page 
begins " An Answer," &c. At the end " Of Edinburgh the 10 day of Au- 
gust, Anno Do. 1568." Next " To the Faithfull Reader"— ends For as 
the worlde is wearie of me : so am I of it. Of Sanctandrois the 12 of Julii 
1572. Johne Knox. Followeth the letter as it past from my hand at Diep the 
20 Julii 1554. To his loving Mother, &c." (This letter is in MS. Vol.) In 
all 45 leaves. Rom. Letter. Advocates' Library. 

16. " A Fort for the Afflicted. Wherein are ministred many notable and 
excellent remedies against the stormes of tribulation : Written chiefly for the 
comforte of Christes little flocke, which is the small number of the iaithfull, 
by John Knoxe. John xvi. 23." This is an exposition upon the 6th Psalm. 
It has prefixed, an epistle " To the Religious Reader by Abr. Flemming. ' — 
" To his beloved mother J. K. sendeth greeting in the Lorde." At the end 
js " A comfortable epistle sent to the afflicted churche of Christ, exhorting 
them to beare his crosse with patience, &c. Written at Deepe31 May 1544." 
F 4, in eights. W. H. (Ames, p. 1118.) Tanner, (p. 460.) says it was 
printed " Lond. 1580." Both the Eposition and Epistle are in MS. Vol. 

17. " Sermon on Ezekiel ix. 4. printed anno 1580." See a Catalogue of 
Writers on O. and N. Test. p. 107. Lond. 1663. 

18. " A Notable and Comfortable exposition of M. John Knoxesupon the 
fourth of Matthew, concerning the tentations of Christ. First had in the 
public church, and afterwards written for the comfort of certaine private 
friends, and now published in print for the benefit of all that fear God. At 
London, printed by Robert Waldegrave for Thomas Man, dwelling in Pater- 
noster Row, at the signe of the Talbot." Advocates' Library. MS. 

The words in Italics are supplied, the copy being torn in these places. The 
book is dedicated by " Johne Fielde," the publisher, to " the vertuous and 
my very godly friend Mres Anne Provze of Exeter," who was the widow of 
" M. Edward Derring," a celebrated non-conformist. Field was also a noted 
Puritan. See Bancroft's Dangerous Positions, b. iii. chap. 1-5. Field had 
received the MS. from Mrs. Prouze. At the end of the dedication is " Lon- 
don, the first day of the first moneth in the year 1583." The book consists of 
24 leaves. 

19. " The Historie of the Church of Scotland." Imperfect, beginning with 
p. 17. " By these articles, which God of his merciful providence causeth 
the enemies of his truth to keep in their registers, &c." and ending with M 
m, p. 560. " For we judge it a thing most contrarious to reason, godlynes, and 
equitie, that the widow and the children of him who in ;" being part of " the 
fift head" of the First Book of Discipline. 8vo. Advocates' Library. This 
edition is very rare, and none of the copies which have been seen are more 
complete than that which has been just described. 

The following extracts give the best account which we have of the printing 
of this edition, and the cause of its imperfection. " February 1586, Vaultrol- 
lier the printer, took with him a copy of Mr. Knox's History to England, and 
printed twelve hundred of them ; the stationers, at the Archbishop's command, 
seized them, the 18 of February." Calderwood's MS. apud Life of Knox, p. 
45, prefixed to edition of Hist. Edin. 1732. " If you ever meet with the His- 
tory of the Church of Scotland penned by Mr. Knox, and printed by Vau- 
trollier, read the pages quoted here in the margent." Bancroft's Survey, 
(originally printed about 1593,) republished 1663, p. 37. 

In 1644, David Buchanan published his edition of Knox's History at Lon- 
don, in folio, which was reprinted the same year at Edinburgh in 4to. It 
would appear from Milton's words, formerly quoted, (p. 378,) that the publi- 
cation of this edition had been opposed, and that it was in danger of being 
suppressed as well as the former. The editor prefixed a Preface concerning 
*he antiquity of the Scots, and a Life of Knox, both of which were written by 
himself. He modernized the language of the History ; but not satisfied with 
this, he also altered the narrative, by excluding some parts of it, and making 
interpolations of his own. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



423 



At length a genuine and complete edition of the History, as written by 
Knox, was published, under the following title : " The Historie of the Refor- 
tnatioun of Religioun within the Realm of Scotland, conteining the Manner 
and be quhat Persons the Lycht of Chrystis Evangell has bein manifested unto 
this Realme, after that hor/ibill and universal Defectioun from the Treuth, 
whiche has come by the Means of that Romane Antichryst. Together with 
the Life of Johne Knoxe the Author, (by Mr. Matthew Crawford) and se- 
veral curious pieces wrote by him; particularly that most rare and scarce one 
entitled, The Fiitt Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regiment 
of Women, and a large Index and Glossary. Taken from the Original Ma- 
nuscript in the University Library of Glasgow, and compared with other an- 
cient Copies." Folio. Edinburgh, 1732. 

The appearance of this edition removed all the doubts which had been en- 
tertained as to Knox having written the History of the Reformation. It is 
the only one which deserves to be consulted, if we except the imperfect edi- 
tion. It has now become rare ; and if another impression of it should be un- 
dertaken, I have no doubt that it might be made more correct, as several 
errors appear in it, which have arisen, most probably, from the transcriber 
being imperfectly acquainted with the old hand-writing. The reader should 
observe that the Fifth Book is not in the old MSS. but was added by the edi- 
tors from D. Buchanan's edition ; and there is no reason to think that it was 
composed by Knox. Those who wish a particular account of the variations 
between the edition of 1644, and that of 1732, are referred to Mr. Wodrow's 
Letter to Bishop Xicolson, a part of which is inserted by the latter, in his 
Scottish Hist. Library, p. 139-141. Lond. 1736, and the whole of it by Mr. 
Matthew Crawford, in his Life of Knox above mentioned. 

Besides the above publications, which were all undoubtedly composed by 
our Reformer, there are others ascribed to him upon more dubious grounds. 
Bale, in his Scrip. Maj. Brit. post. pars. art. Knoxus, and Verheiden and 
Melchior Adam, upon his authority, appear, in several instances, to have given 
different names to the same tract. They mention among his printed works 
" In Genesen Consciones." We know that he preached sermons on Genesis 
at Franckfort, (p. 83.) and it is not unlikely that he continued to do so at 
Geneva. Bale, nearing of these, might think that they were published. Bi- 
shop Tanner has enumerated among his works, " Exposition on Daniel. Mal- 
burg. m.d.XXIX. 8vo." Bibliotheca, p. 460. As he mentions the place and 
year of printing, more credit is due to his account ; but there is evidently a 
mistake in the year, for Knox had not at that time begun to write. It may 
however be an error of the press for a later year. We have seen 'p. 2S0.; 
that he preached on Daniel, at St. Andrew's. 

Another work, published during the reign of Queen Mary, entitled " The 
Huntyng of the Romish Woulfe," is alleged to have been uslrered into the 
world with a preface written by Knox. Of this tract a new edition was print- 
ed in the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, under the title of 4i The Hunting 
of the Fox and the Wolfe, because they make hauocke of the sheepe of Christ 
Jesus." This edition is introduced with a preface by an anonymous author, 
" To all my faithful Brethren in Christ Jesu, and to all other "that labour to 
weede-out the weedes of poperie," &c The writer of the preface is very se- 
vere against the rehcs of Popery retained in the worship of the Church of 
England by the Act of Uniformity. " My good fathers and deare Brethren, 
who are first called to ye battel to" strive for God's glory and the edificatio of 
his people, againste the Romish reliques, and rags of Antichriste, I doubt not 
but that you will courageouslye and constatly in Christ, rap at these rages of 
God's enemies, and that you will by this occasiS race vp many as great enor- 
mities, that we al know and labour to race out al the dregs "and remnats of 
transformed poperie, that are crept into England, by too much lenetie of the 
that will be named the Lords of the clergie," &c. This preface has been as- 
cribed to our Reformer. " So far," says Herbert, " as one may be allowed 
to guess at the author by the style, &c. I am inclined to believe' this address 
was written by John Knox, who for magnanimity, courage, and zeal for God's 
glory, was at least equal to any of our Reformers."' This surmise is in some 
measure supported by the cut "of Truth, &c. at the end of this tract ; the same 
as prefixed to that author's Admonition or warning, &c. as p. 1576, except 
only the name of Sutleti being here given to the figure there inscribed 
Crueltye. Herbert's edition of Ames. pp. 1605, 1606. 

I have not introduced into this catalogue the Form of Excommunication 
which was wholly, nor the Treatise of Fasting with the Letter added to it, 
which was chiefly, composed by Knox, nor any other of the public papers in 



424 



NOTES. 



which he had a hand, hut which were published in the name of the General 
Assembly. 

In an epistle to the Reader contained in his Answer to Tyrie, Knox men- 
tions that he had beside him a collection of letters which he had written to 
Mrs. Bowes, which he was prevented from publishing, merely by inability. 
It also appears from Field's Dedication prefixed to the Exposition of the 
Fourth of Matthew, (see p. 314.) that a number of our Reformer's manu- 
scripts were in circulation both in England and Scotland. I have in my pos- 
session a manuscript volume, containing tracts and letters written by him 
between 1550 and 1558* This is unquestionably the identical volume which 
formerly belonged to the Rev. Mr. Wodrow, (author of the History of the 
Sufferings of the Church of Scotland), and described under the name of the 
Quarto volume of MS S. in Crawfurd' s Life of Knox, p. 53, 54. prefixed to the 
edition of his Historie published in 1732. It consists of 518 pages, including 
the contents. On the leaf at the beginning of the volume is this title : " The 
Epistles of Mr. John Knox, worthy to be read because of the authority of the 
wryter, the solidity of the matter, and the comfortable Christian experience 
to be found therein. Edr. 22, feb. 1683. H. T. m. p." Below, in a hand con- 
siderably older,, are these words : " This booke belong'd sometyme to Marga- 
ret Stewart, widow to Mr. Knox, afterward married to the knight of fawdone- 
syde. Sister shee was to James Earl of Arran." Then follow the six tracts 
described by Mr. Crawfurd, in the place above referred to. At the beginning 
of the Letters, in a hand older than the former, and the same with that in 
which the Letters themselves are written, is this title : " Certane epistillis 
and letters of ye servand of God, Johne Knox, send from dyvers places to his 
friendis and familiaris in Jesus Chryst.'' On the margin of the tracts are se- 
veral short notes by the transcriber, referring to his own times, such as this, 
" our care at this day in Scotland, 1603." This ascertains the date of their tran- 
scription ; and I think it highly probable that they were copied by Mr. John 
Welch, a son-in-law of the Reformer, one of whose letters is inserted on some 
blank leaves in the middle of the volume. The letters have evidently been 
written by the same person (although the hand appears older ;) and on the 
margin of a treatise at the end of them, "1603" occurs. Margaret Stewart, 
the Reformer's relict, was alive about the end of the 16th century ; but whe- 
ther the manuscript in my possession belonged to her, or be considered as a 
transcript from hers, there can be no doubt of its antiquity and genuineness. 
I have found, upon examination, that all the six tracts in the beginning of 
the volume have been published ; but as the manuscript is more correct than 
any of the printed editions which I have seen, have generally followed it in 
the extracts. The letters are forty-three in number, besides the letter to the 
Queen- Regent, the Discourse on the Temptation of Christ, and the Addi- 
tions to the Apology of the Parisian Protestants, which are inserted among 
them. Two of the letters have also been published, and are noticed in Nos. 
15 and 16 of this Catalogue : the remainder, as far as 1 can learn, never ap- 
peared in print. They consist chiefly of religious advices to the friends with 
whom he corresponded, but a number of facts, and allusions to his external 
circumstances, are interspersed. Mr. Wodrow possessed another volume of 
Knox's MS S. in folio, which is described by Crawfurd, p. 53,. ut supra. 



END OF THE NOTES. 



APPENDIX, 

CONSISTING o? 

LETTERS OF THE REFORMER, AND OTHER PAPERS 
HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED. 



No. I. [From MS. Letters, p. 243.] * 

The firste letter to his mother in law, mestres Bowis. 

Btcht deirlihelovit mother in oure saviour Jesus Chryst, when I call to mynd and 
revolve with my self the trubillis and afflictionis of Godis elect frome the begyning 
(in whiche I do not forget yow) thair is within my hart two extreme contrareis ; a 
dolour almaist unspeakabill, and a joy and comfort whilk, be mannis sences, can 
not be comprehendit nor understand. The chief caussis of dolour be two; the ane 
is the rememberance of syn, whilk I daylie feill remanyng in this corrupt nature, 
whilk was and is sa odius and detestabill in the presence of oure hevenlie father, 
that be na uthex sacrifice culd or myght the same be purgeit, except by the blude 
and deth of the onlie innocent sone of God. When I deiplie do consider the caus of 
Chrystis deth to have bene syn. and syn yit to dwell in all fiesche, with Paule I am 
compellit to sob and grone as ane man under ane heavie burdene, ye, and sumtimes 
to cry, wreachit and miserabill man that I am, wha sail delyver me fra this bodie 
of syn! The uther caus of my dolour is. that sic as maist gladlie wald remane 
togidder for mutuall comfort ane of another can not be sufferit sa to do. Since the 
first day that it pleasit the providence of God to bring yow and me in familiaritie, 
I have always delytit in your company, and when labours wald permit ye knaw I 
have not spairit houris to talk and commoun with yow, the frute whairof I did not 
than fullie understand nor perceave. But now absent, and so absent that by cor- 
poral presence nather of ws can resave comfort of uther, I call to mynd how that 
oftymes when with dolorous hartis we haif begun oure talking, God hath sent greit 
comfort unto baithe, whilk now for my awn part I commounlie want. The exposi- 
cioun of your trubillis and acknawledging of your infirmitie war first unto me a 
verie mirronr and glas whairin I beheld my self so rychtlie payntit furth that na- 
thing culd be mair evident to my awn eis. And, than, the searching of the scriptures 
for Godis sweit promissis, and for his mercies frelie givin unto miserable offenderis 
(for his nature delyteth to schew mercie whair maist miserie ringeth), the collec- 
tioun and applying of Godis mercies, I say, wer unto me as the breaking and handil- 
ling with my awn handis of the maist sweit and delectabill unguimentis, whairof I 
culd not but receave sum comfort be thair naturall sweit odouris. But now, albeit 
I never lack the presence and plane image of my awn wreachit infirmitie, yet seing 
syn sa manifestlie abound (in all estaitis) I am compellit to thounder out the 
threattnyngis of God aganis the obstinat rebellaris, in doing whairof (albeit as God 
knaweth I am no malicious nor obstinat synner) I sumtymes am woundit, knawing 
myself criminall and giltie in many, ye in all (malicious obstinacie laid asyd) thingis 
that in utheris 1 reprehend. Judge not, mother, that I wrait theis thingis debassing 
myself utherwayis than I am : na ; I am wors than my pen can expres. In bodie 
ye think I am no adulterer; let sa be, but the hart is infectit with foull lustis and 
will lust albeit I lament never samekill. Externallie I commit na idolatrie ; but my 



* The first six Nos. are religious letters ; the rest contain historical matter. 



426 



APPENDIX. 



wickit hart luffeth the self, and cannot be refranit fra vane Iniafeinatiounis, ye not 
fra sic as wer the fountane of all idolatrie. I am na mankiller with my handis ; 
but Fhelp not my nedie brother sa liberallie as I may and aucht. I steill not hors, 
money, nor claithis frae my nychbour ; but that small portioun of warldlie sub- 
stance I bestow not sa rychtlie as his halie law requyreth. I beir na fals witnes 
aganis my nychbour in judgment or utberwayis befoir men; but I speik not the 
treuth of God sa boldlie as it becumeth his trew messinger to do. And thus in con- 
clusioun thair is na vyce repugnyng to Godis halie will expressit in his law whair- 
with my hart is not infectit. 

This mekill writtin and dytit before the resait of your letteris, whilk I ressavit 
the 2lst of June. Thay war unto my hart some comfort for dyvers caussis not 
necessar to be rehersit, but maist (as knaweth God) for that I find ane congruence 
betwix ws in spreit being sa fer distant in bodie. ffor when that digestlie I did 
avys with your letter, I did considder that I my self was complenyng evin the self 
sam thingis at that verie instant moment that I resavit your letter. Be my pen 
fifrome a sorrowfull hart I culd not but brust furth and say, * O Lord, how won- 
derfull ar thi worlds ! how dois thou try and prufe thi chosin children as gold by 
the fyre ! how canest thou in maner hyd thi face fra thi awn spous, that thi pre- 
sence efter may be mair delectabill ! how canest thou bring thi Sanctis lowe, that 
thou may carrie thame to glorie everlasting ! how canis thou suffer thi Strang faith- 
full messengeris in many thingis yit to wressil with wreachit infirmitie and febill 
weakness, ye and sumtymes permittis thou thame horribillie to fall, partlie that na 
flesche sail have whairof it may glorie befoir the, and partlie that utheris of smaller 
estait and meaner giftis in thi kyrk myght resave sum consolatioun, albeit thay 
find in thame selves wicket motiouns whilk thay are not abill to expell?' My pur- 
pois was, befoir I resavit your letter, to have exhortit you to pacience and to fast* 
adhering to Godis promisis albeit that your flesche, the divill, and uther your 
enemyis, wald persuad you to the contrare, for, by the artis and subteliteis that 
the adversarie useth aganis me, I not onlie do conjecture, but also plainelie dois 
sie your assaltis and trubil. And sa lykwys in the bowellis of Christis mercie 
maist emistlie I beseik you by that infirmitie that ye knaw remaneth in me (wars 
I am than I can wryt) pacientlie to beir, albeit that ye haif not sic perfectioun as 
ye wald, and albeit also your motiounis be sic as be maist vyle and abominabill, 
yet not to sorrow abuf measure. Gif I, to whom God hes gevin greatter giftis, 
(I wryt to his prais) be yit sa wrappit into miserie, that what I wald I can not do, 
and what I wald not that with sanct Paule, I say, daylie ye everie hour and 
moment I devys to do, and in my hart, ficht I never sa fast in the contrarie, I per- 
form and do. Gif sic wreachit wickitnes remane in Godis cheif ministeris, what 
wonder albeit the same remane in yow. Gif Godis strangest men of war be beattin 
bak in thair face, that what thay wald thay can not destroy nor kill, is it any sic 
offence to yow to be tossit as ye compleane, that thairfoir ye suld distrust Godis frie 
promissis? God forbid, deir mother 1 the power of God is knawn be oure weaknes, 
and theis doloris and infirmiters be maist profitabill to ws, for by the same is our 
pryde beattin doun, whilk is not easie utherwayis to be done. By thame ar oure 
misereis knawin, sa that we acknawledging oure selves misterfull seikis the phe- 
sitioun. By thame cum we, be the operatioun of the halie spreit, to the hatred 
of syn, and by thame cum we to the hunger and thrist of justice, and to desyre 
to be desolued and sa to ring with oure Chryst Jesus, whilk without this bat- 
tell and sorrow this flesche culd never do. And sa fra the doloris I proceid to the 
comfort. 

As the caussis of dolour be two, whilk are present syn, and the lack of sic com- 
pany as in whom we maist culd delyt, sa is the caussis of my comfort not ymaginit 
of my brane, but pronuncit first be God, and efter graftit in the hartis of Godis 
children by his halie spreit. Thay ar lykwys two ; whilk is a justice inviolable 
offerit be out flesche befoir the trone of oure heavinlie father, and ane assurit 
hoip of that generall assemblie and gathering togither of Godis dispersit flok in 
that day when all teairis salbe wipit fra oure eis, when deth salbe vincuist, and 
mayna mair dissever sic as feiring God this day in the flesche murnis under the 
burdene of syn. Off oure present justice, notwithstanding syn remane in oure 
mortall bodeis, ar we assurit by the faithfull witnes of Jesus Chryst, Johne the 
apostill, saying, ** gif we confes oure synis, faithfull and just is God to remit and 
forgive our synnis." Mark the wordis of the apostill, gif we confes oure synnis God 
man forgive thame, becaus hie is faithfull and just. To confessioun of synnia 
ar theis thingis requisit, ffirst we man acknawledge the syn, and it is to be notft 
that sumtymes Godis verie elect, albeit they have synnit maist haynouslie, dois not 
acknawledge syn, and thairfoir can not at all tymes confes the same, for syn is not 



APPENDIX. 



427 



knawin unto sictyme as the vale be takin fra the conscience of the offender, that hie 
may sie and behald the filthines of syn, what punisment be Godis just jugementis 
is dew for the sam. And then (whilk is the 2 thing requisit to coni'essione) begynnis 
the hatred of syn and of oure selves for contempnying of God and of his halie law, 
whairof last springis that whilk we call hoip of mercie, whilk is nathing els but a 
sob fra a trubillit hart, confoundit and aschamit for syn, thristing remissioun and 
Godis frie mercie, whairupon of necessitie man follow this conclusioun, God has 
remittit and frielie forgevin the syn, and why? for ** hie is faithfull and just," say- 
eth the apostill. Comfortabill and mervelous caussis! first, God is faithful, ergo 
hie man forgyve syn. A comfortable consequent upon a maist sure ground! for 
Godis fidelitie, can na mair faill nor can him self. Then lat this argument be 
gatherit for oure comfort; the office of the faithfull is to keip promeis; but God is 
faithfull, ergo he man keip promeis. That God lies promissit remissioun of synis to 
sic as be repentant, I neid not now to recit the places. But let this collectioun of 
the promissis be maid, God promissis remissioun of synis, to all that confessis the 
same ; but I confes my synnis, for I sie the filthines thairof, and how justlie God 
may condenip me for my iniquities. I sob and lament for that I can not be quyt and 
Ted of syn, I desyre to leif a mair perfyt lyfe. Thir ar infallible signis, seillis, and 
takenis that God has remittit the syn, for God is faithfull that sa hes promissit, and 
can na mair deceave nor hie can ceis to be God. But what reasone is this, God is 
just, thairfoir he man forgyve syn? A wonderous caus and reasone in deid ! ffor the 
ilesche and naturall man can understand nathing but the contrar, for thus man it 
reasone: the justice of God is offendit be my synis, sa God man neidis have a satis- 
factioun, and requyre ane punisment. Gif we understand of whome God requyris 
aatisfactioun, whether of ws, or of the handis of his onlie sone, and whais punisment 
is abill to recompens oure synnis, than sail we haif greit caus to rejose, remembering 
that God is a just God, for the office of the just man is to stand content when hie 
hes ressavit his dewtie. But God hes ressavit alredie at the handis of his onlie sone 
all that is dew for our synis, and sa can not his justice requyre nor craif any mair 
of ws ather satisfactioun or recompensatioun for our synnis. Advert, mother, the 
sure pilleris and fundatioun of oure salvation to be Godis faithfulnes and justice. 
Hie that is faithful has promissit frie remissioun to all penitent synneris, and he 
that is just, hes ressavit alredie a full satisfactioun for the synis of all thais that 
imbrace Chryst Jesus to be the onlie saviour of the warld. "What restis than to ws 
to be done? nathing but to acknawledge oure miserie and wrechednes, whilk na 
fiesche can do sa unfeinedlie as they that daylie feillis the wecht of syn. And uther, 
mother, caus haif we nane of desperatioun, albeit the divill rage never sa cruellie, 
and albeit the fiesche be never sa fraill, daylie and hourlie lusting aganis Godis halie 
commandementis, ye, stryving aganis the same. This is not the tyme of justice be- 
foir oure awn eis, we luke for that whilk is promissit, the kingdome everlasting, 
preparit to ws fra the begyning, whairof we are maid airis be Godis apoyntment, 
reabillit [i.e. legitimated or restored'] thairto be Chrystis death, to whome we sail be 
gatherit, when efter we sail never depart, whilk to remember is my singular com- 
fort, but thairof now I can not wryt. My commendationis to all whom effeiris. I 
commit you to the protectioun of the Omnipotent. 
At Londoun the 23d of June, 1553, your sone unfeaned, 

Johne Knox. 



No. II. [MS. Letters, p. 333.] 

To marjorie bowis wha was his first wyfe. 

Deirlibelovit sister in the commoun faith of Jesus our saviour, the place of Johne 
forbidding ws to salut sic as bringeth not the hail some doctrine, admonisseth ws 
what danger cumeth be fals teacheris, evin the destructioun of bodie and saule ; 
whairfoir the spreit of God willeth ws to be sa cairfull to avoyd the company of all 
that teachis doctrine contrarie to the treuth of Chryst. that we communicat with 
thame in nathing that may appeir to manteane or defend them in thair corrupt 
opinioun, for hie that bidis thame Godspeid, communicatis with thair syn, that is, 
hie that apeiris be keiping thame company, or assisting unto thame in thair pro- 
ceidingis to savour thair doctrine, is giltie befoir God of thair iniquitie, baith becaus 
hie doith confirme thame in thair error be his silence, and also confirmes utheris to 
credit thair doctrine, becaus hie opponis not himself thairto, and sa to bid thama 
Godspeid is not to speik unto thame commounlie as we for civill honestie to men 



<28 



APPENDIX. 



tmknawn, but it is efter we have hard of their fals doctrine to be conversant with 
thame, and sa intreat thame as thay had not offendit in thair doctrine. The place 
-Of Jamis teachis ws, belovit sister, that in Jesus Chryst all that unfeandlie profes 
him ar equall befoir him, and that ryches nor warldlie honouris ar nathing regairdit 
in his syght ; and thairfoir wald the spreit of God, speiking in the apostill, that sic 
as ar trew christianis suld have mair respect to the spirituall giftis whairwith God 
had doteth his messingeris nor to externall ryches whilk oftymes the wicket pos- 
sessis, the having whairof makis man nether nobill nor godlie, albeit sa judge the 
blind affectionis of men. The apostill dampneth sic as preferis a man with a golden 
chayne to the pure ; but heirof will I speik no more. The spreit of God sail instruct 
your hart what is maist comfortable to the trubillit conscience of your mother, and 
pray ernistlie that sa may be. Whair the adversarie objectis, ' sche aucht not think 
wicket thoughts,' answer thairto that is trew ; but seing this oure nature is cor- 
ruptit with syn, whilk enterit be his suggestioun, it must think and wirk wicketlie 
be his assaltis, but hie sal beir the condigne punisment thairof, becaus be him syn 
first enterit, and also be him it doith continew whillis this karkais be resolved. And 
whair hie inquyris what Chryst is, answer hie is the seid of the woman promissit be 
God to break downe the serpentis heid, whilk hie hath done alreadie in him self 
appeiring in this oure flesche, subject to all passionis that may fall in this oure 
nature onlie syn exceptit, and efter the death sufferit hie heth, be power of his god- 
heid, rissin agane triumphant victour over death, hell and syn, not to him self, for 
thairto was hie na dettour, but for sic as thristis salvatioun be him onlie, whom hie 
may na mair los, nor he may ceas to be the sone of God and the saviour of the warld. 
And whair hie wald perswade that sche is contrarie the word thairunto, hie leis 
according to his nature, whairin thairin is na treuth ; for gif sche wer contrarie the 
word, or denyit it, to what effect sa ernistlie suld sche desyre the company of sic as 
teacheth and professeth it. Thair is na dout but hie, as hie is the accusatour of all 
Godjs elect, studieth to trubill her conscience, that according to hir desyre, sche may 
not Test in Jesus oure Lord. Be vigilant in prayer. I think this be the first letter 
that ever I wrait to you. 

In great haist your brother, 

JohneKnox. . 



No. III. [MS. Letters, p. 283.] 

To his mother-in-law and his wife. 

Ffrome the eis of his Sanctis sal the Lord wype away all teiris and murnyng. 

Dear mother and spous, unfeanidlie belovit in the bowellis of oure Saviour Chryst 
Jesus, with my very hartlie commendationis. I perusit baith your letteris, not 
only directit to me, but also it that sorrowfullie compleanis upon the unthank- 
fulnes of your brother as also of myne, that ye suld not have bene equallie maid 
privie to my coming in the countrie with utheris, whairof the enemy wald per- 
suad yow (ane argument maist fals and untrew) that we judge you not to be 
of our noumber. Deir mother, be not sa suddanlie moveit, hie is your enemy that 
sa wald persuad you. God I tak to recorde in my conscience, that nane is 
this day within the realme of Ingland, with whome I wald mair gladlie speik 
(onlie sche whome God hath offerit unto me, and commandit me to lufe as my 
awn flesche, exceptit) than with you. For your causis principallie interprysit 
I this jurney; for hering my servand to be stayit, and his letteris to be takin, 
I culd na wys be pacifiet (for the maist part of my letteris was for your instruc- 
tioun and comfort) till farther knawledge of your estait, and that ye wer na soner 
advertisit onlie want of a faithfull messinger was the caus ; for my coming to the 
countrey, was sa sone noysit abrod, that with greit difficultie culd I be convoyit fra 
a place to another. I knew na sic danger as was suspectit be my brethrene ; ffor as 
for my letteris in them is nathing conteanid, except exhortatioun to constancie 
in that treuth whilk God hes opinlie laid befoir our eis, whilk I :am not myndit 
to deny whenever sic questioun sal be demandit of me. But the caus moveing 
me that ffor a tyme I wald have bene clos, was, that I purposit (gif sa had bene pos- 
sible) to have spokin with my wyfe, whilk now I persave is nathing apeirand, 
whill God offer sum better occasioun. My brethren, partlie be admonitioun, and 
partlie by teiris, compellis me to obey sumwbat contrair to my awn mynd, for 
never can I die in a mair honest quarrell, nor to suffer as a witnes for that treuth 
whairof God hes maid me a messinger, whilk with hart I belive maist assur- 



APPENDIX. 



429 



£dlie, (the halte Galst beiring witnes to my conscience) and with mouth I trust to 
God to confes in presence of the warld the onlie doctrine of lyfe. Notwithstanding 
this my mynd, gif God sail prepair the way, I will obey the voce of my brethrene, 
and will gif place to the furie and rage of Sathan for a tyme. And sa can I not 
espy how that ether of yow baith I can speik at this tyme. But, gif God pleis pre- 
serve me at this tyme, whairof I am not yet resolved, then sal their lak in me na 
gud will, that ye may knaw the place of my residence, and farthir of my mynd. But 
now, dear mother, haif we caus to rejois, for oure heavenlie Father, wha callit us be 
grace to wryt in oure hartis the singis and seallis of our electioun in Chryst Jesus 
his sone, beginnis now to correct our cruikedness, and to mak us lyke in suffering 
ftfflictionis, schame and rebuke of the warld, to the greit bischope of our saullis, wha 
by mekill tribulatioun did enter in his glorie, as of necessitie man everie ane to 
whome that kingdomeis apoyntit. And thairfoir, mother, be nathing abasched of 
theis maist dolorous dayis, whilk schortlie sal have end to oure everlasting comfort. 
Thay ar not cropin upon ws without knawledge and foirsight ; how oft have ye hard 
theis dayis foirspokin, thairfoir, now grudge not, but pacientlie abyd the Lords de- 
lyverance. Hie that foirspak the trubill, promissis everlasting pleasure by the same 
word ; albeit the flesche complene, dispair nathing, for it must follow the awn na- 
ture, and it is not dampnabill in the syght of oure Father, albeit the corrupt fraill 
flesche draw bak and refuse the croce, for that is as naturall to the fieshe, as in 
hunger and thrist to covet reasonable sustenance. Onlie follow not the affectionis 
to comit iniquytie ; nether for feir of deth, nor for love of lyfe, comit ye idolatrie, 
nether yit gif your presence whair the same is committit, but hait it, avoid it, and 
flie frome it. But your leter makis mention that ye haif pleasure and delyt in it : 
na, mother, I espy the contrairie, for ye compleane and lament that sic motions ar 
Within you; this is na sign that ye delyt in thame, for na man compleanis of that 
whairin hie delytis. Ye ar in na wors cas, tuiching that point, nor yet tuiching any 
uther whairof ye desyre to be red than was the apostill, when with gronyng and an- 
gusche of hart hie did cry, ' unhappie man that I am, wha sal delyver me fra this 
bodie of syn :' reid the haill chapter, and gif glorie to God that lettis you knaw your 
awn infirmitie, that from Chryst allone ye may be content to ressave that whilk 
never remanit in corruptibill flesche, that is the justice whilk is acceptabill befoir 
God, the justice by faith and not by workis, that ye may glorie in him wha frelie 
gives that whilk we deserve not. And thus nether feir that, nor uther assaltis of the 
divill, sa lang as in bodie ye obey not his persuasionis. Schortnes of tyme, and mul- 
titude of cairis, will not let me wryt at this present sa plentifullie as I wald. Ye 
will me to charge you in suche thingis as I mister, God grant that ye may be abill to 
releif the nedie ; ye may be sure that I wald be bold upon you, for of your gude hart I 
am persuadit, but of your power and abilitie I greitlie dout. I will not mak you 
privie how ryche I am, but off Loundoun I departit with les money than ten grottis, 
but God hes sence provydit, and will provyd I dout not heirefter aboundantlie for 
this lyfe. Ather the querns majestie or sum theasurer will be XL pounds rycher by 
me for samekill lack I of dewtie of my patentis. But that litill trubillis me. Rest 
in Chryst Jesus, your sone, 

1553. Johne Knox. 



No. IV. [MS. Letters, p. 303.] 
To his mother-in-law, Mrs Bowis. 



Bliss'it be thais that mourne for ryghteousnes sake, &c. 



Belovit mother, with my hartlie commendatioun in the Lord. Let not your pre- 
sent dulnes discorage yow above measure : the wisdome of our God knawis what is 
maist expedient for our fraill nature ? Gif the bodie suld alwayis be in travell it sutd 
faynt and be unabill to continew in labour ; the spreit hes his travell, whilk is a 
sobbing and mournyng for syn, fra whilk unles it sumtymes suld rest, it suddanlie 
suld be consumit. It doith na mair offend Godis maiestie that the spreit sumtyme 
ly as it were asleip, nether hauing sence of greit dolour nor greit comfort, mair than 
it doith offend him that the bodie use the naturall rest, ceassing fra all externall 
exercis. Ye sail consider, mother, that the eis of God dois pers mair deiplie than 
we be war of ; we according to the blind ignorance whilk lurketh within ws, do judge 



430 



APPENDIX. 



but as we feil for the present,, but hie according to his eternall wisdome dois judge 
thingis lang befoir thay cum to pas. We judge that caldnes and angusche of spreit 
ar hurtfull becaus we sie not the end whairfoir God dois suffer ws to be troubillit 
with sic temptationis, but his maiestie, wha onlie knawis the mass whairof man is 
maid, and causeth all thingis to work to the profit of his elect, knawis also how 
necessarie sic troubillis ar to dantoun the pryd of oure corrupt nature. Thair is a 
spirituall pryd whilk is not hastelie suppressit in Godis verie elect children, as wit- 
nesses Sanct Paule. God hath wroth greit thingis be yow in the syght of uthir men. 
With whilk (unles the mell of inward angusche did beat them doun) ye might be 
steirit up to sum vane glorie, whilk is a vennoume maire subtill than ODy man do> 
espy. I can wryt to yow by my awn experience. I have sumetymes bene in that 
securitie that I felt not dolour for syn, nether yit displeasure aganis my self for any 
iniquitie in whilk I did offend ; but rather my vane hart did this flatter my self, (I 
wryt the treuth to my awn confusioun and to the glorie of my heavenlie father through 
Jesus Christ) " Thou lies sufferit great troubill for professing of Chrystis treuth, God 
hes done great thingis for the, delivering the fra that maist cruell bondage, [* galleis 
on the margin'], hie has placeit the in a maist honorabill vocatioun, and thy labours 
ar not without frute, thairfoir thow aucht rejos and gif prais unto God." O mother, 
this was a subtill serpent wha this culd pour in vennoume, I not perceaving it % but 
blissit be my God, wha permitteth me not to sleip lang in that estait. I drank 
schortlie efter this fl'atterie of myself a cupe of contra poysone, the bitternes whairof 
doith yit sa remane in my breist, that whatever I have sufferit or presentlie dois, I 
reput as doung, yea and my self worthie of dampnatioun for my ingratitude towardis 
my God. The lyke, mother, myt have cumin to yow, gif the secreit brydill of afflic- 
tioun did not refrane vane cogitationis ; but of this I have written to yow mair 
planelie in my other letteris. And this I commit you to the protectioun of the Om- 
nipotent for ever. 

Yours at his- power, 

Johnne Knox. 



No. V. [MS. Letters, p. 352.] 

To his brethren in Scotland efter he had bene quyet amang thame. 

The comfort of the halie Gaist for salutatioun. (See p. 110.) * 

Not sa mekill to instruct yow as to leave with yow, dearlie belovit brethren, sura 
testimony of my love, I have thought gud to communicat with you, in theis few 
lynes, my weak consall, how I wald ye suld behaive yourselves in the middis of this 
wickit generatioun, tuiching the exercis of Godis maist halie and sacred word, with- 
out the whilk* nether sal knawledge incres, godlines apeir, nor fervencie continew 
amang yow. For as the word of God is the begyning of lyfe spirituall, without whilk 
all flesche is deid in Godis presence, and the lanterne to our feit, without the bryght- 
nes whairof all the posteritie of Adame doith walk in darknes. And as it is the fun- 
dament of faith without the whilk na man understandeth the gud will of God, sa is 
it also the onlie organe and instrument whilk God useth to strenthin the weak, to 
comfort the affiictit, to reduce to mercie be repentance sic as ,ghave sliddin, ami 
finallie to preserve and keip the verie lyfe of the saule in all assaltis and tempta- 
tionis, and thairfoir yf that ye desyr your knawledge to be incressit, your faith to be 
confirmit, your consoiencis to be quyetit and comfortit, or finallie your saule to be 
preservit in lyfe, lat your exercis be frequent in the law of your Lord God ; despis 
not that precept whilk Moses, (wha, be his awn experience, had learnit what comfort 
lyeth hid within the word of God) gave to the Israelitis in theis wordis : " Theis 
wordis whilk I command the this day salbe in thi hart, and thou sal exercis thi 
children in thame, thou sal talk of thame when thou art at home in thi hous, and as 
thou walkest be the way, and when thou lyis down, and when thou rysis up, and 
thou sal bind thame for a signe upon thi hand, and thay salbe paperis of remember- 
ance betwene thi eis, and thou sal wryt thame upon the postis of thi hous and upon 
thi gatis." And Moses in another place commandis thame to remember the law of 



* This is the Letter referred to as note D, Period Fourth, p. 110, 



APPENDIX. 



431 



the Lord God, to do it, that it may be weill unto thame and with thair children in 
the land whilk the Lord sal gif thame ; meanyng that, lyke as frequent meniorie 
and repetitioun of Godis preceptis is the middis whairby the feir of God. whilk is the 
fcegynning of all wisdome and filicitie, is keipit recent in mynd, sa is negligence and 
obiivioun of Godis benefitis ressavit the first grie of defectioun fra God ; now yf the 
law whilk be reasone of our weaknes can work nathing but wraith, and anger was 
8a effectuall that, rememberit and rehersit of purpois to do it. brought to the pepill 
a corporall benedictioun, what sal we say that the glorious gospel of Chryst Jesus 
doth work, sa that it be with reverence intreatit ? St Paule calleth [it] the sweit 
odour of lyfe unto thois that suld resaif lyfe, borrowing his similitude fra odoriferous 
herbis or precious unguimentis, whais nature is the mair thay be touchit or moveit 
to send furth thair odour mair pleasing and delectabill ; even sic, deir brethren, is 
the blysit evangell of oure Lorde Jesus ; for the mair that it be entreatit, the mair 
Comfortable and mair plysant is it to sic as do heir read and exercis the sam. I am 
not ignorant that, as the Isralitis lothit manna becaus that everie day thay saw and 
eat but ane thing, so sum there be now a dayis (wha will not be halden of the worst 
sort) that efter anis reiding some parcellis of the scriptures do convert thame selves 
altogether to prophane autors and humane letteris, becaus that the varietie of mat- 
teris thairin conteaynit doith bring with it a daylie delectatioun, whair contrari- 
ways, within the simpill scriptures of God, the perpetuall repetitioun of a thing is 
fascheous and werisome. This temptation I confess may enter in Godis verie elect 
for a tyme, but impossibill is it that thairin t-hay continew to the end : for Godis 
electioun, besydis other evident signis, hath this ever joynit with it, that Godis elect 
ar callit frome ignorance ; I speik of thois that ar cum to the yeiris of knawledge, to 
sum taist and feiling of Godis mercie, of whilk thay ar never sat isfeit in this lyfe, 
but fra tyme to tyme thay hunger and thay thrist to eat the bread that descendit 
fra the heavin, and to drink the water that springeth unto lyfe everlasting, whilk 
thay cannot do but be the means of faith, and faith luketh ever to the will of God, 
reveallit be his word, sa that faith hath baith her begyning and contineuance be 
the word of God ; and sa I say that impossibill it is that Godis chosin children can 
despys or reject the word of thair salvatioun be any lang ccntinewance, nether yit 
loth of it to the end. Often it is that Godis elect ar halden in sic bondage and 
thraldome that they cannot have the bread of lyfe brokin unto thame, nether yit 
libertie to exercis thame selves in Godis halie word, but then doith not Godis deir 
children loth, but maist gredilie do thay covet the fude of thair saullis ; then do 
they accuise thair former negligence, then lament and bewaill thay the miserable 
afflictioun of thair brethren, and than cry and call thay in thair hartis (and openlie 
whair thay dar) for frie passage to the gospell, this hunger and thrist doith argue 
and pruife the lyfe of thair saullis. But gif sic men as having libertie to reid and 
exercis thameselves on Godis halie scripture, and yet do begin to wearie becaus fra 
tyme to tyme thay reid but a thing ; I ask why wearie thay not also everie day to 
drink wyne, to eat bread, everie day to behald the bryghtnes of the sone, and sa to 
us the rest of Godis creatures whilk everie day do keip thair awn substance, cours 
and nature, they sal anser, I trust, becaus sic creatures have a strenth as oft as thay 
ar usit to expel hunger, and quenche thrist, to rest oir strenth, and to preserve the 
lyfe. miserable wreachis, wha dar attribut mair power and strength to the corrup- 
tible creatures, in nurisching and preserving the mortal karcas, than to the eternall 
word of God in nurrissment of the saul, whilk is immortall ! To reasone with thair 
abominable unthankfulness at this present it is not my purpois. But to yow, deir 
brethrene, I wryt my knowledge, and do speik my conscience, that sa necessarie as 
meat and drink is to the preservation of lyfe corporall, and sa necessarie as the 
heit and bryghtnes of the sone is to the quicknyng of the herbis, and to ex- 
pell darknes, sa necessarie is also to lyfe ever'asting, and to the illumination 
and lyght of the saule, the perpetuall meditatioun. exercis, and use of Godis halie 
word. 

And thairforr, deir brethrene, yf that ye luke for a lyfe to come, of necessitie ife is 
that ye exercise yourselves in the buke of the Lord your God. Lat na day slip over 
without sum comfort ressavit fra the mouth of God: opin your earis, and he will 
speak, evin pleasing thingis to your hart. Clois not your eis, but diligentlie lat 
thame behald what portioun of substance is left to yow within your fatheris testa- 
ment. Let your toungs learne to prais the gracious goodnes of him wha of his meir 
mercie hath callit you fra darknes to lyght, and fra deth to lyfe, nether yet may ye 
do this sa quyetlie that ye will admit na witnessis ; nay brethren, ye ar ordeynit of 
God to reule and governe your awn housis in his trew feir, and according to his 
halie word, within your awn housis, I say, in sum cassis ye ar bischopis and kingis» 
your wyfis, children, and familie are your bischeprik and charge ; of you it sal be 



432 



APPENDIX. 



requywt how cairfullie and diligently ye have instructit thame in Godis trew 
knawledge, how that ye have studeit in thame to plant vertew and repres vyce. 
And thairfoir, I say, ye must mak thame pertakeris in reading, exhortatioun, 
and in making commoun prayeris, whilk I wald in everie hous wer usit anis a 
day at leist. But above all thingis, deir brethren, studie to practis in lyfe 
that whilk the Lord commandis, and than be ye assurit that ye sal never heir 
nor reid the same without frute ; and this mekill for the exercisis within your 
housis. 

Considdering that St Paul callis the congregatioune the bodie of Chryst, whairof 
everie ane of us is a member, teaching us thairby that na member is of sufficience 
to susteane and feid the self without the help and support of any uther, I think 
it necessarie that for the conference of scriptures, assemblies of brether be had, the 
order thairin to be observit is expressit be sanct Paule, and thairfor I need not to 
use many wordis in that behalf, onlie willing that when ye convene (whilk I wald 
wer anis a weik) that your begyning suld be fra confessing of your offences, and 
invocation of the spreit of the Lord Jesus to assist you in all your godlie inter- 
pryssis, and than lat sum place of scripture be planelie and distinctlie red, samekill 
as sal be thocht sufficient for a day or tyme ; whilk endit, if any brother have ex- 
hortatioun, interpretatioun, or dout, lat him not feir to speik and move the same, sa 
that he do it with moderatioun, ether to edifie or be edifiet, and heirof I dout not but 
great profit sal schortlie ensew, for first be heiring, reiding, and conferring the scrip- 
tures in the assemblie, the haill bodie of the scriptures of God salbecum familiar, the 
judgement and spreitis of men salbe tryit, thair patience and modestie salbe knawn, 
and finallie, their giftis and utterance sal appeir. Multiplicatioun of wordis, per- 
plext interpretatioun, and wilfulnes in reasonyng, is to be avoydit at all tymes and 
in all places, but chieflie in the congregatioun, whair nathing aucht to be respectit 
except the glorie of God, and comfort or edificatioun of our brethrene. Yf any 
thing occur within the text, or yit arys in reasonyng, whilk your judgementis can 
not resolve, or capaciteis apprehend, let the same be notit and put in wryt befoir 
ye depart the congregatioun, that when God sal offer unto you any interpreter, 
your douts being notit and knawn, may have the mair expedit resolutioun, or els 
that when ye sal have occasioun to wryt to sic as with whome ye wald communicat 
your judgementis, your letteris may signifie and declair your unfeaned desyre that 
ye have of God, and of his trew knawledge, and thay, I dout not, according to thair 
talentis, will indeavour and bestow thair faithfull labours, [to] satisfie your 
godlie petitionis. Of myself I will speik as I think, I will moir glaidlie spend XV 
houris in communicatting my judgement with you, in explainyng as God pleassis 
to oppin to me any place of scripture, than half ane hour in any other matter 
besyd. 

Farther, in reading the scriptures I wald ye suld joyne sum bukis of the aid, and 
sum of the new Test ament together, as genesis and ane of the evangelistis, exodus 
with another, and sa furth, ever ending sic bukis as ye begyn (as the tyme will suf- 
fer), for it sal greitly comfort you tc heir that harmony, and weiltunit sang of the 
halie spreit speiking in oure fatheris from the begyning. It sal confirme yow in theis 
dangerous and perrellous dayis, to behald the face of Chryst Jesus, his loving spous 
and kirk, from eabell to him self, and frome him self to this day, in all ageis to be 
ane. Be frequent in the prophetis and in the epistellis of St Paule, for the mul- 
titude of matteris maist comfortable thairin containit requyreth exercis and gud 
memorie. Lyke as your assemblis aucht to begyn with confessioun and invoca- 
tioun of Godis halie spreit, sa wald I that thay wer never finissit without thanks- 
giving and commoun prayeris for princes, ruleris and majestratis, for the libertie 
and frie passage of Chrystis evangell, for the comfort and delyverance of oure 
afflictit brethrene in all places now persecutit, but maist cruellie now within the 
realme of France and Ingland, and for sic uther thingis as the spreit of the Lord 
Jesus sal teache unto you to be profitable ether to your selves or yit to your bre- 
threne whatsoever thay be. If this, or better, deir brethrene, I sal heir that ye ex- 
ercis your selves, than will I prais God for your great obedience, as for thame that not 
onlie have ressavit the word of grace with gladnes, but that also with cair and 
diligence do keip the same as a treasure and jewell maist precious. And becaus 
that I can not expect that ye will do the contrarie at the present, I will use na 
threatenyngis, for my gud hoip is, that ye sal walk as the sonis of lyght in the 
middis of this wicket generatioun, that ye sal be as starris in the nyght ceassone, 
wha yit ar not changeit into darknes, that ye salbe as wheit amangis the kokill, and 
yit that ye sail not change your nature whilk ye have ressavit be grace, through 
the fellowship and participatioun whilk we have with the Lord Jesus in his bodie and 
blude. And finallie, that ye salbe of the noumber of the prudent virginis, daylie re- 



APPENDIX. 



433 



Hewing vonrlampis with oyle, as the that pacientlie abyd the glorious a-paritioun and 
cutning of the Lord Jesus, whaisomnipotent spreit rule and instruct, illruninat and 
comfort your hartis and myndis in all assaltis, now and ever. Amen. 

The grace of the Lord Jesus rest with you.. Eemember my weaknes in yoni 
-daylie prayeris, 

the 7 of July, 1556. 

your brother unfeaned, 

Johne Knox. 



No. VI. [MS. Letters, p. 335-6.1 
To his Sister. 

The spreit of God the father be Jesus Chryst, comfort and assist vow to the 
end. Amen. 

Touching the sonis of Jacob, who cruellie, contrar to thair solempned promeis and 
othe, did murther and slay the citisenis of Sichem ; whasa ryghtlie marketh the 
•scriptures .of God, sal easelie espy thame maist grevouslie to have offendit. Ffoi 
albeit the transgressioun of the young man was haynous befoir God, yit wer thay na 
civill majestratis, and thairfoir had na autoritie to punis. And farther, thay com- 
mittit treasone, and in sa fer as in thame was, blasphemit God and his halie name, 
making it odius to the nationis about, seing thay under the pretence of religioun, 
and of ressaving tharme in leage with God and with the pepill, did disceatfullie as 
also cruellie destroy the haill citie, suspecting na danger. Albeit sum laboureth to 
excus thair synhe the zealle thay had that thaymyght not suffer thair sister to be 
abusit lyke ane harlot, yit the spreit of God speiking in thair awn father, efter lang 
Adv-ysement in the extreamitie of his deth, utteTlie dampneth thair wickit act, 
saying, "Semioun and Levi, brethren, &c. lat not my saule entir in thair consall, 
nor yit my glorie into thair company, for in thair furie thay killit a man, and for 
thair lust destroyit the citie ; cursit is thair heit or rage for it is vehement, and thair 
indignation for it is untractable, I sail dispers thame in Jacob and scatter thame 
abrod in Israeli." Heir may ye espy, sister, that God dampneth thair het displea- 
sure and cruell act as maist wickit and worthie of punisment. But perchance it 
may be inquyrit, why did God suffer the men that had professit his name be ressav- 
ing the sign of clrcumsicioun, sa unmercifuDie to be intreatit* I myght answer, 
God sufferis his awn in all ageis be the ungodlie to be cruellie tormentit. But sic 
was not the case of thir men, whom na dout the justice of God faund cryminall 
and worthie the deth. Ffor thay did abus his sacramentall signe, receaving it 
nether at Godis commandement, nor having any respect to his honour, nor to the 
advancement of his name, nor yit trusting in his promissis, nor desyreing the incres 
or multiplicatioun of Godis pepill, but onlie for a warldlie purpois, thinking thairbjr 
to have attaynit ryches and ease, be joynyng thameselves to Godis pepill. And sa 
the justice of God faund thame worthie of punisment, and sa permittit thame 
3ustlie on his part to T^e affile tit and destroyit he the ungodlie, whilk is a terribil 
exempill to sic as in caus of religioun mair seikis the profit of She warld nor eternall 
salvatioun. But heirof na mair. Thus brieflie and rudlie have I writ tin unto yow 
Decaus I remember myself anis to have maid yow a promeis sa to do. and everie wora 
of the mouth of the faithfull (yf sa impeid not God) aught to be keipit. And now rest 
in Chryst. After this I think ye sail Tesave na mair of my handis. In haist with 
sair trubillit hart. 

Tours as ever in godliness, 
[Anno 1553.] Johne Knox. 



No. YII. Letter of John Ejiox to John Fox. 
(See p. 127.) 

(British Museum. Hal. MSS, 416, 34, § 70.) An Original. 
Indorsed " To his louinge brother master fox be these delyuered at Basiil." 
Themightie comforth of the holie ghost for salutation. 

Dearlie beloned brother, albeit at the dePture of this our brother from whom 1 
receaved yor loving and friendlie Ire, my selue couid writ nothing be reason of the 

2 F 



APPENDIX. 



euill disposition of my bodie, yit becaus I could not suffer him to depert without 
6om remembrance of my deutie to you, I vsed the help of my left hand, that is of my 
wief, in scribbling these fewe lynes vnto you, as touching my purpose and mynd in 
the publishing the first blast of the trompet. 

When the secreates of all hartes shalbe disclosed, that shalbe knowe wch now 
by manye can not be perswaded, to wit, that therin I nether haue sought my 
selue, nether yit the vain prase of men. my rude vehemencie and inconsidered 
affirmations wch may appear rather to procead from coler then of zeal and reason, 

do not excuse, but to haue vsed anye other tytle more plausible therby to haue 
allured the world by any art as I never purposed so do I not yit purpose, to me it is 
ynewgh to say that black is not whit, and mans tyrannye and foolishnes is not 
godes perfite ordinance, wch thinge I do not so much to correct comon welthes as 
to delyuer my own conscience, and to instruct the consciences of some semple who 
yit I fear be ignorant in that matter, but ferther of this I delay to better opportunytie. 
Salut yor wief and dowghter hartlie in my nam. the grace of our lord Jesus 
Christ rest wt you now and euer. from geneva the 18th of May 1558. 

Your brother to power, 

Johne Knox. 

I yor sister the writer hereof saluteth you and yor wief most hartlie thanking hir 
of hir loving tokens wch my mother and I recaued from Mrs Kent. 



No. VIII. [Cald. MS. Vol. I. p. 247.] * 

Extract of a Letter to Mrs Anne Locke. (See p. 150.) 

■ The Queen and her counsell made promise that no person within Sanct 

Johnston, neither yet of these that assisted them, should be troubled for any 
thing done either in religion, either yet in down casting of places, till the sen- 
tence of the estates in Parliament had decided the controversie, and that no 
bands of French souldiers should be left behind the Qseen and counsell in the 
town, and that no idolatrie should be erected nor alteration made within the 
town. But after she had obtained her desire, all godlie promises were forgotten, 
for the Sunday next after her entering, mess was said upon a dyeing table (for ye 
shall understand all the alters were prophaned) ; the poor professors were op- 
pressed ; when children were slain, she did but smile, excusing the fact be the chance 
of fortune ; and at her departure she left 400 souldiers, Scottismen, but paid by 
France, to dantoun the town. She changed the provist and exiled all godlie 
men. This crueltie and deceit displeased many that before assisted her with 
their presence and counsell, and among others the earl of Argyle and the prior o* 
Sanct Andrews left [her], and joyned themselves to the congregation openly, whilk 
as It was displeasing to her and to the shavellings, so it was most comfortable and 
joyfull to us, for by their presence were the hearts of many erected from despera- 
tion. At their commandment I repaired to them at St Andrewis, wher con- 
sultation being had, it was concluded that Christ Jesus should there be 
openlie preached, that the places and monuments of idolatrie should be re- 
moved, and superstitious habits changed. This reformation was begun the 14th 
of June. In the meantime came the bishop of St Andrewis to the towne, ac- 
companied with a great band of warriours, and gave a strate commandement 
that no preaching should be made by me, who was both brunfc in figure and 
horned, assuring the lords, that if they suffered me to preach, that twelve haquebuts 
should lyght upon my nose at once. O burning charitie of a bloodie bishop ! 
But as that boast did little affray me, so did it more incense and infiamme with 
courage the harts of the godlie, who with one voyce proclaimed that Christ 
Jesus should be preached in despite of Sathan, and so that Sabbath and three 
dayes after I did occupy the publike place in the midst of the doctors, who this 
day are even as dumbe as their idols which wer brunt in their presence. The 
bishop departed to the Queene, frustrat of his intent, for he had promised to 
bring me to her either alyve or dead ! and incontinent was a new army assem- 
bled, and forward they marched against St Andrews. It was not thought expedient 
that we should abide them lurking in a town, and so we past to the fields and mel 

* The following letters from Calderwood have been corrected by comparing dif 
'erent MSS. 



APPENDIX. 



435 



them at Conper, -where lodging was appointed for the camp, but we prevented them : 
where we remained upon their coming till the nixt day, when both armies 
were in sight of other within shot of cannon, and we looked for nothing but 
the eitremitie of batle : not that we intended to pursue, but only to stand in 
camp where our field was pitched, for defence of ourselves. There came from our 
adversaries ane ambassadour, desiring speech and communing of the lords, 
which gladlie of us being granted, after long reasoning the queene offered a 
free remission of all crimes bypast, sua that they would no furder proceed 
against friars and abbayes, and that no more preaching should be used pub- 
licklie. But the lords and the brethren refused such appointment, declaring that 
the fear of no mortal creature should cause them betray the veritie known 
and professed, neither yet to suffer idolatrie to be maintained in the bounds 
committed to their charge. The adversaries, perceiving that neither threaten- 
ing, flatterie, nor deceit, could break the bold constancie and godlie purpose 
of the lords, barons, gentlemen, and commons, who were there assembled to 
the number of 3000 in on days warning, they were content to take assurance 
for 8 days, permitting unto us freedom of religion in the meantime. In the 
whilk the abbay of Lindores, a place of black monkes, distant from St An- 
drewis twelve navies we reformed, their altars overthrew we, their idols, vest- 
ments of idolatrie, and mass books we burnt in their presence, and commanded 
them to cast away their monkish habits. Divers chanons of St Andrewis have 
given notable confessions, and have declared themselves manifest enemies to 
the pope, to the mass, and to all superstition. [Then follows what is inserted, 
p. 155.] We fear that the tyrannie of France shall, under the cloak of reli- 
gion, seek a plain conquest of us ; but potent is God to confound their counsell 
and to break their force. God move the hearts of such as profess Christ Jesus 
with us, to have respect t • our infancie, and open their eyes to see that our ruin 
shall be their destruction. Communicat the contents hereof (which I write to 
you, least by divers rumours ye should be troubled and wee slandered) with all 
faithfull, but especiailie with the afflicted of that little flock, now dispersed and 
destitute of these pleasant pastures, in which some tyme they fed abundantlie. 
If any remain at Geneva, let either this same or the double of it be sent unto 
them, and likeways unto my dear brother Mr Goodman, whose presence I more 
thirst for than she that is my own flesh. Will him therefor in the name of the 
Lord Jesus (all delay and excuse set apart) to visit me ; for the necessity is great 
here. If he come be sea, let him be addressed unto Dundie, and let him ask for 
George Levell, for George Bollock, or for Wm. Carmichael. If he come to Leith, 
let him repair to Edinburgh, and enquire for James Baron, Edward Hope, Adam 
Fuller: oun, or for John Johnston writer, be whom he will get knowledge of me. It 
my mother and my wife come be you, will them to make the expedition that 
goodly they can to visit me, or at least to come to the north parts, where they 
shall know my mind, which now I can not write, being oppressed with hourly 
cares. This bearer is a poor man unknown in the eountry, to whom I beseech you 
shew reasonable favour and tenderness, touching his merchandise and the just sell- 
ing thereof. Thus, with hearty commendatiouns to all faithfull, I heartily commit 
you to the protection of the Omnipotent. From Sanct Andrewes the 23d of 
June 1559. 



Ha IX. [Cald. MS. I 350.] 

Extract of a Letter from John Knox to Mrs Anne Locke, dated 6th of April 

1559. (See p. 319.) 

Your letters, dear sister, dated at Geneva, the 17th of February, 

ceived I in Deepe the 17th of March. Touching my negligence in writing to 
you, at other times I fear it shall be little amended, except that better occa- 
sions than yet I know be offered. For oft to write when few messingers can be 
found is but foolishness. My remembrance of you is not yet so dead, but I 
trust it shall be fresh enough, albeit it be renewed be no outward tokin for 
one year. Of nature I am churlish, and in conditions different from many. Yet 
one thing I ashame not to affirme, that familiarity once thoroughly contracted was 
never yet broken be my default. The cause may be that I have rather need of all 
than that any have need of me. 



436 



APPENDIX. 



No. X. [Cald. I. 522.] 

To Mrs. Anne Locke. (See p. 171.) 

Lest that the rumours of our troubles trouble you above measure, dear sister, 
I thought good in these few words to sigiiifie unto you that our esperance is 
yet good in our God, that he, for his great names sake, will give such success 
to this enterprise, as nether shall these whom he hath appointed to sigh in this 
be utterlie confounded, neither yet that our enemies shall have occasion to 
blaspheme the verity, nor yet triumph over us in the end. We trusted too 
much, dear sister, in our owne strenth, and speciallie since the erle of Arran 
and his friends were joyned to our number. Amongst us also Were such as 
more sought the purse than Christ's glory. Wee by this overthrow are brought to 
acknowledge, what is a multitude without the present help of God ! and the 
hollow harts of many are now revealled. God make us humble in his eyes, 
and then I fear not the furie of the adversaries, who, be ye assured, doe sore 
rage, so as yet their crueltie must neids crave vengeance from him whose mem- 
bers they persecute. Our dear brethren and sisters in Edinburgh and Lothian* 
who lay nearest these bloode thirsty tyrants, are so troubled and vexed that it 
is a pity to remember their estate. Our God comfort them. We stand univer- 
sally in great fear, and yet we hope deliverance. I wrote to you before to be suitor 
to some faithfull, that they would move such as have abundance to consider our 
estate, and to make for us some provision of money to keep soldiers and our com> 
pany together. And herein yet again I cannot cease to move you. I Can not well 
write to any other, because the action may seem to appertaine to my own country 
onlie. But because I trust ye, suspect me not of avarice : I a*m bold to say to you, that if 
we perish in this our enterprise, the limits of London will be straighter than they are 
now within few years. Many things I have which I would have required for myself, 
namely Calvin on Isaiab, and his Institutions revised. But common troubles cause 
me to neglect all private business. If ye can find the means to send me the books 
before written, or any other that be new and profitable, I will provide that ye shall 
receive the prices upon your advertisement. My wife saluteth you. Salute 
all faithfull heartilie in my name, especiallie those of familiar acquaintance, of 
whom I crave pardon that I write not, being not so quiet as ye would wish. My 
onlie comfort is that our troubles shall pass sooner, peradventure, than our 
enemies look. Grace be with you. From St Andrews in haste the 18th November 
1559. Yours known. 

John Knox. 

Mr Gudeman is in the west country in Ayr, who willed me to salute you in his 
name so oft as I wrote you. 



No. XI. [Cald. I. 524.3 
To the same. (See p. 172.) 
We shall meet when death shall not dissever. 

Two letters I have received from you, dear sister, both almost at one time ; the one 
is dated at London the 28th of November, the other of the same place the 2nd of De- 
cember. The letter of the last date 1 first read, which made mention of your trouble 
be reason of a suddan fire in a lodging near to you ; that you had sought all means 
for our support as well of those of high as of low degree ; but that it was not needfull 
that any thing should be sent unto us, because it was supposed that the highest 
would support us ; and last that ye had not received the answer of your doubts. In 
your other letters, after your most comfortable discourse of God's providence for his 
people in their greatest necessitie, ye godlie and trulie conclude that neither could 
their unworthiness, neither yet their want of things judged necessarie for their pre- 
servation, stop his majesties mercy from them. Thereafter ye will me to avoid 
. danger, and rather to fight by prayer in some place removed from danger, than 
expose my self to the hazard of battell* and so ye conclude by praising God's 
mercie, as did Jeremy in his greatest anguish, &c. 

What support should come to us be consent of counsell and authoritie I am 
uncertain. But suppose it shall be greater than yet is bruted, that ought not 



APPENDIX. 



437 



to stay the liberall hands of the godlie to support us privatelie. For the publick 
support of an army shall not make such as now be superexpended able to serve 
without private support I will make the matter more plain be one example. I 
know one man that since the 10th of May hath spent in this action thirteen thou- 
sand crowns of the summe [sonne], besydes his victuals and other fruits of the 
ground. His treasure being now consumed, he cannot without support susteane the 
number which before he brought to the field. If he and such others that are in lyke 
condition with him shall be absent, or yet if numbers shall decay, our enemies shall 
seem to prevaill in the field, and therfor desired I some collection to be made, to the 
end that the present necessitie of some might have been relieved. If the matter 
pertained not to my native countrie I would be more vehement in persuasion, 
but God shall support even how, when, and by whom it shall please his blessed 
majestie. Sorry I am that ye have not received my answer unto your doubts, not 
so much that I think that ye greatlie need them, as that I would not put you 
in suspicion that I contemned your requests. The rest of my wife hath been 
6o tmrestful since her arrival here, that scarcelie could she tell upon the mor- 
row what she wrote at night. She cannot find my first extract. And therfor 
if any scruple remaine in your conscience, put pen again to paper, and look 
for ane answer as God shall give opportunitie. God make yourself participant 
of the same comfort which you wrote unto me ; and in very deed, dear sister, 
I have no less need of comfort, notwithstanding that I am not altogether igno- 
rant, than hath the bound man to be fed, albeit in store he hath great substance. I 
have read the cares and tentations of Moses, and sometynies I have supposed myself 
to be well practised in such dangerous battells. But, alace ! I now perceive that all 
my practice before was but mere speculation, for one day of troubles since my last 
arrival in Scotland hath more pierced my heart than all the torment of the 
galleys did the space of 19 months. For that torment for the most part did 
touch the bodie, but this pierceth the soul and inward affections. Then was 
I assuredlie persuaded that I should not die untill I had preached Christ Jesus 
even where I now am, and yet having now my heart's desyre, I am nothing 
satisfied, neither yet rejoice. My God remove my unthankfulness. From Sanct 
Andrews the last of December 1559. 

Yours known in Christ. 

John Knox. 



No. XII. [Cald. I. p. 533.] 
To the same. (See p. 173.) 

The eternal our God shall shortly put an end to all our troubles. 

Lest that sinister rumours should trouble you above measure, dear sister, I can 
not but certify you of our estate as often as convenient messengers occur. The 
French, as before I wrote unto you, have pursued us with great furie, but God 
hath so bridled them, that since the 5th day when they put to flight the men of King- 
horn, Kircaldy, and Dysart, they have had of us (all praise be to our God) no ad- 
vantage. They lost in a morning a lieutenant, the boldest of their company, 
and fourty of their bravest soldiers, diverse of them having been taken and 
diverse slain in skirmishing. They have done greatest harm to such as did 
best entertain them; for from them they have tali en sheep, horse, and plenishing. 
Our friends, and foes to them, did continually remove from their way all moveables 
that to them appertained. They have casten down to the ground the laird of 
Grange's principal house, called the Grange, and have spoiled his other places. God 
will recompense him, I doubt not, for in this cause and since the beginning of this 
last trouble especially, he hath behaved himself so boldly as never man of our realm 
hath deserved more praise. He hath been in many dangers, and yet God hath deli- 
vered him above mens expectation. He was shot at Lundie right under the left 
pape, thorrow the jacket, doublet, and shirt, and the bullet did stick in one of his 
ribs. Mr, Whitelaw hath gotten a fall, by which he is unable to bear arms. But God 
be praised both their lives be saved. I remained all this time in St Andrews with 
sorrowful heart, and yet as God did minister his spirit comforting the afflicted, who, 
albeit they quaked for a time, yet do now praise God, who suddenly averted from 
them that terrible plague devised for them by the ungodly. The French men ap- 
proached within 6 miles, yet at the sight of certain of your ships, they retired more 
in one day than they advanced in ten. We have had wonderful experience of God's 
merciful providence, and for my own part I were more than unthankful if I should 



438 



APPENDIX. 



not confess that God hath heard the sobs of my wretched heart, and hath not de- 
ceived me of that little spark of hope which his holy spirit did kindle and foster in 
»ay heart. God give me grace to acknowledge his benefit received, and to make such 
fruit of it as becometh his servant. If ye can find a messenger, I heartily pray you 
to send me the books for which I wrote before. I must be bold over your liberality, 
not only in that, but in greater things as I shall need. Please you cause this other 
letter inclosed be surely conveyed to Miles Coverdale. Salute all faithful acquaint- 
ance, Mr Hickman and his bedfellow, your husband, Mr Michael and his spouse as 
unacquainted, specially remembered. I know not what of our brethren at Geneva 
be with you. But to such as be there I beseech you to say that I think that I my- 
self do now find the truth of that which oft I have said in their audience, to wit, that 
after our departure from Geneva should our dolour beginne. But my good hope is in 
God, that it shall end to his glory and our comfort. Rest in Christ Jesus. From 
Sanct Andrews the 4th of February 1559. 

Your brother. 

John Knox 



No. XIII. [Cald. II. p. 89.] 

e From John Knox to Mr John Wood, Secretary to the Regent. 14th Feb. 1568. 

My purpose, beloved in the Lord, concerning that which oft, and now last ye crave, 
I wrote to you before, from which I can not be moved, and, therefore, of my friends I 
will ask pardon, howbeit on that one head I play the churle, retaining to myself 
that which will rather hurt me than profit them, during my days, which I hope in 
God shall not be long, and then it shall be in the opinion of others whether it shall 
be suppressed, or come to light.* God, for his great mercies sake, put such end to 
the troubles of France, as the purity of his evangell may have free passage 
within that realme ; and idolatry, with the maintainers of the same, may once 
be overthrown be order of justice, or otherways as his godly wisdom hath ap- 
pointed. In my opinion England and Scotland have both no less cause to fear 
than the faithful in France, for what they suffer in present action is laid 
up in store, let us be assured, for both countries. The ground of my as- 
surance is not the determination of the council of Trent, for that decree is 
but the utterance of their own malice ; but the justice of God is my assurance, 
for it cannot spare to punish all realmes and nations that is or shall be like 
to Jerusalem, against whose iniquity God long cried be his servants the prophets, 
but found no repentance. The truth of God hath been now of some years mani- 
fested to both, but what obedience, the words, works, and behaviour of men give 
sufficient testimony. God grant Mr Gudman a prosperous and happy success in the 
acceptation of his charge, and in all his other enterprises to God's glory and the 
comfort of his kirk ; and so will I the more patiently bear his absence, weaning 
myself from all comfort that I looked to have received be his presence and familiar- 
ity. Because I have the testimony of a good conscience, that in writing of that 
treatise against which so many worldly men have stormed, and yet storm, I 
neither sought myself nor worldly promotion, and because as yet I have neither 
heard nor seen law nor scripture to overthrow my ground,f I may appeal to a more 
indifferent judge than Dr. Jewel. I would most gladly pass through the course that 
God hath appointed to my labours, in meditation with my God and giving thanks to 
his holy name, for that it hath pleased his mercy to make me not a lord bishop, but 
a painful preacher of his blessed evangell, in the function whereof it hath pleased 
his majesty for Christ his son's sake to deliver me from the contradiction of moe 
enemies than one or two, which maketh me the more slow and less careful to 
revenge be word or writ whatever injury hath been done against me in my own par- 
ticular. But if that men will not cease to impugne the truth, the faithfull will 
pardon me if I offend such as for pleasure of flesh fear not to offend God. The 
defence and maintenance of superstitious trifles produced never better fruit in the 
end than I perceive is budding amongst you, schisme, which no doubt is a fore- 
runner of greaier desolation unless there be speedy repentance. — [ The reader will find 
what follows already quoted in a note at the foot of p. 263.] The faithfull of your 
acquaintance here salute you. The grace of the Lord rest with you. 

* He seems to refer here to his History of the Reformation. 

f Referring, most probably, t<j his Treatise against Female Government. 



APPENDIX. 



439 



No. XIV. [Cal<L n. 107.] 

The same to the same, (See p. 243.) 

I thank you heartily, dearly beloved in the Lord Jesus, that ye had such remem- 
brance of me as to certify of that part which not a little troubled and yet troubleth 
me. What I have done or am able to do in that behalf I will not trouble you at this 
present, this only excepted, that it will please you to travel as in the end of your 
letter ye write ye would do, to wit, that my sons might be Denezans there. I am 
informed, both be letter and be tongue, besides conjectures that probably may be 
gathered, that the Duke and his friends are inflamed against me. bfter than once 
I have called to mind your words to me that day that 1 had been more than vehe- 
ment, as some men thought, in the end of the chapter of John's Evangell con- 
cerning the treasonable departure of Judas from Christ, and of the causes thereof. 
Before that I came forth of the preaching place ye said, Before my God, I think 
your eyes shall see performed that which your mouth hath pronounced. My words 
■were these, I fear that such as have entered with us in professing of the Evangell, 
as Judas did with Christ, shall depart and follow Judas, how soon the expectation 
Of gain and worldly promotion faileth them. Time will try farther, and we shall see 
overmuch. We look daily for the arrival of the duke and his Frenchmen, sent to 
restore Satan to his kingdome, in the person of his dearest lieutenant, sent, I say, 
to repress religion, not from the king of France, but from the Cardinall of Lorrane 
tn favour of his dearest nice. Lett England take heed, for surely their neighbours 
houses are on fire. I would, dear brother, that ye should travell with zealous men, 
that they may consider our estate. What I would say, ye may easily conjecture. 
Without support we are not able to resist the force of the domesticall enemies (un- 
less God work miraculously) much less are we able to stand against the puissance 
of France, the substance of the Pope, and the malice of the house of Guise, unless 
we be comforted by others than by ourselves. Ye know our estate, and therefore I 
will not insist to deplore our poverty. The whole comfort of the enemies is this, 
that be treason or other means they may cutt off the Eegent, and then cutt the 
throat of the innocent king. How narrowly hath the regent escaped once, I suppose 
ye have heard. As their malice is not quenched, so ceaseth not the practice of the 
Wicked, to put in execution the cruelty devised, I live as a man already dead from 
all affairs civil, and therefore I praise my God ; for so I have some quietness in spirit, 
and time to meditate on death, and upon the troubles I have long feared and fore- 
teeth. The Lord assist you with his holy spirit, and put an end to my tra veils, to 
his own glory, and to the comfort of his kirk ; for assuredly, brother, this miserable 
life is bitter unto me. Salute your bedfellow in my name, and the rest in Christ 
- T — ::£. I:;- Lri/e i^'.zn y;.u. . : . ;ie Lord Jesus Chris: rest ^i:h 
yon for ever. 

Of Edinburgh the 10 of September 1568. 



2so. XT. [Cald. IL p. 144.] 

Extract of a Letter from John Knox M To a friend in England." (See p. 319. 

Of Edinburgh, 19th August, 1569. 

If from day to day thir seven years bypast, I had not looked for ane end 

•f ma travells, I could have no excuse of my obstinate fault toward you, beloved in 
the Lord, be whom I have received, beside commendations and letters, diverse 
tokens of your unfained friendship, yet have negligently pretermitted all office of 
humanity toward you, whereinto I acknowledge my offence ; for albeit I have been 
tossed with many storms all the time before expressed, yet might I have gratified 
you and others faithful, with some remembrance of my estate, if that this my 
churlish nature, for the most part oppressed with melancholy, had not stayed tongue 
and pen from doing of their duty. Yea, even now, when that I could somewhat sa- 
tisfy your desire, I find within myself no small repugnance, for this I find objected 
to my wretched heart, 44 Foolish man ! what seeks thou in writing of missives in this 
corruptible age « Hath thou not a full satiety of all the vanities under the sun 



440 



APPEKDIX- 



Hath not thy eldest and stoutest acquaintance buried thee in oblivion, and are no* 
thou in that estate be age, that nature itself calleth thee from the pleasures of things 
temporall ? Is it not then more than foolishness unto thee to hunt for acquaintance 
on the earth, of what estate or condition whatsomever the persons be?" To these 
objections I could answer nothing (much more I think than is written)* hut that I 
would write with what imperfections I little regard. 



No. XVI. [Cald. II. p. 269.J 

John Knox to the Laird of Pittarrow. (See p. 286.) 

The end of all worldly trouble and pleasure both approacheth. Blessed are they 
that patiently abide in the truth, not joining hands nor hearts with impiety, how 
that ever it triumph. 

Eight worshipfull, after heartly commendations, your letter, dated at Pittarrow* 
the 14th of July, received I in Sanet Andrews, the 15th of the same; The brute and 
armour of Adam Gordon and his doings, and preparations made to resist him was 
diverse, but nothing that I heard moved me, for I perceive the cup of iniquity is not 
yet full. Of one thing I am assured, that God of his mercy will not suffer his own to 
be tempted above measure, neither will he suffer iniquity to be ever unpunished. 
From me can come no other counsel than ye have heard from the beginning of our 
acquaintance, to wit, that not only action defileth andmaketh guilty before God, but 
also consent of heart, and all paction with the wicked. Out of bed, and from my 
book, I come not but once in the week, and so few tidings come ;to me. What order 
God shall put into the mind of the authority to take for staying of thir present' 
troubles, I know not, but ever still my dull heart feareth the worst, and that be- 
cause no appearance of right conversion unto God, but both the parties stand as 
it were fighting against God himself in justification of their wickedness. # # #■ 
Dayly looking for an end of my battel, I have set forth ane answer to a Jesuit who 
long hath railed against our religion, as the reading of this tractat will more plainly 
let you understand. The letter in the end of it, if it serve not for this estate of Scot- 
land, yet it will serve a troubled conscience, so long as the kirk of God remaineth in 
either realm. With my hearty commendations to your bedfellow, and to my Lord 
Marshall, the Master, and to the faithful in your company. Deliver to them the 
book according to their directions, and pray the faithful in my name to recommend 
me to God in their prayers, for my battel is strong, and yet without great corporal 
pain. The^ Lord Jesus, who hath once redeemed us, who hath also of his mercy 
given unto us the light of his blessed countenance, continue us in that light that 
once we have received externally, and at his good pleasure putt an end to all the 
troubles of his own spouse, the kirk, which now sobbeth and crieth, Come, Lord 
Jesus, come Lord Jesus ; whose omnipotent Spirit conduct you to the end. Amen, 

At Sanct Andrews, 19 of July. [1572.] 



No. XVII. [Cald. n. 270.] 
John Knox to Mr Goodman, 
Written about the same time with the preceding. 

Beloved brother, I can not praise God of your trouble, but that of his mercie he 
hath made you one against whom Satan bendeth all his engines, thereof unfainedlie 
I praise my God, beseeching him to strengthen you to fight your battell lawfully to 
the end. That we shall meet in this life there is no hope ; for to my bodie it is impos- 
sible to be carried from countrie to countrie, and of your comfortable presence where 
I am I have small, yea no esperance. The name of God be praised, who of his mer- 
cie hath left me so great comfort of you in this life. That ye may understand that 
my heart is pierced with the present troubles : from the castle of Edinburgh hath 
sprung all the murthers first and last committed in this realme, yea, and all the 
troubles and treasons conspired in England. God confound the wicked devisers with 
their wicked devises. So long as it pleased God to continue unto me any strength, 



APPEXDIX. 



441 



I ceased not to forewarn these dayes publickly, as Edinburgh can -witness, and 
secretlie, as 3£r. Bandolph and others of that nation with whom I secretlie con- 
ferred, can testifie. Remedy now on earth resteth none-, but onlie that both 
England and Scotland hum Mr submit themselves to the correcting hand of God, 
with humble confession of their former inobedience, that blood was not punished, 
when he be his servants publickly craved justice according to his law ; in which 
head your realme is no less guilty than we, who now drink the bitter part of the 
cup, which God of his mercie avert from you. And thus weary of the world, with 
my hearty commendations to all faithfull acquaintance, Mr. Bodlih and his bed. 
fellow especially remembered, 1 commit you to the protection of the omnipotent*. 
Off Sane t Andrews. 



So. XVHX [Calderwood's US. apud an. 1570. Advocates' Library.] 
(See above, p. ■&) 

Prayer used by John Knox, after the Begent's death. 

O Lord, what shall we add to the former petitions we know not ; yea, alace, O 
Lord, our owne consciences bear us record that we are unworthie that thou should 
either encreass or yet continue thy graces with us, be reason of our horrible ingrati- 
tude. In our est ream e miseries we called, and thou in the multitude of thy mercies 
heard us, and first thou delivered us from the tyrannic of merciless strangers, 
next from the bondage of idolatry, and last from the yeak of that wretched 
woman, the mother of all mischre. and in her place thou didst erect her sonne, 
and to supply his iniancie thou didst appoynt a Eegent endued with such graces 
as the divell himself cannot accuse or justly convict him, this only excepted, 
that foolish pity did so farre prevail! in him, concerning execution and punish- 
ment which thou commanded to have been execute upon her, and upon her 
complices, the murtherers of her husband. O Lord, in what miserie and confusion 
found he this realme! To what rest and quiet nesse now, be his labours, sud- 
danlie he brought the same, all estates, but speciallie the poor commons, can 
witness. Thy image. Lcrd, did so elearlie shyue in that personage, that the 
divell, and the wicked to whom he is prince, could not abyde it. And so to 
punish our sinnes and ingratitude, who did not ryghtlie esteem so pretious a 
gift, thou hes permitted him to fall, to our great grief e, in the hands of cruell 
and traterous murtherers. He is at rest, O Lord, and we are left in extreame 
miserie. Be mercifull to us. and suffer not Satan to prevaill against thy little 
fiocke within this realme, neither yet, O Lord, let bloode thristy men come 
to the end of their wicked enterprises. Preserve, O Lord, our young king, al- 
though he be ane infant : give unto him the spirit of sanctMcation, with en- 
creasse of the same as he groweth in yea res. Let his raigne, O Lord, be sock 
as thou may be glorified, and thy little flock comforted by it. Seeing that we 
are now left as a flock without a pastor, in cmll policie, and as a shippe with- 
out a rudder in the middst of the storm, let thy providence watch. Lord, and 
defend us in these dangerous da yes. that the wicked of the world may see. that 



as weill without the help of man, as with it, thou art able to rule, maintain* 
and defend the little dock that dependeth upon thee. And because, O Lord, 
the shedding of innocent bloode hes ever been, and yet is odious in thy pre- 
sence, yea, that it defyleth the whole land where it is shed and not punished, we 
crave of thee, for Christ thy sonnes sake, that thou wilt so try and punish the 
two treasonable and cruell murthers latelie committed, that the inventars, de- 
vysers, authors, and maintainers of treasonable crueltie, may be either tho- 
roughlie converted or confounded. O Lord, if thy mercie prevent us not, we can- 
not escape just condemnation, for that Scotland hath spared, and England hath 
maintained the lyfe of that most wicked woman. Oppose thy power, O Lord, to 
the pryde of that cruell man here r of her owne husband : confound her faction 
and their subtile enterprises, of what estate and condition soever they be: and let 
them and the world know, that thou art a God that can deprehend the wise in 
their own wisdome. and the proude in the imagination of their wicked hearts, 
to their everlasting confusioun. Lord, retain us that call upon thee in thy true 
fear. Let us grow in the same. Give thou strength to us to fight our battel!, 
yea, Lord, to right it lawfullie, and to end our lives in the sanctincation of tut 



442 



APPENDIX. 



No. XIX. [Cald. MS. apud an. 1572. Advocates' Library.] 

The last will and words of John Knox, minister of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, 
put in order at St. Andrew's, the 13th May, 1572. 

Lord Jesus, I commend my troubled spirit in thy protection and defence, and thy 
troubled kirk to thy mercie. 

Because I have had to doe with diverse personages of the ministrie wherunto 
God of his mercie directit me within this Realme, my duty craveth that I shall 
3eaveunto them now a testimonie of my mynd. And first to the Papists, and to 
the unthankful world, I say, that although my lyfe hath beene unto them odious, 
jxnd that often they have sought my destruction, and the destruction of the kirk 
which God of his great mercie planted within this Realme, and hath alwayse pre- 
served and keeped the same from their cruell interpryses, yet to them I am com- 
pelled to say, that unlesse they speedilie repent, my departing of this life shall be 
to them the greatest calamitie that ever yet hath apprehended them. Some 
small appearance they may have yet in my life, if they had grace to see. A dead 
man I have beene now almost these two years bypast, and yet I would that they 
should rypelie consider in what better estate they and their maters stand than 
they have done before, and they have heard of long tyme before threatned. But 
because they will not admit me for admonisher, I give them over to the judgement 
of him who knoweth the hearts of all, and will disclose the secreets thereof in 
due time. And this farre to the Papists. To the faithfull : Before God, before his 
Sone Jesus Christ, and before his holy angels, I protest that God, be my mouth, 
(be I ever so abject,) hath shewed to you his truth in all simplicitie. None I have 
corrupted, none I have defrauded, merchandise I have not made (to God's glorie I 
write) of the glorious evangell of Jesus Christ, but according to the measure of 
grace granted unto me, I have devyded the sermon of truth in just parts, beating 
down the rebellion of the proud in all who did declare their rebellion against God, 
according as God in his law giveth to me yet testimonie, and raising up the con- 
sciences troubled with the knowledge of their sinne, be declaring of Jesus Christ, 
the strenth of his death, and mighty operation of his resurrection, in the hearts of 
the faithfull. Of this, I say, I have a testimonie this day in my conscience before 
God, however the world rage. Be constant therfor in the doctrine which once pub- 
licklie you have professed. Let not thir scandalous dayes draw you away from 
Jesus Christ, neither let the prosperitie of the wicked move you to follow it or 
them. For howsoever that God appeareth to neglect his owne for a season, yet 
his majesty remaineth a just God, who neither can nor will justifie the wicked. I 
am not ignorant that many would that I should enter in particular determination 
of thir present troubles, to whom I plainlie and simplie answer, that, as I never 
exceeded the bounds of God's scriptures, so will I not doe in this part be God's 
grace. But hereof I am assured by him, who neither can deceave nor be deceaved, 
that the castell of Edinburgh, in which all the murther, all the trouble, and the 
whole destruction of this poore commonwealth was invented, and, as our owne eyes 
may witnesse, be them and their maintainers were put in execution, shall come to 
destruction, maintain it whosoever, the destruction I say of bodie and soule, ex- 
cept they repent. I looke not to the momentarie prosperitie of the wicked, yea, 
although they should remaine conquerours to the coming of our Lord Jesus, but I 
look to this sentence, that whosoever sheddeth innocent bloode, defyleth the land, 
and provoketh God's wraith against himself and the land, till his bloode be shedd 
againe be order of law to satisfie God's anger. This is not the first tyme that yee 
have heard this sentence, although many at all tymes have sturred at such seve- 
ritie. I yet affirme the same, being readie to enter to give an account before his 
majestie of the stewardship that he committed to me. I know in my death, the 
rumours shall be strange. But, beloved in the Lord Jesus, be yee not troubled 
above measure, but remaine constant in the truth, and he who of his mercie sent 
me, conducted me, and prospered the work in my hand against Satan, will pro- 
vyde for you abundantlie, when either my bloode shall water the doctrine taught 
be me, or he of his mercie otherwise provyde to put an end to this my battel. 



SUPPLEMENT. 



[The following Poem, in memory of Knox, is exceedingly rare. I had in vain made 
inquiries after a copy of it, and was obliged to signify my despair of finding one ; 
but I unexpectedly obtained a copy. As the tract, besides its connection with this 
work, is a curious specimen of the old Scottish language and versification, it is 
here exactly and entirely reprinted.] 



ANE BREIF COM- 

MENDATIOVN OF VPRICHT- 

nes, in respect of the surenes of the same, to all that walk in 
it, amplifyit cheifly be that notabill document of Goddis michtie 
protectioun, in presenting his maist vpright seruand, 
and feruent Messinger of Christis Euangell, 
Iohne Knox. Set furth in Inglis meter 
be M. Iohne Danidsone, Eegent 
in S. Leonards College. 

H Quhairunto is addit in the end ane schort discurs of the Estaitis quha hes caus to 
deploir the deith of this Excellent seruand of God. 

I PSALME. XXXVII. 
I Mark the vpright man, and behauld the lust, for the end of that man is 

peace. 

% IMPEENTIT AT SANCTAN- 
drois be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno. 1573. 



TO THE MAIST GODLIE, ANCIENT, AND WORTHIE 

Schir Iohne "Wischart of Pittarow Knicht, M. Iohne Dauidsone 
wisses the continuall assistance of the Spreit of God, 
to the end, and in the end. 

Considebing with myself (maist worthie Knicht) the greit frailtie and vnsure- 
ness of all strenthis eirthly quhatsoeuer, quharin ma leifing god, vsis to put his 
traist on the ane part, and the sure fortres and saifgaird of vprichtnes, howbeit 
destitute of all aide warldly on the vther part ; I culd not withhald my pen fro 
vttering of that praise and cominendatioun of vprichtnes, quhilk in my mynde I had 
consauit of the same. Being chiefly mouit heirunto be the Miraculous (as I may 
weill call it) and maist wonderfull preseruatioun of that maist notabill seruand of 
God, and sinceir Preicheour of Christis Euangell, Iohne Knox. Quha being bot of 
small estimatioun befoir the eyis of the warld (zit greit befoir God) was hatit vnto 



444 



SUPPLEMENT. 



the deith. And that euin be Kingis, Queenis, Princes, and greit men of the warld,. 
and finally be all the rabill of Sathanis suddartis (a), in Scotland, Ingland, and 
France. Zea, not only was he hatit, and raillit on, bot also persecutit maist 
scharply, and huntit from place to place as ane vnworthie of ony societie with man. 
And althocht thay wer michtie and potent, zea, and wantit na euill will, and he on 
the vther syde ane pure man, alane,. and oft tymes without help, or assistance of ye 
warld, zit was he michtely preseruit, and as in a maist sure saifgard (all the wickits 
attentis quha thristit nathing mair nor his blude being frustrat) conducted to ane 
maist quyet, peaciabill and happy end, to the greit aduancement of Goddis glorie* 
and singulare comfort of his Kirk, and to the confusioun ofSathan and discofort 
of all his wickit instrumetis. Thairfoir that this sa notabil and euidet ane documet 
of the louing cair of our god towardis his seruads suld not with him be buryit boft 
abyde recent in memorie till all the inhabitantis of this Kealme in all ages to cum. 
I haue preissit (&) schortly in this lytill paper to mak, as it wer, ane memoriall of 
the same, and yat in that laguage quhilk is maist comoun to this hail Realme, to 
the intent that asweill vnleirnit as Iearnit may be pertakeris of the same. Not that 
I think my self abill to handill sa worthie ane mater worthelie in ony toung, bot 
that partly I may schaw my gude will in this mater, and partly to gif occasion to 
vtheris, that baith hes mair dexteritie in sic thingis, and greiter opportunitie of 
tyme, to intreit the same at greiter lenth. That be calling to mynd this notabill 
exepill of Godis louing cair towardis vs, we all in thir feirfull dayis (quhairin he 
that seis not tryall approaching neir is destitute of Iudgement) may be strenthnit 
and incourageit to ga fordwart vprichtly, euerie ane in our awin vocatioun, with- 
out declyning outher to the richt hand or to the left. And principally that 
our watche men faint not, nor begin to iouk (c), or flatter with the world for feir of 
Tyranis, bot that thay may haue brasin faces, and foirheides of Iron aganis the 
threitnings of the wickit, codempning impietie of all persounis in plane tennis, 
following the ensapill of this maist zelous seruad of God, of quhoe heirtofoir we 
haue maid mentioun, and that being assurit gif sa thay walk vprichtly in dis- 
chargeing of thair office, that thay ar in ye protectioun of the Almichtie. 

^ And this small frute of my sober trauellis, I haue thocht gude to offer and 
present to zow (maist worthie Knicht) not sa mekill for that, that I thocht it 
worthie to be presentit till ony : as that I wald let ray gude will and grate (d) mynd, 
be the same appeir towardis zow, throw quhais procurement I obtenit the benefite 
of that godly and faithfull (thocht mocldt and falsely traducit of the warld) societie, 
quhairof presently I am participant. For the quhilk I acknawledge me, and my 
humbill seruice alwayis addettit to zour honour. And howbeit (as I mon confes) 
nathing can proceid of me that may in ony wayis correspond to zour meritis to« 
wardis me : zit sal the thankfulnes of mynd at na tyme (God willing) be deficient. 
Quhilk is to be acceptit, quhair vther thingis are lacking, in place of greit rewaird. 
And the rather haue I takin bauldness to dedicat this lytill Treateis vnto zour 
honour, baith becaus I vnderstude zow euer to haue bene sen zour Chyldheid, ane 
vnfenzeit fauourar, and mantenar to zour power of vprichtnes, quhais praise in this 
lytill Volume is intreatit. And also, that this notabill seruand of God (quhais 
michtie preseruatioun, notwithstanding the wickitis rage, to ane quyet end, chiefly 
mufit me to this busines) was maist belufit of zow quhile he leuit, and yat for yat 
greit vprichtnes quhilk ze saw from tyme to tyme maist viuely expres the self in 
him. And finally, that your honour may be mufit heirby, as ze haue begunne and 
continewit to this day ane zelous professour of Goddis word, mantenar of the samin, 
and lufer of his seruandis : sa ze may perseueir to the end of zour lyfe, without 
sclander to zour professioun, euer approuing the treuth, and haitting impietie in all 
persounis, not leaning to warldly wisdome, nor louking for the plesure of greit men 
in the warld : Sen nane of thir thingis, bot only vprichtnes can outher mak ane 
plesand to God, or zit sure in this warld. And sa traisting that zour honour will 

accept this my sober offer (till God grant better occasioun of greter) intill gude 
part. I commit zow to the protectioun of the Almichtie, that quhen it sail 
pleis God to tak zow furth of this miserie, ze may end zour lyfe in the 
sanctificatioun of his haly name. To quhome be praise and 
Glorie, for euer. Amen. From Sanctandrois 
the XVIII. of February. 



{a) soldiers. (6) pressed, endeavoured. (c) shift. {d) grateful. 



SUPPLEMENT. 



445 



ANE BRIEF COMMENDATIOVN OF VPRICHTNES. 



SEN that we se men till haue studyit ay 
Into this eirth sic strenthis to prepair, 
As micht be saifgaird to thame nicht and day, 
Quhen ony danger dang thame in dispair, 

Wald thow gude Reider haue ane strenth preclair, (<?) Prouer. 10. 
Maist Strang and stark to rin to in distres, 12, 13, 18. 

This lytill schedull schortly sail declair Ecclesi. 9. 

How that the surest Towre is vprichtnes. Ps. 25, 27, 91. 

Quhilk vprichtnes we may descriue to be : 
Ane traid of lyfe conforme to Godds command. lob. 31. 

Without all poysoun of Hypocrisie, 
Or turning to and fra, from hand to hand. 

Bot stoutly at the word of God to stand, Prouer. 5. 

Eschewing alwayis it for to transgres, Psalm 18. 

Not bowing back for thame that contramand. 
This wayis we may descriue this vprichtnes. 

For first thair is na Castell, Towre, nor Toun, 
Nor naturall strenth, as Alexander sayis, 'Q. Curt. li. 7« 

Bot manis Ingyne may vincous and ding doun, 
As that he had experience in his dayis, 
Na strenth was sure to theme that was his fais : 
The Craig in Asia did beir witnes, Q. Curt. li. 7. 

Howbeit in hicht vnto the sky it rais, 
It was ouercum for laik of vprichtnes. 

Euin sa that bailful Bour of Babilone, Q. Curt li. 5. 

Na saifgaird was to Darius we reid, feremi. 51. 

Suppois it was ane maist Strang Dongeone, 
And mony ma I micht declair in deid 
Bot sic exempellis Foraine nane we neid ; 
Quhat surenes fand the Bischopis halynes, 
-Into Dumbartane quhair he pat his Creid? 
It was not half so sure as vprichtnes. 

The force of men gif ony will obtend, p s . 33. 40. 60. 

Kinred, or friends to be ane gairdmaist Strang, Esai. 31. 

All is bot vane, they can not man defend, Jeremi. 17. 

For quha mair surely into Royat (f) rang, 

Nor the greit Conquerour his freindis amang Q.Curt.lib.10. 
Z\t was he poysonit, as sum dois express, 
Intill his Camp quhilk he had led sa lang : 
Than quhat is force of man till vprichtnes. 

Riches and rent we ken dois not abyde, Prouer. H« 

Bot flitts and fochis (g) euer to and fra; Eccles. 5. 

Than vane it is in thame for to confyde, J b. H. 

Sen that we se thame asweill cum as ga : Psaim. 49. 

Thairfoir my friendis sen that the case is sa, 1. Tim'ot. 6. 

That warldly strength can haue na sickernes, Zephan. 1. 

Sum vther saifgaird surely we mon ha, Ecclesi. 2. 

O^hilk is nocht ellis bot only vprichtnes. Nahum. 3. 

Bot sum perchance that winks mair wylelie, 
Will say thay wait ane wyle ^h) that I na wist, 
With iouking thay will jangil (i) craftelie, 
And on thair feit will ay hcht quhen thay list, 
Thinking all surenes thairin to consist : 
Hypocrisie is quent (k) with quyetnes, 
Bot all begylit thay ar into the mist, 
For nathing can be sure but vprichtnes. 

For quhat become of fals Achitophell, 
For als far as he saw befoir his neis, 2. Sam. 17 



(e) excellent. 
(h) know a trick. 



(J*) royalty* 
CO juggle. 



(g) changes situation. 
(7c) acquainted, or (perhaps) crafty. 



446 



SUPPLEMENT. 



The Scriptures schawis I neid not heir to tell. 
The lyke of this in mony Historeis, 
I micht bring furth that to my purpois greis, 
How Hypocrites into their crafty nes, 
Thame selfis hes trappit with greit misereis, 
Becaus thay did eschew ail vprichtnes. 

Bot quha sa euar on the vther syde 
Hes preissit peirtly to leif vprichthe. 
And be the treuth bound bauldly till abyde, 
Hes euer had the maist securitie. 
For thay had God thair buckler for to be, 
Quhome we mon grant to be ane Strang fortres, 
Of quhome the Deuill can not get victorie, 
Nor all the enemies of vprichtnes. 

Think weill my freindis this is na fenzeit fair, (2) 
For quha sa list of Dauid for to reid, 
May se quhat enemies he had alquhair, 
And zit how surely he did ay proceid ; 
Becaus he walkit vprichtly in deid. 
He was mair sure from Saulis cruelnes, 
Nor gif ten thousand men intill his neid, 
Had with him bene syne lackit vprichtnes. 

Of sic exempills we micht bring anew, 
Bot ane thair is that preifis our purpois plane, 
Of Daniell that Propheit wyse and trew, 
How oft was he in danger to be slane ! 
Into the Lyonis Den he fond na pane : 
The three Children the fyre did not oppres. 
I think this only Historie might gane, 
To preif how sure a Towre is vprichtnes. 

Bot zit becaus exempills fetchit far, 
Mufis not so muche as thay thingis quhilk we se, 
I purpois schortly now for to cum nar, 
Vnto the but (m) quhair chiefly I wald be: 
That is to schaw the prufe befoir zour ee 
Of thir premissis, as al mon confes 
That hes sene God wirking in this countrie, 
How ane hes bene perseruit in vprichtnes. 

It is Iohne Knox in deid quhome of I mene, 
That feruent faithfull seruand of the Lord, 
Quhome I dar bauldly byde at till haue bene, 
Ane maist trew Preichour of the Lordis word. 
I rak nathing quhat Kebalds (n) heir record, 
Quha neuer culd speik gude of godlynes. 
This man I say eschaipu fyre and sword, 
And deit in peace, in praise of vprichtnes. 

Bot that this may be maid mair manifest : 
I will discurs sum thing in speciall, 
Tuiching this Lamp, on lyfe quhill he did lest. 
First he descendit bot of linage small ; 
As commaunly God vsis for to call 
The sempil sort his summoundis til expres. 
Sa calling him, he gaue him giftis with all 
Maist excellent, beside his vprichtnes. 

For weill I wait that Scotland neuer bure, 
In Scottis leid (o) ane man mair Eloquent. 
Into perswading also I am sure, 
Was nane in Europe that was more potent. 
In Greik and Hebrew he was excellent, 
And als in Lattne toung his propernes, 
Was tryit trym quhen scollers wer present. 
Bot thir wer nathing till his vprichtnes. 



Psalm. 7. 
Ester. 7. 



Ester, tw 
Dani. 6. 



Psalm. 76. 
Psalm. 89. 

1 Sam. 17. 18. 
19. 20. 21. 22. 
29. 33. 

2 Sam. 2. 3. 5. 
8. 15. 16. 18. 
20. 

1 Sam. 23. 



Dani. 6. 
Dani. 3, 



Amos, i. 7. 
Mark. 1. 
l.Cor. 1. 
Iaco. 2. 



(£) feigned affair. 

[n) I icgara nothing what worthless fellows, &c< 



(m) butt, or mark. 
(o) language. 



SUPPLEMENT. 



For fra the tyme that God anis did him call, 
To bring thay joyfull newis vnto this land, 
Quhilk hes illuminat baith greit and small, 
He maid na stop but passit to fra hand, 
Idolatrie maist stoutly to ganestand : 
And chiefly that great Idoll of the Mes. 
Howbeit maist michtie enemies he fand, 
Zit schrinkit he na quhit from vprichtnes. 

The greuous Galayis maid him not agast, 
Althocht the Prelats gold in greit did geif, 
Ouir sehipbui d in the sey him for to cast, 
He fand sic grace they sufferit him to leif. 
Zea, mairatour thay did him not mischief, 
As thay did his Companzeounis mair and les, 
With pynefull panis quhen thay thair pythis did prei£ 
God sa prouydit for his vprichthes. 

In Ingland syne he did eschaip the Ire 
Of Iesabell, that Monstour of Mahoun, (p) 
In Scotland nixt with terrour him to tyre, 
Thay brint his picture in Edinburgh Toun. 
Bot sen to Scotland last he maid him boun, ( q) 
Quhat battel he hes bidden ze may ges, 
Sen Dagon and thay Deullis he gart ding doun, 
In spite of thame that hatit vprichtnes. 

Thay that hes bene cheif in Authoritie, 
For the maist part had him at deidly feid, 
Zit he eschaipit all their crueltie, 
Howbeit oftymes thay did deuyse his deid, 
Zea, sum were knavvin perfitely be the heid 
Quha vndertuke his Dirige for to dres, 
Zit bauldiy be hes baner he abaid, 
And did not iouk ane ioit from vprichtnes. 

Bot chiefly anis he was put to ane preace, (r) 
Quhen that the Quene of tressoun did accuse him 
Befoir hir Lords in haly Rudehous place. 
Quhair clawbacks of the Court thocht till abuse him 
Sa prudetly this Propheit yair did vse him, 
Into refuting of thair fmischenes, 
That all the haill Nobilitie did ruse (s) him, 
And praisit God for his greit vprichtnes. 

Quhen Quene and Court could not get him couiet. 
Bot sa wer disappointit of thair pray, 
Thay fryit in furie that he schaipit quick, 
Zit at the leist to get thair wills sum way, 
Thay wald haue had him wardit for ane day, 
In Dauois Towre, zea, for ane hour or les, 
It was denyit for ocht the Quene culd say, 
Thair micht be sene how sure was vprichtnes. 

Bot in quhat perrell trow ze he was last, 
Quhen Edinburgh he left with hart full sair, 
Doubtles na les nor ony that hes past, 
In spyte thay spak that him thay suld not spa'tT 
Thay suld him schuit into the pulpit thair 
Becaus he did rebuke thair fylthenes, 
And mischant (t) murther that infects the air, 
Zit God preseruit him in vprichtnes. 

Mony ma dangers nor I can declair, 
Be sey and land this Propheit did sustene, 
In France and Ingland, Scotland, heir and thair, 
Quhilk I refer to thame that mair hes bene 
lntill his company and sic things sene, 
Bot this far schortly I haue maid progress, 
To preif how God maist surely dois mantene. 
Sic as continew intil vprichtnes. 

(j)) the devil. {q ) ready. (t ) press, dLTxuJfcjr. 

[S) extol. (t) wicked. 



448 



SUPPLEMENT, 



For this Excellent seruand of the Lor 3, 
Vnto the deith was hatit as we knaw, 
For sinceir preiching of the Lordis word 
With Kingis, Princes, hie estait and law, 
Zit in thair Ire him micht thay not ouirthraw, 
He did depart in peace and plesandnes : 
For all the troublis that ze hardvs schaw 
That he sustenit for lufe of vprichtnes. 

And this is merwell gif we will consider, 
Ane sempill man but (w) warldly force or aide, 
Aganis quhome Kings and Princes did confidder, («) 
How he suld fend (w) from furie and thair fead, (x) 
Syne leaue this lyfe with list for all thair plaid, (y) 
He had ane surer gaird we mon confes, 
Nor ony warldly strength that can be maid, 
Quhilk was nathing but only of vprichtnes. 

Bot sum may say quhairto suld thow prefer 
This vprichtnes quhilk thowextolls sahie 
Vntil all warldly strenthis that euer wer ? 
Sen that the contrair day lie we may se, 
How upricht men ar murtherit mischantlie, 
As first was Abell with greit cruelnes, 
Gude Iohne the Baptist, and als Zacharie, 
Zea, Christ him self for all his vprichtnes. 

Peter and Paull with mony may sensyne. 
And of lait zeiris in Ingland as we knaw, 
How mony piteously was put to pyne. 
And now in France that schame is for to schaw. 
lames our gude Regent rakkin in that raw, {%) 
Quha had rung zit wer not his ricbteousnes. 
Sa, I can se nathing sa sone ouirthraw 
Man in this eirth as dois this vprichtnes. 

To this I answer into termis schort, 
Quhen warldly strenth is vincust and maid waist, 
With it man tynis baith courage and comfort, 
Quhen it is tynt quhairin he pat his traists 
Bot quho that deith in vprichtnes dois taist, 
Sail haue the lyfe that lests with joyfulnes, 
Sa they ar sure, becaus they ar imbraist 
Be the Eternall for thair vprichtnes. 

Bot this sa lichtly we may not pass by : 
I grant indeed quha preissis vprichtlie 
To serue the Lord mon first themselfis deny, 
And na wayis dres to daut (a) thame daintelie 
Bot thame prepair for troublis Identlie ( 6), 
For troublis ar the bage they mon posses, 
Sen Sathan ceisis not continuallie 
To troubill thame that followis vprichtnes. 

Quhylis harling (c) thame befoir Princes and Kings, 
As rauing Rebalds rudelie to be rent, 
Accusing thame of troubling of all things, 
As cankerit Carlis that can not be content, 
Except all things be done be thair consent : 
Now scornit, now scurgeit, now bad with bitternes, 
Imprissonit, andsindrie fassiounis schent (d), 
And sum tymes dreuin to deith for vprichtnes. 

This is thair lote oftymes I will not lane (e) 
Into this eirth that vse to be vpricht, 
Bot quhat of this ? my purpois zit is plane: 
That is, that thay are surer, day and nicht, 



Gene. 4. 
Matth. 14, 
2 Chro. 24. 
Matth. 27. 
Euseb. To. 4. 
fol. 7. 

Vide Slei&fc- 
num. 



Prouer. 11. 



Prouer. 11. 
Matth, 16. 



Matth. 16. 

2 Timo, 3. 
Psalm. 34. 
1 Pet. 6. 
lob. 1. 

Luc. 21. 
1. Reg. 10. 
I. Reg. 17. 



Matth. 27. 
leremi. 38. 
Act. 12. 



Psalm. 91. 



(«) without. (V) confederate. (w) defend. (x~) enmity. 

\y) plea, controversy. (*.' reckon in that rank. (a) cherish* (6) diligently 
'G) dragging.) (d) maimed, or disgraced. le) conceal. 



SUPPLEMENT, 



449 



For all this wo, nor ony warldly wicht : 
For in thair conscience is mair quyetnes 
In greitest troublis, nor the men of micht 
Hes in thair Castells, without vprichtnes. 

For quhen Belshazzer greit King of the Eist, 
Ane thousand of his Princes had gart call, 
Drinkand the wyne befoir thame at the Feist, 
Intill his prydefull Pomp Imperiall: 
Euin in the middis of this his mirrie hall 
He saw ane sicht that sank him in sadnes, 
Quhen he persauit the fingers on the wall, 
Wryting his wrak for his vnvprichtnes. 

Quhat sail I say ? I neid not till insist, 
To schaw how thay to God that dois Rebell, 
In thair maist micht can not be haldin blist, 
For in this warld thay do begin thair hell, 
As Cain did that slew the iust AbelU 
Within thair breist thay beir sic bailfulnes, 
That toung of men can not the teynd part telL 
Of inwart torments for vnvprichtnes. 

Bot thay that walks vprichtly with the Lord, 
In greitest troublis wantis not inwart rest, 
As the Apostillis doung (f) for Godds word, 
Reioysit that for Christ sa thay wer drest; 
Peter in prisone sleipit but molest-; 
Paull in the stocks and Sylas with glaidnes, 
Did sing ane Psalme at midnicht, sa the best 
Surenes that man can haue, is vprichtnes. 

Sa be this surenes now I do not mene, 
That Godds seruands ar neuer tane away, 
Be cruell men, for the contrair is sene, 
For God oftymes of his Iudgements I say, 
Letts thame so fall, as thocht befoir the day : 
To plague the warld for thair vnthankfulnes, 
Quhilk is not worthie of sic men as thay. 
Bot I mene this be strench of vprichtnes. 

That quhen it plesis God to let thame fall, 
Thay haue sic inwart comfort without cair, 
That thay depart with ioy AngelicalL, 
Of lyfe assurit that lestis for euer mair. 
And zit sum tyme he dois his seruands spair, 
To let the Tyrannis se his mich tines, 
In spyte of thame, that he can his aiquhair, 
Preserue maist surely intill vprichtnes. 

Quhilk we haue sene as we can not deny, 
Into lohne Knoxis michtie preseruation, 
Quhilk till our comfort we suld all apply, 
1 mene that ar the Faithfull Congregatioun. 
Sen he departit with sic consolatioun 
Euin as he leuit, he deit in Faithfulnes, 
Being assurit in Christ of his Saluatioun, 
As in the end he schew with vprichtnes. 

Sa is he past from pane to pleasure ay, 
And till greit eis doutles vntill him sell, 
Bot for ane plague till vs I daar weill say, 
As sair I feir we sail heir schortly tell, 
Schir wink at vice (g) beginnis to tune his bell. 
Bot on this heid na mair I will digres, 
That gude men hes mair rest in all perrell 
Nor wickit in thair welth bot vprichtnes. 

Then sen alwayis we se that men ar sure 
Throw vprichtnes quhidder thay liue cr die, 
Let all gude Cristianes Imploy thair cure, 
In thair vocatioun to leif vprichtlie ; 

(/) beat, or scourged. {g) Sir Wink-at fice, an 



Psalm. 118. 



Dani. 5. 



Gene. 4. 
Esau 66. 
Prouer. 15. 

Prouer 14. 

Act. 5. 

Act. 12. 
Act. 16. 



Esai. 3. 
Heb. 11. 



Acts. 7. 
2. Timot. 4. 



Esai. 41. 
'•.erem. ] . 



Psaim. 37 

allegorical charactt*. 
2 G 



450 



SUPPLEMENT. 



And chiefly let all preicheouris warnit be, 
That this day God and the gude caus profes, 
Na wayis to wink at sic Impietie 
And chiefly dois withstand all vprichtnes. 

Taking exempill of this Propheit plane, 
Quhome heir befoir we breuit in this bill, (k) 
Quha Godds reuelit will wald neuer lane, 
Quhen men begouth for to delyte in ill, 
He wald not wane ane wy (t) for na manis will 
For to rebuke Erie, Barrone, or Burges, 
Quhen in thair wickit wayis thay walkit still. 
Follow this Lamp I say of vprichtnes. 

Let nouther lufe df friend, nor feir of fais, 
Mufe zow to mank (k) zour Message, or hald bak 
Ane iot of zour Commission ony wayis : 
Call ay quhite, quhite, and blak, that quhilk is blak, 
Ane Gallimafray (I) neuer of them mak: 
Bot ane gud caus distingue from wicketnes, 
This kynd of phrais sumtymes this Propheit spak, 
Quhen he saw sum not vsing vprichtnes. 

In generall do not all things inuolue, 
Thinking zour selfis discharged than to be, 
Thocht na manis mynd in maters ze resolue : 
For (zit till vse this same manis Elogie) 
To speik the treuth, and speik the treuth trewlie, 
Is not a thing (m) (said he) brethren doutles. 
Thairfoir speik trewly but Hypocrisie, 
Gif ze wald haue the praise of vprichtnes. 

Let vice ay in the awin cullouris be kend, 
But beiring with, or zit extenuatioun, 
Schawing how heichly God it dois offend, 
Spairing na stait maks preuar.catioun, 
Let it be sene till all the Congregatioun, 
That ze sic haitrent haue at wicketnes, 
That ze mon dainpne their greit abhominatioun, 
Quha planely fechtis aganis all vprichtnes. 

Quhilk tred of doctrine gif ze anis begin 
I grant the Deuill and warld will be agane zow ; 
The feid of fremmit, and craibing of zour kin, (»•) 
First ze sail find, syne terrour to constiaine zow 
To syle the suith (o) and sunze (p) I will plane (g) zow, 
The Zock is not sa licht as sum dois ges ; 
Bot zit haue ze na dreid quha do disdane zow, 
Sen that zour fortres sure is vprichtnes. 

For pleis it God zour ty-fe to 1 en then heir, 
Thocht all the warld aganis zow wald con spy re, 
Thay sail not haue the power zow to deir, ir) 
Albeit thay rage and rin wod (*) in thair Ire, 
And gif that God thinks gude be sword or fyre 
To let zow fall, be ay in reddynes : 
Being assurit that heuin salbe zour hyre, 
Because ze endit sa in vprichtnes. 

Let not the lufe of this lyfe temporall, 
Quhilk ze mon lose, but let quhen zeleist wene, (t) 
Stay zow to cois (u) with lyfe Celestiall. 
Quhen euer that the chois cumis thame bet wene, 
Christis sentence in zour gardene keip ay grene, 
Quha sauis his lyfe sail lois it not the les. 
Quhilk euininto this warld hes oft bene sene, 
Quhat gaine is than to deny vprichtnes ? 



Tit. 1. 



Psalm. 40. 
Esai. 5. 

2 Timot. 2. 

2 Timot. 2, 
Num. 23. 24. 

2 Timot. 4. 

Act. 17. 
Esai. 58. 
I Timot. 5. 



Psalm. 38. 
Psalm. 41. 



Nahum. 1. 
Psalm. 31. 
Psalm. 34. 



2 Timot. 4. 



Math. 16. 



(h) described in this wort. (i) probably waytld ane W€e, i e. swerve a little. 
(A) curtail. (I) a hotch-potch. (m) one thing. 
[71 ) the nostility of strangers, and anger of relations. (o) conceal the truth. 
{p) anxiety. \q) plainly tell. (r) injure. (*) mad. 

(i) without hindrance, when ye least think. ( uj barter. 



HISTORICAL REMARKS, 



451 



Than to conclude, sen in thir dangerous dayis 
Sa mony terrours Tyranis casts befoir zow, 
Call vpon God to strenthen zow alwayis, 
That with his haly Spreit he will decoir zow, 
As he hes done his seruands ay befoir zow, 
That ze may neuer wink at wickitness, Esai. 51. 

"With Gun & Gainze thocht thay boist to gor zow, 
Sen that zour Towre sa sure is vprichtnes. 
r FINIS. M. L D. 



HISTORICAL EEMAEKS 

OX KNOX'S IMPLICATION IN RIZZIO'S Mm DER- 
BY PATRICK FRASER TYTLER, Esq. 
Appended to the Seventh Volume of his History of Scotland. 



It has long been known that some of the principal supporters of the Pro- 
testant cause in Scotland were implicated in the assassination of Rizzio ; 
but it has hitherto been believed that their great ecclesiastical leader, 
Knox, was not privy to this murder. From the language in which the 
event is told in his history, it might be inferred, indeed, that he did not 
condemn the assassination of one whom he regarded as a bitter enemy to 
the truth. " After this manner above specified." says he, " to wit. by tbe 
death of David Rizzio, the noblemen were relieved" of their trouble, and 
restored to their places, and rowmes ( offices), and likewise the Church re- 
formed, and all that professed the Evangel within this realm, after fasting 
and prayer, were delivered;" but in weighing this passage, it is to be re- 
membered, that although the Fifth Book of Knox's History was probably 
composed from notes and collections left by the Reformer, it was not 
written by him. The late Dr. M'Crie, his excellent biographer, has this 
sentence upon the subject, which, from the authority deservedly attached 
to his life of Knox, may be taken as the present popular belief Upon the 
point. " There is no reason to think that he (Knox) was privy to the 
conspiracy which proved fatal to Rizzio ; but it is probable that he had 
expressed his satisfaction at an event which contributed to the safety of 
religion and of the commonwealth, if not also his approbation of the con- 
duct of the conspirators." 

As Dr. M'Crie had not the advantage of consulting those letters upon 
this subject, which I have found in the State Paper i 'ffice, and by which 
the whole secret history of the conspiracy against Rizzio has been de- 
veloped, we are not to wonder that he should have spoken so decisively of 
Knox's innocence of any previous knowledge of the plot. I shall now state, 
as clearly as I can, the evidence upon which I have aflirmed in the text, 
that he was precognizant of the intended murder — adding, at the same 
time, some letters which may be quoted in his defence. 

The reader is already aware that Rizzio was assassinated on the Sth of 
March 1565-6 ; that Ruthven, Morton, Lethington, fled on the Queen's 
escape and meditated advance to Edinburgh (March 18th), and that while 
other accomplices secreted themselves in Scotland. Morton and Ruthven 
took refuge in r ngland. Such being the state of things, on the 21st of 
March, the Earl of Bedford, then at Berwick, of which he was governor, 
thus wrote to Cecil — [This letter merely mentions that Ruthven had ar- 
rived at Berwick, that Morton was soon expected, and that Argyle, Glen- 
cairn, and Rothes, had received their pardon. It then concludes with this 
following passage :]— " Their King remaineth utter enemy to these lords 
now abroad, notwithstanding his former doings with them. Hereof, and 
for that Mr. Randolph writeth also more at large of the namts of such as 
now be s[one abroad, I shall not trouble you therewith." * * * 

This letter was written from Berwick eleven days after the murder, and 
about a week after the flight of the conspirators, here called " those that 
be gone abroad;" and we see that in the last sentence, Bedford mentions 
to Cecil, that he will not trouble him with any farther details, as Mr. 
Randolph was at thit very time writing to him, and would send in his 
letter the names cf fie conspirators who had gone abroad. 

This letter of Eaniolph is accordingly in the State Paper Office, and 



452 



HISTOEICAL EEMAKKS 



Jrinned to it I found the promised List of Names. I shall first give the 
etter, and then the "list." The letter, which is addressed to Cecil, is wholly 
in Randolph's hand — the list is in the hands of a clerk, who I find at that 
time was employed in his confidential correspondence by Bedford. The 
letter, which is addressed to Cecil, is as follows : — 

Randolph to Cecil. 
" May it please your Honor, Berwick, list March 1565-6. 

" Since Mr. Carew's departure hence, this hath happened. The 
Queen, to be revenged upon the lords that gave the last attemptate, and 
slew David, is content to remit unto the former lords, with whom she was 
so grievously offended, all that they had done at any time against her, 
who, seeing now their liberty and restitution offered unto them, were all 
content, saving my Lord of Murray, to leave the other lords that were the 
occasion of their return, and took several appointment as they could get 
it, of which the first was the Earl of Glencairn, next Rothes, Argile, and 
so every one after other, saving, as I said, my Lord of Murray, with him 
Patarro and Grayne [Grange], who, standing so much upon their honours 
and promise, will not leave the other without some likelihood to do them 
good. 

" The lords of the last attemptate, which were these : Morton, Ruthven, 
Lindsay, and Leddington, finding these men fall from them whom they 
trusted so much in, and for whose cause they had so far ventured them- 
selves, found it best to save themselves in time, and therefore upon Sun- 
day last, every one of the four above-named, departed their several way, 
my Lord of Morton towards the West Borders, my Lord Ruthven through 
Tividale, and so came to Wark, and yesterday to this town. The Lord 
Lindsay into Fife, Liddington to Athol, to my L. there, either to be saved 
by him, or to purchase his pardon of the Q., which is thought will be so 
hard as may be, and therefore is he looked for very shortly to be in this 
country, if he can escape. 

" Besides these that were the principal takers in hand of this matter, 
there are also these : —the Laird of Ormiston; Hawton, his son-in-law; 
Cawder, his nephew ; Brunston, Whyttyngham, Andrew Car of Fawl- 
side, Justice-Clerk, brother, George Douglas, and some other. Of the 
town of Edinburgh, divers ; so that as I judge, there are as many like to 
take hurt in this action as were in the former. W hat is become of any 
of these, I know not as yet, saving Andrew Car, that came to this town 
with the L. Ruthven and his son. 

li The Q., upon Monday last, returned to Edinburgh. In her company 
the Earls Bothwell, Huntly, Marshall, Hume, Seton, with as many as there 
[they] were able to bring with them " * * * At Berwick, the 21s4 
March, 1565. 

This letter explains itself, and needs no comment. The list of the names 
which was pinned to it is as follows. It bears this indorsement in the 
hand of Cecil's clerk. 

Martii, 1565. 

" Names of such as were consenting to the death of David. 
" The Earl Morton. Lochleven. 
The L. Ruthven. Elphinston. 
The L. Lindsay. Patrick Murray. 

The Secretary. Patrick Ballantyne. 

The Mr of Ruthven. George Douglas. 

Lairds. Andrew Kar, of Fawdonside. 

Ormiston. John Knox, ) Prpacher<! 

Brunston. John Crag, / creamers. 

Haughton. 

" All these were at the death of Davy, and privy thereunto, and are nev 
in displeasure with the Q., and their houses taken and spoiled.* 

The inference from all this seems to me inevitable ; namely, that in as 
authentic list sent to Secretary Cecil by Bedford and Randolph, the n&rfsS 
of John Knox is given as one of those who were privy and consenting to 
the death of David Rizzio. Now, that these two persons, the Ear? cf 
Bedford and Randolph, were intimately acquainted with the whole details 
of the conspiracy, has been proved in the text. * * * 

* It is certain that this cannot mean that all whose names are to be found in this list were 
personally present at the act of the murder ; it should be understood to mean that " all these 
»ere at the murder of Davy, or privy thereto." 



OX EIZZIO'S MUP.PER, 



4-53 



The evidence, therefore, is direct and clear, and comes from those who 
must be esteemed the best witnesses in such a case. But there are other 
circumstances which strongly corroborate it. as far as Knox is concerned. 
The Reformer was then the great leader and adviser of the party of the 
Kirk ; Rizzio was regarded as its bitter enemy, an opponent of God, an 
oppressor and tyrant over God's people ; and we know that Knox con- 
ceived it lawful for private individuals to put such persons to death, pro- 
vided all redress in the ordinary course of justice was rendered impossible. 
" The truth is," says Dr. M'Crie, in his reflections upon the death of 
Beaton, a he (Knox) held the opinion that persons who. by the commis- 
sion of flagrant crimes, had forfeited their lives, according to the law 
of God and the just laws of society, such as notorious murderers and 
tyrants, might warrantably be put to death by private individuals, pro- 
vided all redress in the ordinary course of justice was rendered impossible, 
in consequence of the offenders having usurped the executive authority, 
or being systematically protected by oppressive rulers." Now. keeping 
this in mind, we find Morton and Ruthven. the leading conspirators, in- 
forming Cecil, in a letter from Berwick, written on the 27th March, that 
the great end proposed by them in the murder of Rizzio was, to prevent 
the universal subversion of religion within Scotland ; and they add this 
remarkable sentence — " And to the execution of the said enterprise the 
most honest and most worthy were easily induced to approve, and fortify 
the king's deliberation in the premises ; howbeit, in action and manner of 
execution more were followed of the king's advice, kindled by an extreme 
choler, than we deliberated to have done." W ho. then, were these persons 
namedhere — "the most honest and most worthy ?" Evidently none else 
than the heads of the Protestant party. Morton, and Ruthven. Lethington. 
Lindsay, and Ochiltree; the Barons of Ormiston. Brunston. Calder, Hat- 
ton, Lochleven, and others in Scotland ; with Cecil himself, and Bedford, 
and Randolph, the great supporters of the Protestant cause in England. 
And here it is to be noted, that these Barons of Ormiston. Brunston, Cal- 
der. and Barton, were dear and intimate personal friends of Knox, whilst 
Ochiltree was his father-in-law. The Reformer also, as we have seen, 
was the confidential correspondent of Bedford and Cecil, the associate in 
the common cause for the support of religion, with Morton and Lething- 
ton. and undoubtedly the most powerful and influential of all the ministers 
or leaders of the Kirk. If called upon, therefore, to believe that the list 
which implicates him is a forged document, and that he had no tore- 
knowledge of the murder of Rizzio. we are to believe that in a plot formed 
by the party of which he was the leader, in which all his friends were im- 
plicated, the object of which was to support that form of faith which was 
dearer to him than life, by the commission of an act of which, from his 
avowed principles, they knew that he would not disapprove ; they stu- 
diously declined his assistance, concealed all that was to happen, and pre- 
ferred for the first time in their lives to act without him. This supposi- 
tion seems to me. I confess, untenable ; and when 1 find Bedford and 
Randolph transmitting his name as one of the conspirators to Cecil, I 
cannot escape from giving credit to their assertion. 

Another corroboration of his accession to this conspiracy was his pre- 
cipitate flight from Edinburgh with the rest of the conspirators, upon the 
threatenedTadvance of the Queento the city. His colleague Craig, it is to be 
observed, who was afterwards accused by his parishioners as having been 
too much a favourer of the Queen, remained in the city; but Knox fled 
precipitately, and in extreme agony of spirit, to Kyle, and, as we have 
already seen, did not venture to return till the noblemen rose against the 
Queen, after the death of Darnley. If he was not implicated, why did he 
take guilt to himself by flight ? 

There is a passage to be'found in the manuscript history of Calderwood 
which is worth noticing upon this point. It has been quoted by Dr. 
M'Crie. and is as follows": — " King James the XI. having found great fault 
with Knox for approving of the assassination of Rizzio. one of the minis- 
ters said, that the slaughter of David, as far as it was the work of God, 
teas alioured by Mr. Kyiox, and not otherwise." — Calderuood M.S. ad an- 
num 1591. " Knox himself," adds Dr. M'Crie, Si does not make this 
qualification when he mentions the subject incidentally." It is not clear, 
however, whether this sentence refers to Knox's allowance or approval 
of the murder, before or after the deed. It is, lastly, to be remembered, 
that Rizzio was a Roman Catholic, consequently, in Knox's eyes, an 



454 HISTORICAL REMARKS ON RIZZIO'S MURDER. 



idolater ; and that the Reformer and his party held that idolatry might 
justly be punishable by death. " Into this sentiment they were led," says 
Dr. M'Crie, " in consequence of their having adopted the untenable opi- 
nion, that the judicial laws given to the Jewish nation were binding upon 
Christian nations, as to all offences against the moral law." 

Such is the evidence which appears to me conclusive m support of the 
fact stated in the text. Let me now mention two circumstances which 
may be quoted in defence of Knox, and in proof of his innocence of this 
charge. The first list, including Knox's name as one privy to Rizzio's 
death, is, as we have seen, preserved in the State Paper Office, attached to 
a letter dated 21st March. But there is another list in the British Mu- 
seum, dated the 27th of March, which does not include the Reformer's name, 
or that of Craig his colleague. It is in the handwriting of Randolph, and 
is entitled, " The names of such as were doers, and of council, in the late 
attempt for the killing of the Secretary David, at Edinburgh, 9th March 
1566, as contained in the account sent to the council of England, by the 
Earl of Bedford, Lieutenant of the North, and Sir Thomas Randolph, 
ambassador from England to Scotland at the time, dated at Berwick, 27th 
March 1566." This account or letter of the 27th of March has been printed 
from the original in the Cotton Collection, by Sir Henry Ellis, Vol. II. 
p. 207, along with the list of the names. 

The second circumstance is this — when Morton and Ruthven fled to 
Berwick, and sent to Bedford a vindication of their proceedings, with the 
intent that he should communicate it to Cecil and Elizabeth, they posf 
tively denied that any of the ministers of Scotland were art and part ii 
the conspiracy, and accused the Papists of having raised the Report. " It 
is come to our knowledge (they say) that some Papists have bruited that 
these our proceedings have been at the instigation of the ministers of 
Scotland. We assure your Lordship upon our honour, that there were 
none of them art nor part of that deed, nor were participate thereof." 

And now it may be asked, why do you reject the evidence of this second 
list, and why are we not to believe this solemn declaration, absolving the 
ministers of Scotland, and of course Knox with them, from all participa- 
tion in the murder. To this I answer, that there is no evidence to raise 
doubt, that the list given on the 21st March was written in good faith, 
while the event was yet new, after the arrival of Lord Ruthven, and with* 
out any object but that of transmitting information to Cecil; while that of 
the 27th March, sent to the council of England, was carefully prepared after 
the failure of the conspiracy, by the escape of the Queen, and when the 
cautious and politic Morton had reached Berwick ; that these lords would 
have an especial object in keeping the names of Knox and Craig out of the 
list, is evidenced by the above extract, and that they would have little 
scruple to such an suppression is clear, from the manner in which they 
submit their narrative to Cecil, to be amended and qualified at his plea- 
sure. * * * 

So far then as to the preference given of the first list to the second ; 
but then comes the question — Why not believe Morton, when he states 
upon his word of honour, that none of the ministers of Scotland were art 
and part of that deed ? I answer, because, according to Morton's notions, 
being art and part, or participate in any action or crime, was a totally 
different thing from being privy to it, or cognizant of it before it was com- 
mitted. Morton, according to the distinction which he made on his own 
trial, might have asserted, with perfect honour, that neither Knox nor any 
of the ministers were participate in Rizzio's murder, and yet he may have 
been perfectly aware that Knox was privy to the murder, knew that it 
was about to be committed, and, according to the expression used to the 
king by one of their number, allowed of it, that is, gave a silent consent to 
it, so far as he considered it to be the work of God, for the destruction of 
an enemy of the truth and an idolater. I say confidently, Morton made 
this distinction, because he tells us so himself in his own trial and subse- 
quent confession. * * * 

It is perfectly clear, therefore, that Morton's declaration, that none of 
the ministers of Scotland were art and part of Rizzio's murder, does not 
necessarily imply any declaration that Knox had not a fore-knowledge of 
he murder ; on the contrary, it is quite consistent with his having knowx 
it, and, according to the term used by one of his brethren to James, al- 
lowed of it. 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, 



FROM A 

CHARGE OF IMPLICATION IN RIZZIO'S MURDER. 



In the Seventh Volume of the History of Scotland, by Mr. 
Patrick Fraser Tytler, (which comprises the period of our na- 
tional annals between Mary's marriage with Darnley, July 1565, 
and the conclusion of the Civil War in 1 57 2 ) , certain gra ve charges 
are brought against our Reformer, which, if substantiated, or borne 
out by the evidence adduced in proof, would utterly destroy his 
character as a man and a Christian minister, by fixing upon him 
the stigma of participation in treason and murder, and making 
him an associate in guilt with the plotters and assassins of that 
barbarous age. This is a question deserving of serious consi- 
deration ; one in which every Scotchman must feel that the re- 
putation of our illustrious countryman, as well as the credit of 
the Reformed religion itself, are deeply implicated. 

Of the value of Mr. Tytler 's historical researches, and of the 
important services he has rendered to the cause of public truth, 
by the accessions which he has made to our knowledge of those 
dark and turbulent times, there can be but one opinion. With 
the use of such extensive and important materials at his com- 
mand, as he found in the State- Paper Office and other reposi- 
tories, it was to be expected that he would be put in a condition 
to discover many new facts, as well as to elucidate others where 
truth had been mixed with fiction, or sacrificed amidst the con- 
tentions of antagonist writers. 

It' is not the object of tins Dissertation to enumerate the various 
elucidations which Mr. Tytler has made to this portion of Scot- 
tish history. The pains which he has bestowed in collecting and 
bringing to light new details, are mentioned here chiefly to show, 
that if evidence did anywhere exist that could implicate our 
Reformer as an accessary in any -of the plots or conspiracies of 
his time^ it was not likely to escape so laborious and successful 
an inquirer. It is not meant to be denied, that amongst other 
discoveries, now for the first time made in the State- Paper Office, 
circumstances have been elicited that throw a darker shade over 
some of the proceedings of the Reformers, in their connexion 
with the conspiracies and assassinations that followed the un- 
happy marriages of the Queen, first with Darnley, and afterwards 



456 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, 



with Bothwell. But whether any of these discoveries tend to 
implicate J ohn Knox as precognizant of, or connected with any 
of these foul transactions, is a point which we think will require 
more evidence to establish than Mr. Tytler has yet produced. 

Dr. M 6 Crie, when adverting to the subject, says, (p. 253,) 
66 There is no reason to think that he (Knox) was privy to the con- 
spiracy which proved fatal to Rizzio and that this opinion is 
correct, we hope to make appear in the course of a few observa- 
tions. " But it is probable," continues Dr. M'Crie, " that he 
had expressed his satisfaction at an event which contributed to 
the safety of religion and the commonwealth, if not also his ap- 
probation of the conduct of the conspirators." Admitting all 
this to be true, it affords no evidence that our Reformer was 
u privy to the murder ;" the approval of an act being a matter 
entirely different from a foreknowledge of it* and inferring no 
necessary implication, direct or indirect, in the commission of it. 

In the text of his History, (vol. vii. p. 25.) Mr Tytler asserts, 
that " Knox and Craig, the Ministers of Edinburgh, were made 
acquainted with the conspiracy and in an Appendix of " Proofs 
and Illustrations," he states at length the facts and inferences by 
which this grave accusation is attempted to be established. The 
evidence on which he has founded his charge, is partly direct 
and partly constructive. These allegations it is the object of 
this Vindication to examine. Of proofs direct, there is but one ; 
and that is .contained in a certain letter, which professes to give 
" the names of such as were consenting to the death of David ;" 
amongst which names appear those of *' John Knox and John 
Craig, preachers." Air. Tytler's presumptive proofs are : 1st, 
From Knox's principles, that idolators were punishable with 
death ; and from the language in -which he*is alleged to have 
spoken of the murder, it is probable he approved of it, and might 
therefore have been admitted into the secret. 2c?, That as Knox 
fled precipitately from Edinburgh immediately after the assassi- 
nation, his flight must be held as an evidence of his guilt. 3c?, 
That it is hardly credible Knox would have been left out of a 
plot, formed by the party of which he was the leader, and in 
which all his friends were implicated. 4th, That the language 
of the prayers and sermons during the Fast immediately preced- 
ing the murder, was such as to show that the preachers were ap- 
prised of it ; their exhortations tending to excite violence and 
bloodshed, and inculcating the duty of inflicting vengeance on 
the persecutors of God's people. These are the proofs direct 
and presumptive, on which Mr. Tytler has charged Knox with 
being privy to the Rizzio conspiracy. We shall now proceed 



FROM IMPLICATION IN RIZZIo's MURDER. 457 

briefly to examine them ; leaving, for subsequent consideration, 
the " two circumstances," which, he says, may be quoted " in 
defence" of the Reformer. 

It may be necessary to bear in mind that Rizzio was assassi- 
nated on the evening of Saturday the 9th of March, 1566. The 
letter containing the names of Knox and Craig, was written from 
Berwick on the 21st of March, " eleven days after the murder, 
and about a week after the flight of the conspirators.'" It was 
addressed from Randolph to Cecil, then in London ; for the pur- 
pose of communicating to hhn the details of the assassination, and 
the names of " the principal takers in hand of that matter.'" It 
is clear that the question of Knox's participation in, or foreknow- 
ledge of the affair, depends on the credit to be attached to this 
list of conspirators ; for there is nothing in the letter itself, nor 
in any other contemporary document, that in the remotest degree 
implicates the Reformer in that act. 

It may be stated in limine, and independently of this List, as 
throwing doubt on the supposed connexion of Knox with this 
plot, that it was originally concocted by persons with whom he 
was not in confidence, and fr< \^ motives in which he was not 
likely to participate. The ^rime instigator of the murder was 
Darnley himself ; and as he was then u understood to be in- 
clined to Popery," it is not the least probable he would make a 
confidant of John Knox ; nor does it appear there was ever any 
intercourse or • intimacy between them. The motive that sug- 
gested to Darnley this atrocious deed, was twofold, — jealousy 
that Rizzio had criminally supplanted him in the Queen's affec- 
tions, and been the main cause of her refusing him the crown- 
matrimonial ; and wounded pride, that a foreign upstart should 
be treated with such marked familiarity, and even invested with 
some of the Royal prerogatives, by having 44 a cachet to be used 
in the signing of letters, committed to his custody." The prince- 
ly state which he affected in his apparel, furniture and equipage, 
increased the King's feelings of hatred, and his desire for re- 
venge. 

Darnley communicated his grievances, first to George Douglas, 
and then to Lord Ruthven, " who saw no other means to reme- 
dy the King's grief and suspicions, than that David should be 
taken out of the way." The next to whom the plot was com- 
municated were Morton and Lindsay. To these noblemen no- 
thing could be more acceptable than this proposal, as they saw in 
it the advantages of having the King, who had now lost Mary's 
affections, placed entirely under their management ; and the hope 
of obtaining the restoration of their banished friends, Murray 



458 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, 



Glencairn, Argyle, Rothes, Ochiltree, Boyd, &c. who had fled 
to Engl&nd, having been denounced rebels for having opposed 
the Queen's, marriage, and her conferring on Darnley the title of 
King without the advice and consent of the States. 

So far, the plot, against Rizzio appears to have been of a pri- 
vate and political nature, prompted by causes in which Knox 
could have no direct interest, and by motives winch he was not 
likely either to sanction or approve. Mr. Tytler says, the con- 
sent of the Protestant barons, and of the ministers, was easily 
obtained ; but of this he produces no evidence, as the letter to 
which he refers as his authority, merely states that care was 
taken to have their friends at hand if need required, " which 
caused them to assemble so many as they thought sufficient, 
against the time that this determination of theirs should be put 
in execution." The same letter adds, that the King was so 
eager to have the deed done, that he agreed to be at the doing of 
it himself. There is nothing in these facts to establish the pro- 
bability, but the reverse, that Knox was admitted an accomplice 
in the conspiracy. It is true, the security of the Protestant .re- 
ligion was held out as one of the benefits to accrue from the 
destruction of Rizzio, who was regarded as a bitter enemy to the 
truth, and understood to be the pensioned agent of Rome. But 
this was a subsequent stipulation, exacted by Morton and his 
associates as part of the price for which they were willing to lend 
their aid in accomplishing the primary objects which the King 
had so deeply at heart. Let us now turn to the direct proof, — 
the List containing the names of the two ministers. 

And here it may perhaps appear suspicious, that, while the let- 
ter is wholly in Randolph's hand, the List is not, but pinned to it 
as a separate document, said to be " written by a clerk, who was 
at that time employed in his confidential correspondence by Bed- 
ford." Now, allowing with Mr. Tytler, that both Randolph and 
Bedford "were intimately acquainted with the whole details of the 
conspiracy," this fact does not satisfactorily account for 'the pecu- 
liarity in question. In writing on the subject to Cecil, on the 2 1 st 
of March, Bedford informed him that Randolph " would write 
also more at large of the names of such (conspirators) as. now 
be gone abroad." This, accordingly, he did on the same day, 
as the date bears ; and having given the promised information 
in the body of the letter, it must appear singular, to say the least, 
that he should have appended another catalogue, on a detached 
slip of paper, differing from his own, and not professing to be the 
" Names of such as now be gone abroad" but indorsed, in the 
hand of Cecil's clerk, " Names of such as were consenting to the 



FROM IMPLICATION IN RIZZIO*S MURDER. 



459 



death of David."* This discrepancy is rather remarkable, and 
throws great doubt on the trnst- worthiness of the appended docu- 
ment. It does not appear, moreover, whether the list was pinned 
to die letter originally, or afterwards ; nor is there any proof 
when or by whom it was so attached. It is not improbable, that 
the information promised by Bedford, was not the "names" 
given in the letter of the 21st, but in the letter of the 27th, which 
contains a totally different list of thirty- one conspirators ; in 
which, however, the name of Knox does not appear. 

After the pinned list, is the following note — " All these were at 
the death of Davy, and privy thereunto, and are now in displea- 
sure with the Queen, and their houses taken and spoiled." This 
remark, it is obvious, cannot apply to Knox, who was not per- 
sonally present at the murder ; and, therefore, M r. Tytler sug- 
gests that it should be understood to mean, " or privy thereto." 
But even giving him the benefit of this amendment, (although it 
might ^be objected to as purely gratuitous,) still the application 
would be irrelevant to our Reformer, as it is nowhere stated that 
his house was " taken and spoiled." Violence was done by the 
military, within ten days after the murder, (March 19,) to many 
houses in Edinburgh, and "all who had absented themselves" 
were denounced rebels, and had their effects confiscated. If 
Knox had been among the number, his name was too notorious 
not to have caused the fact to become publicly known ; and his 
enemies, the Papists, would have been delighted to receive so 
authentic a corroboration of the report which they were endeav- 
ouring to propagate, that the deed was committed at the insti- 
gation of the Protestant clergy. On the other hand, in the 
month of December, immediately after the baptism of the young 
Prince, when Mary's enmity towards the conspirators had abated, 
she consented, at the earnest entreaty of Murray, to pardon those 
who had been banished for the murder of Rizzio. The list in- 
cluded Morton, Ruthven, Lindsay, and seventy-six other per- 
sons. From this act of grace only two marked delinquents were 
excepted — George Douglas, who had stabbed the Secretary over 
her shoulder, and Andrew Car of Fawdonside, who had present- 
ed a pistol to her breast. If Knox's name had been among the 
seventy- six to whom the Royal mercy was extended, we may 
rest assured that the Protestant party would have hailed the cir- 
cumstance as a complete and triumphant exoneration of their 
great champion. This silence of friends and foes may be taken 
as an undeniable proof of our Reformer's innocence. 

The only natural conclusion from all this is, that the list in 
question was a hurried scroll, either drawn up from the oral 



460 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, 



statements of some of the conspirators who fled to Berwick, or 
from the malicious report of the Papists, who, as has just been 
stated, endeavoured to propagate the belief, that the foul deed had 
been committed " at the instigation of the ministers of Scotland.'" 
It is known»that various rumours were spread abroad at the time. 
" In the first accounts of the murder sent to England (says Ro- 
bertson) there seems to have been mingled (as is usual in relating 
extraordinary events) some circumstances which afterwards ap- 
peared to be false ; among others, that a friar, named Black, had 
been slain at the same time with Rizzio. ,, 

In the List, certainly, the names of Knox and Craig appear, 
but it contains not the names of Lennox, Darnley, Murray, Ar- 
gyle, Rothes, Glencairn, Magill, Calder, Grange, Ochiltree, and 
others, who were either present at the catastrophe, or had fore- 
knowledge of it. So far, therefore, the accuracy of the list may 
be fairly disputed. Or if any trust is to be reposed in this docu- 
ment at all, it might be a list of those who were willing that 
Rizzio should be brought to a public trial ; for this alternative 
was proposed by some of his enemies, as a means by which he 
might be removed, and the cause of the Reformation promoted. 

It is alleged, though not correctly, that Knox fled, and absented 
himself from Edinburgh until after the death of Darnley, when 
the Protestant nobles rose against the Queen. This precipitate 
retreat, Mr. Tytler construes into another corroboration of his 
accession to the conspiracy ; and concludes — ' 6 If he was not 
implicated, why did he take guilt to himself by flight ?" " • This 
argument cuts double-edged ; for if Knox was guilty, so was 
Craig. Yet the latter did not flee, but remained in the capital 
unmolested. So far from betraying any consciousness of guilt, 
he boldly continued to preach the Reformed doctrines ; and 
when commanded by the Queen herself, (another presumption 
of his innocence,) a short time afterwards, (May 1567,) to pro- 
claim her banns with Bothwell, her husband's murderer, from 
the pulpit of St. Giles' Church, he uttered the following most 
solemn and appalling protest : "I take heaven and earth to wit- 
ness, that I abhor and detest this marriage, as odious and slan- 
derous to the world ; and I would exhort the faithful to pray 
earnestly that a union against all reason and good conscience, 
may yet be overruled by God, to the comfort of this unhappy 
realm." This certainly was not the conduct of a man whose 
conscience told him he had participated in an act which exposed 
him to the peculiar vengeance of the Queen. 

Knox's flight from Edinburgh is easily accounted for on other 
grounds than his assumed implication in the Rizzio conspiracy. 



FROM IMPLICATION* IN RIZZIO'? MURDER. 461 



He had been especially obnoxious to Mary from the moment she 
landed in Scotland. Before leaving France, the Popish clergy 
who visited that kingdom, had represented him as the ringleader 
of her factious subjects ; and even then she had determined he 
should be punished. His book against Female Government was 
another cause of her hatred ; and this feeling was still more ex- 
asperated by the different interviews he had held with her, at 
one of which his sharp reproof had drawn from her 4i a flood of 
tears,' ■ and u a vow to God that she would be revenged. " Nor 
is this all. In 1563, he had been tried on a charge of treason 
by the Privy Council ; and though acquitted, this only embit- 
tered the resentment of the Queen, whose indignation at his escape 
extended to the noblemen that had taken part in his trial. 

Besides, in the month of August 1565, he was again dragged 
before the Privy Council, on the charge of having attacked their 
Majesties from the pulpit, and suspended from preaching. The 
inhibition was of short duration, not however from an abatement 
of the Royal displeasure, but because the Town-Council had 
requested its removal, as they could " in no manner of way con- 
sent that his mouth be closed," and because M .Mr. John Craig 
refused to do any service there, which put the people in a stir." 

It was at this period, when Knox was under the deep resentment 
of the Court, had alienated many of his friends, and lost the 
confidence of the principal leaders in the Reformation, that the 
catastrophe occurred of which he is accused of having been a 
secret accomplice. It is evident that, independently of the mur- 
der, he had at that time abundant reasons of apprehension for 
his personal safety ; and this danger would have been greatly in- 
creased after the flight of the conspirators, when the Queen, 
had he remained behind, must have had him completely in her 
power, and would doubtless have gratified her revenge, as she 
took instant steps to punish the accomplices, and advanced to 
the capital, (March 18th,) at the head of a force of 8000 men, 
threatening to infiict the most exemplary vengeance on all who 
had been accessory to the murder of her secretary. Great out- 
rages were committed by the military " in breaking up doors, 
and thrusting themselves into every house. ,, Two men were 
condemned *o death, but reprieved ; and the sheriff- depute of 
Perth was hanged and quartered. The laird of Drumlanrig and 
his son were imprisoned, merely for coming into the town* two 
days after the murder. Happily Knox was beyond her reach; 
but being determined to get quit of one who had been long so 
troublesome to her, she wrote to the nobleman in the west country, 
with whom he resided, to banish him from his house. 



462 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, 



One cause of his flight was, no doubt, the 44 bond " or en- 
gagement which the Queen proclaimed, 44 ordering all men that 
were friends to any of those privy to David's death, to subscribe 
it, and assist in pursuing them.*' In this order Knox would have 
found himself directly implicated, for his father-in-law, Ochil- 
tree, was one of the conspirators. He had no resource, therefore, 
but to withdraw, as he could not in conscience comply with the 
terms of the bond. 

The causes of our Reformer's precipitate retreat from Edin- 
burgh, are thus easily accounted for ; and as for 44 the extreme 
agony of spirit in which he fled to Kyle,'* that proceeded from 
no remorse for having been cognizant of or implicated in the 
assassination. The reason of his anguish he has himself ex- 
plained : it was, he says, because 44 I was compelled to leave my 
flocke at Edinburgh, who are now dispersed, &c. and my de- 
solate bed-fellow, the partner of her bosom, and my two dear 
children, Nathaniel and Eleazer." The different circumstances 
in which Knox and Craig were thus placed, sufficiently explain 
why the one fled in agony of spirit, while the other continued to 
expound the oracles of truth, and to reprimand boldly from the 
pulpit the faults and vices of the highest personages in the realm* 

It is not correct, however, as Mr. Tytler asserts, that Knox 
did not venture to return to the capital till after the death of 
Darnley, which took place in February, 1 567. He was present 
at the General Assembly which met in Edinburgh on the 25th 
of December, 1566 ; and on him devolved the 'principal share of 
the business, much of which, as condemning idolatry and the 
usurped tyranny of the Roman Catholic Antichrist, must have 
been peculiarly offensive to the Queen. Had the Reformer's 
flight been the effect of conscious guilt, he would scarcely have 
ventured thus boldly and publicly to denounce the Court reli- 
gion, almost in the hearing of the palace, and within a few months 
after the murder.* 

But there, is another part of the proceedings of that Assem- 
bly still more important, as bearing testimony indirectly to Knox's 
innocence, and expounding the reason of his absence from Edin- 
burgh. He had applied, it appears, to that venerable Court for 
permission 44 To passe to the realme of England," and the cause 
assigned was, that he might visit his sons, whom he had sent to 
Cambridge to be educated, and to arrange some other 4C lawfull 
business' ' in which he was interested. This permission the Assem- 
bly not only granted, but they furnished him with a letter in 

* We learn from Calderwood, (p. 40.) that, in May 1566, (two months after 
the murder), Knox was engaged in writing the Fouith Book of his History. 



FROM IMPLICATION IN RIZZIO ? S MURDER. 



463 



which they expressed their high sense of his merit, recommend- 
ing him to the favour of learned men, and to all lovers of truth. 
They certified that he had been a faithful and successful mini- 
ster of the Gospel, and that in life and conversation he was with- 
out blame. It appears, moreover, that he had obtained 6< the 
Queen's Majestie's conduct," or passport, for the undertaking 
of this journey; and that it was expressly stipulated c< he should 
returne to this realme of Scotland before the 25th of the month 
of J une next ensuing, to continue in his former vocatione." Here 
then are distinctly explained, not only the cause of Knox's ab- 
sence from Edinburgh, and the time when he was to return ; but 
we have what may be considered presumptive evidence, that 
neither by the Queen, who granted him her safe conduct, nor 
by the General Assembly, was he either understood or suspected 
to be implicated in the crime of Rizzio's murder. The testi- 
mony of his brethren may perhaps be regarded as the opinion of 
friends who were partial to him, and had long held him in ve- 
neration ; but it warrants the conclusion that no stigma of his 
being the associate of conspirators attached to his name, and that 
his^private character was unexceptionable. 

From all these circumstances, — from the suspicious nature of 
the List pinned to Randolph's letter, — from its not being in Ran- 
dolph's hand, and differing materially from Randolph's state- 
ment, — from the total silence of all other contemporary docu- 
ments hitherto brought to light, — from the satisfactory explana- 
tion of Knox's mental anxiety, and the causes of his retirement 
from Edinburgh, — and from the unblemished reputation, on that 
point, which he continued to maintain, even among his enemies ; 
it may fairly be concluded, that some stronger proofs are required 
to convince the world of Knox's implication in Rizzio's murder, 
than this anonymous fragment of stray paper, which however 
forms the basis of the whole structure of Mr. Ty tier's charge. 
Except this pinned List, there is not another particle of direct 
evidence within the whole compass of Scottish history, or in the 
State- Paper Office, or in any other repositories hitherto discover- 
ed. All the other proofs consist of mere assumptions and in- 
ferences, drawn from our Reformer's actions, or from obscure 
and figurative expressions in his writings. A few of these it may 
be proper to dispose of, before proceeding to notice the evidence 
which we think fully establishes his innocence. 

Mr. Tytler deems it improbable, and hardly credible, that the 
conspirators should have left Knox out of a plot " formed by the 
party of which he was the leader, in which all his friends were 
implicated, the object of which was to support that form of faith 



464 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, 



which was dearer to him than life."" In this there is not so much 
incredibility as might be supposed. We have stated already, that 
shortly before the plot was concocted, Knox was not in the con- 
fidence of the Protestant leaders, nor does it appear that he ever 
held intercourse with Lennox or Darnley, by whom Mr. Tytler 
has discovered that " the first plot for Rizzio's death was form- 
ed." The individual most likely to impart the secret to Knox 
was Ochiltree, but he had fled to England with the rest of the 
Reformer's intimate friends, before the plot was concocted or 
thought of, and must have been made acquainted with it during 
his exile. 

In the accession of the leading Protestant barons to the con- 
spiracy, there is nothing to warrant Mr. Tytler 's averment, that 
the two ministers of Edinburgh were admitted into the secret. 
The alleged improbability of their 66 concealing what was to 
happen from the most powerful and influential of all the leaders 
of the Kirk, and studiously declining his assistance," is mere gra- 
tuitous hypothesis ; and one very natural reason why they would 
so conceal the plot, and decline the assistance of Knox, is, that 
when, shortly before, he had been solicited to join the insurrec- 
tion under Murray and other Lords (amongst whom was his 
father-in-law), the professed object of which was the security of 
the Protestant religion, he refused ; and whatever might be his 
attachment to them as his friends, e< he kept himself clear from 
any engagement." Goodall, no doubt, says, that Knox joined 
the Earl of Murray in a plot for seizing Darnley ; but for this 
assertion he has produced no evidence. Indeed, to suppose 
that his friends would have implicated him in so dangerous and 
criminal an act, is to believe them insensible to all regard for his 
life and character. His fore-knowledge of their design, could in 
no way aid them in the execution of it. To have imparted to 
him the secret, therefore, was not only an unnecessary disclo- 
sure, but one that would have brought in peril the whole Pro- 
testant cause, by needlessly implicating in their guilt the man 
without whose influence and advice, it is admitted, the glorious 
hopes of the Reformation must have speedily withered and per- 
ished. It is no doubt possible that Knox and Craig were made 
aware of what was to happen, and that, from their avowed prin- 
ciples, the conspirators knew they would not disapprove. But 
this is nothing more than supposition ; and while there is no good 
evidence to support it, there are strong presumptions against it. 

Another of Mr. Tytler 's 4 6 corroborations," is founded on the 
language employed by the ministers and friends of the Reformed 
Church, assembled at Edinburgh for the week of fasting and 



FROM IMPLICATION IN RIZZIO'S MURDER. 465 

humiliation, which commenced on Sunday the 3d of March. 
The subjects chosen, he alleges, "were such as seemed calcu- 
lated to prepare the public mind for resistance, violence, and 
bloodshed ; such, for example, as the slaying of Oreb and Zeeb, 
— the cutting off the Benjamites, — the hanging of Haman," &c. 

In reply to this insinuation, for it is no more, it were perhaps 
enough to remark, that these were the common themes of pul- 
pit discussion, arising out of the peculiar situation of the oppress- 
ed Church, and adapted to the circumstances of the times. It 
happens, however, that the 44 subjects" of the sanguhiary dis- 
courses on that occasion, were not left to the choice of the preach- 
ers, but had been prescribed by the Church, so that if they had 
any special reference to Rizzio's assassination, the plot must have 
been revealed to the whole General Assembly, as it was by their 
instructions that 64 Knox at this time was required to compose a 
Treatise of Fasting.'" Nay more ; for as this duty was imposed 
upon him in June, 1563, though not finished till the Assembly 
1566, he must have been cognizant of the murder nearly three 
years before it was planned or dreamed of ! It is quite clear, 
therefore, that if there was aught of a violent or blood thirsty 
tendency in the Fast- day Prayers and Sermons of March 3d, it 
must be ascribed to some other cause than the meditated slaugh- 
ter of the Queen's foreign Secretary. 

Happily we are not left in ignorance of the special reasons that 
led to the appointment of a week of fasting and humiliation. The 
Assembly tells us that it was in consideration of the troubles of 
the country, and the dangers which threatened the whole Pro- 
testant interest, particularly the 44 critical state of all the Reformed 
Churches— the late decree of the Council of Trent for the ex- 
termination of the Protestant name — the combination of the 
Popish princes for carrying this into execution — and the barba- 
rities exercised towards the brethren in different countries. " The 
allusions to Oreb and Zeeb, and the hanging of Haman, are thus 
shown to admit of an application quite apart from any reference 
to the dark tragedy that was so soon to be enacted within the 
supper chamber in Holyrood. 

That they were equally applicable to dangers from Romish vio- 
lence nearer home, is proved from the attempts at that moment 
hatching in Scotland for the overthrow of Protestantism, and the 
restoration of the Popish worship. Mary, as is well known, 
had joined the Roman Catholic League, and become a party to 
the coalition with France, Spain, and the Emperor, for the ex- 
termination of the Reformed doctrines. That she intended to 
restore u the auld religion 1 ' in Scotland, and to proceed against 

2 H 



466 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, 



the rebels (Protestant Lords), is asserted in her own letter (2d 
April, 1566,) to the Archbishop of Glasgow. Friars had been em- 
ployed to preach at Holyrood ; the altars of idolatry were ready 
to be erected in St. Giles' C hurch ; and the Popish ecclesi- 
astics were restored to their places in Parliament. No means 
were left untried for gaining over the nobility to the Court reli- 
gion. Darnley avowed himself a Papist, and openly officiated 
in some of their most superstitious rites. The Earls of Cassils, 
Caithness, and Lennox, with the Lords Montgomery and Seton, 
did the same. All this was going on between the months of Ja- 
nuary and March, 1566. 

It only wanted one decisive blow to be struck, for carrying 
this diabolical plot against the Reformation in Scotland into ex- 
ecution, and that was the sanction of the Legislature. Parliament 
had been summoned to meet on Tuesday March 12th. Sen- 
tence of forfeiture was then to be pronounced against Murray, 
and the other noblemen and barons then in England, who had 
been denounced as rebels. The better to ensure a favourable 
issue to the process, the Lords of the Articles were chosen ac- 
cording to the Queen's pleasure, and it was intended that Rizzio, 
the chief promoter of the League, was to exercise the office of 
chancellor. 

Such was the perilous crisis in which matters stood with the 
Reformer ®* the begimiing of March, and on the eve of the open- 
ing of Parliament. If the Estates were allowed to meet, the con- 
sequence to them was ruin ; and it was certain they would 
meet, unless Mary was put into the hands of other advisers than 
her Italian Secretary. As the danger was imminent, the remedy 
behoved to be expeditious ; and hence, to arrest the proceedings 
in Parliament, it was determined to assassinate Rizzio, which was 
effected on the previous Saturday night. 

This view of the affair not only justifies the appointment of a 
week of fasting and humiliation at Edinburgh, and the alarm 
which was sounded from the pulpits, by means of texts selected 
from the Old Testament, " to prepare the public mind for re- 
sistance but it affords new presumption of the innocence of 
Knox and Craig. For if the general danger to Protestantism 
was sufficient to arouse the public mind, it was surely unnecessary 
and unwise to single out an individual plot, the success of which 
depended entirely on secrecy ; when by doing so the chance of 
discovery, and therefore of defeat, would be obviously increased. 
Knox and Craig were already enlisted in the common cause ; 
and if the conspirators had the advantage of the eloquence and 
the texts of the preachers on their side, without making any such 



FROM IMPLICATION IN RTZZIO's MURDER. 467 

revelation, why should they have imparted to them the secret of 
the murder ? It is clear they could derive no benefit from the 
disclosure, except by the effect of their oratory, and by their in- 
culcating the general duty of inflicting summary vengeance on 
tyrants, and idolaters, and oppressors of God's people. And if 
they had secured these advantages by means palpable to all, and 
liable to no suspicion, it would have been foily and madness to 
run the hazard of bringing their project into jeopardy, by com- 
municating the plot to those whose services could be as effectual, 
and their lives far more safe, were they kept iniprofound igno- 
rance of it. This inference, we think at once rational and con- 
clusive. 

Having thus disposed of Mr. Tytler's evidence, both direct 
and constructive, in support of his charge against Knox as privy 
to the murder; and shown, we trust, to the reader's satisfac- 
tion, that so far from being u conclusive of the fact," it rather 
strengthens the presumption of his innocence ; we shall next ad- 
vert to Mr. Tytler's " two circumstances," which, he says, 44 may 
be quoted in defence of Knox.'" 

Besides the List of names pinned to Randolph's letter of the 
21st March, there is another List in the British Museum, dated 
27th of March, which does not include the Reformer's name, or 
that of Craig his colleague. The question is, therefore, whe- 
ther ought the first or second List to be adopted as the more cor- 
rect and authentic account of the affair ? We have no hesita- 
tion in deciding in favour of the latter. For while it is uncertain 
by whose information, or on what authority, the first was drawn 
up, tlie second is in the hand- writing of Randolph himself, and 
is expressly declared to be 44 the names of such as were doers 
and of council in the late attempt for the killing of the Secretary 
David, &c. as contained in the account sent to the Council of 
England, by the Earl of Bedford and Sir Thomas Randolph." 
The difference in the mere presumptive authenticity of the two 
Lists is obvious, — the one being official, and in Randolph's hand ; 
while the other is private, anonymous, and written by a clerk. 

But this is not all. It might be supposed, naturally, that the 
second was the more correct ; more time being allowed for examin- 
ing into the various rumours on the subject, and to weigh the cre- 
dibility of conflicting statements ; for that 44 false and untrue re- 
ports " were put in circulation, is declared in a joint letter to 
Cecil from Morton and Ruthven, who are admitted to be the 
chief authorities consulted, both for the List and the account of 
the murder. Now this appears to have been actually the fact. 
In their letter of March 27th, containing the names, Bedford 



468 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, 



and Randolph say, 66 having compared the reports from abroad, 
which came to our knowledge, with the sayings of those noble- 
men, the Lords Morton and Ruthven, that are present (at Ber- 
wick) ; and of these, all that which we have found nearest to the 
truth, or as we believe the truth itself, have here put them in 
writing." Now this, we think, may convince any unprejudiced 
mind, that the second List must be taken as the corrected and 
revised one, being so pronounced by the two most competent 
judges in the matter ; for Mr. Tytler himself says that " Ran- 
dolph and Bedford were intimately acquainted with the whole 
details of the conspiracy." We camiot see how it is possible to 
evade this conclusion. 

But there is another and a more explicit corroboration of 
Knox's innocence, which we hold to be equally conclusive. Both 
Morton and Ruthven, u in the vindication of their proceedings 
which they sent to Bedford, with the intent that he should com- 
municate it to Cecil and Elizabeth,", positively denied that any 
of the Ministers of Scotland were art and part in the conspiracy ; 
and accused the Papists»of having raised the report. They say 
in that document, " It is come to our knowledge that some Pa- 
pists have bruited that these our proceedings have been at the 
instigation of the Ministers of Scotland. We assure your Lord- 
ship, upon our honour, that there were none of them art nor part 
of that deed, nor were participate thereof." It is impossible, we 
should think, after this declaration, to doubt of Knox's innocence. 

Mr. Tytler, however, tries to evade the force of all these com- 
bined testimonies. He maintains, that Morton and Ruthven 
ought not to be believed on their honour ; and that their denial 
is a mere equivocation, founded on a quibble, namely, that 
6< being art and part, or participate in any action or crime, was 
a totally different thing from being privy to it, or cognizant of it, 
before it was committed. "* This distinction, he shows, that Mor- 
ton made on his own trial, when he denied he was art and part in 
the King's murder, though he confesses " I foreknew it, indeed, 
and concealed it, because I durst not reveal it to any creature 
for my life." This, in the first place, may be set down as a 
very lame and far-fetched attempt to get out of a difficulty. It 
may be very natural that Morton should be anxious, in the case 

* If character is to be taken into account, it could easily be shown that 
Randolph is as little entitled to credit as Morton and Ruthven. Lodee says 
(Illustrations, vol. i. p. 431.) "he was of a dark intriguing spirit, full of cun- 
ning, and void of conscience. There is little doubt that the unhappy divi- 
sions in Scotland were chiefly fomented by this man's artifices for more than 
twenty years together." Might not the pinned list have been one of those 
*' artifices ?" 



FROM IMPLICATION" IN RIZZIo's MURDER. 



469 



of his own trial, to split hairs about the meaning of words and 
phrases, or resort to any other subterfuge that could offer a hope 
of saving his neck from the block. But these subtleties could 
have been of no avail in the case of Knox ; for why try to con- 
ceal truth by evasive or double-meaning language, when, by 
Mr. Tytler's own admission, Bedford was just as intimately 
acquainted with the details of the conspiracy as Morton or Ruth- 
ven ? The hypothesis is therefore the more probable that their 
denial was given in good faith, for the purpose of silencing the 
calumnies of the Papists, and absolving the ministers of Scot- 
land, and of course Knox with them, from all implication in 
the murder. 

Mr. Tytler alleges, as objections to the trust- worthiness of 
this hypothesis, that whereas the first List was given while the 
event was yet new, and without any object but that of transmit- 
ting information to Cecil ; the second was sent to the Council of 
England, carefully prepared, with the names of Knox and Craig 
omitted, and the whole account altered and modified by the ex- 
press instructions of Morton and Ruthven. To this, as to some 
other of Mr. Tytler's " corroborations,'' we may reply that it 
is merely conjectural. There is no evidence whatever, in the 
letters of Morton and Ruthven, to countenance any belief in the 
suppression of names ; or to lead to the supposition that any al- 
terations or modifications in the story were made, beyond the 
softening of violent expressions. This is the utmost length to 
which permission is given to alter or modify. As for the argu- 
ment, that the first List is the more credible, because it was 
transmitted to Cecil, while the second was sent to the Council of 
England, it appears to us to be a distinction without a difference. 
Cecil was Elizabeth's Secretary of State : whatever therefore was 
transmitted for his information, may be regarded as official, and 
equally patent to the Queen and the Council. What motive 
then could suggest alterations and amendments, or the cancelling 
of names, (if such were really the case), except that the first 
accomits were erroneous, hastily adopted on false or calumnious 
rumours, which subsequent facts had dissipated and corrected. 
This, we think, is the more probable, and the only natural solu- 
tion of the discrepancy between the two Lists, it is worthy of 
remark, too, that in Morton's Confession, which was made with 
all the solemnity of a man on the point of execution, there is not 
a word to criminate Knox, although the plot of " Dane's slaugh- 
ter" is more than once referred to. 

There are some other surmises and inferences by which Mr. 
Tytler supports his theory of Knox's implication, but they are so 



470 



VINDICATION OF JOHN KNOX, &C. 



unimportant as scarcely to deserve notice. The argument, found- 
ed on the opinion adopted by the Reformers, that idolaters and 
oppressive rulers might be justly punishable by death, proves 
nothing in any particular case, by proving too much. 

The same remark i« trie cf Mr. Ty+ter'g inference, that be- 
cause " the execution si'tlio sail ^liteiprije" was approved 6fc by 
the most honest and most worthy," therefore the name of Knox 
must necessarily be included. This is rather a sweeping con- 
clusion, but 31 r. Tytler has himself demolished it, having re- 
corded by name the iC most honest and most worthy" heads of 
the Protestant party, in which association the Reformer does not 
appear. 

Such are the 64 Proofs and Illustrations" which Mr. Tytler has 
advanced to support his charge of Knox's implication in Riz- 
zio's murder. That they are wholly insufficient to warrant his 
conclusions, or to silence the unanimous voice of history, or even 
to counterbalance the facts in extenuation which he has himself 
adduced, is the conviction to which, we think, after a deliberate 
perusal of the case, every candid and unbiassed mind must arrive 
at. No man suffered more injustice in his own time, from the 
calumnies and misrepresentations of his detractors, than .John 
Knox. Yet, when the real facts of his life were examined and 
brought to light, the public discovered with surprise how little 
ground there was for the railing accusations of his bitterest ene- 
mies. In this new attempt to cast a shade over his memory, 
the delusion will be less injurious, and more short lived, as the 
facts are better known ; and we have no doubt, when the single 
adverse testimony which Mr. Tytler has produced from the State- 
Paper Office, is duly weighed, and impartially compared with the 
mass of H istorical evidence on the other side, that the character 
of our Reformer will emerge from this temporary cloud without 
spot or blemish. We are far from saying that this brief Vindica- 
tion is complete : it might, had space allowed, have been greatly 
extended, and fortified with more convincing arguments ; but if it 
should in any degree satisfy the reader, or lead other and abler 
defenders to take up the cause, the object for which this Disser- 
tation was undertaken will have been accomplished. 



INDEX. 



Aberdeen, a celebrated grammar- 
school, and Greek early taught in 
the University of, 334. 

Adamson, Patrick, appointed succes- 
sor to Buchanan, as Principal of St. 
Leonard's College, 335. 

Aless, Alexander, embraces the re- 
formed doctrine, and is obliged to 
leave Scotland, 20, 341. Made Pro- 
fessor at Leipsic, 342. 

Alexander, Robert, advocate, an early 
favourer of the Reformation, 21. 
Writes the testament of Lord Errol 
in Scots metre, 343. 

Anabaptists, Knox's warning against 
the dangerous principles of, 120-22. 

Andrews, St. Knox teaches philoso- 
phy at, 8. Reformed opinions 
spread privately in University of, 
22. Knox retires from, 23. Knox's 
first sermon at. 37. Knox expresses 
his confident hope of again preach- 
ing in, 41. Opposition to Knox's 
preaching at, 148. Knox preaches 
at, 149. Demolition of monasteries 
at, 434-5. Petition for Knox's trans- 
lation to, 251 . Knox retires to, 279. 
Meets with opposition at, 280. His 
preaching and exhortations to the 
students at, 287-8, 413. Knox leaves, 
293. 

Castle of, seized by the 

conspirators against Cardinal Bea- 
toun, 25. Retained by them, 26. 
Knox takes refuge in, ib. Sacra- 
ment of the Supper first dispensed 
in the Protestant form in, 37. Be- 
sieged and taken, ib. 

Angus, Earl of, Knox employed in 
his affairs, 206. 

Annand, Dean John, his dispute with 
Knox and Rough, 32. 

Arbugkill, a friar, his attempt to de- 
fend the Popish ceremonies against 
Knox, 35. 

Arbuthnot, Alexander, appointed by 
the General Assembly to revise a 
suspicious book, 412. 

Argyle, Countessof, conversation be- 
tween Knox and the Queen respect- 
ing her, 224. Her public repentance, 
397. 

old Earl of, Knox preaches 

in the house of, 107. John Douglas 
taken under the protection of, 133. 
Correspondence between Archbi- 
shop Hamilton and, ib. 

> young Earl of, attends Knox's 

sermons at Calder-house, 102. Joins 
the Congregation, 146. 



Arran, Earl of, is suspected by the 
Popish Clergy, 22. Made Regent 
of Scotland, 24. The Regency 
wrested from him by the Queen- 
Dowager. 97. See Ckastelherault. 

Earl of, son to the former., 

comes to Scotland, and persuades 
his father, now Earl of Chastelhe- 
rault, to join the Congregation, 163, 
172. English ministers wish him 
raised to the Scottish throne, and 
married to Elizabeth, 376. Knox 
employed in removing a feud be- 
tween Bothwell and, 207. Lunacy 
of, ib. 

Articlps of Church of England, Knox 
employed in revising, 51. 

Assembly, General, what, 185. The 
first, 187. Moderator of, when in- 
troduced, 188. Approve of Knox's 
conduct, after his trial before the 
Privy Council, 241. Employ him in 
drawingup public papers, 262. Their 
recommendation of Knox, 254. 
Give a commission to him, 259. Or- 
der the murderer of the Regent 
Murray to be excommunicated in 
all the churches of the kingdom, 
272. Their protestation against hi- 
erarchical titles, 283. His letter to, 
276. Their attention to the widow 
and daughters of Knox, 41 6. Order 
of procedure in, 380. Petition of 
Bannatyne to, 419. 

Augustine, influence of his writings 
on Knox, 9. 

Aylmer, John, answers Knox's Blast, 
128. Character of his work, 129. 
His address to the bishops, 356. His 
invective against the French king, 
362. His sentiments respecting the 
English constitution, 363. His com- 
mendation of Knox, 3! 3. 

BalcanquhaL, Walter, defends Knox, 
315. 

Bale, Bishop, dedicates a book to 
Knox, 134. 

Balfour, Sir James, his remarkable 
conversation with Knox in the 
French galleys, 39. Accessory to the 
murder of Darnley, 410. 

Ballates, Gude and godlie, 344. Si- 
milar compositions in other coun- 
tries, ib. 

Balnaves, Sir Henry, of Halhill, con- 
verted to the Reformed doctrine, 
21, 159, 348. His learning and re- 
putation, 28. Takes refuge in the 
Castle of St. Andrew's, ib. Urges 
Knox to become a preacher, ib. 



INDEX. 



composes a book on justification in 
the French prison, 41. Extracts 
from Knox's dedication to it, 42. 
Extracts from the book, 348-9. 

Bancroft, Dr. the first Episcopalian 
who wrote disrespectfully of Knox, 
314. Davidson's answer to, ib. 

Bannatyne, Richard, Secretary to 
Knox, discovers a MS. of Balnaves, 
41. Knox's request to, in his last 
illness, 304. His character of Knox, 
312, 313. His petition to the Gene- 
ral Assembly, 419. 

Barons and Gentry punished for hold- 
ing Reformed doctrines, 96, 141. 

Barron, James, 113, 435. 

Bassinden, Thomas, General Assem- 
bly order an improper book, print- 
ed by him, to be called in, 412. 

Beatoun, Cardinal David, archbishop 
of St. Andrew's, employs assassins 
to kill Knox, 23. His cruelties to 
the Reformers, 25. His assassina- 
tion, ib. Knox's opinion of the as- 
sassination, 27, 346-7. 

, James, archbishop of St. 

Andrew's, puts Patrick Hamilton 
to death, 19. 

, James, archbishop of Glas- 
gow, his character of Knox, 103. 

Berwick, Knox preaches at, 46. Knox 
visits, 99, 158. 

Beza congratulates Knox on the abo- 
lition of Episcopacy, 285. Corres- 
pondence between Knox and, 388. 

Bible, English, imported into Scot- 
land, 20. Authorized by the Scot- 
tish Parliament, 23. Circulation 
of, ib. 

• , Geneva, Knox one of the trans- 
lators of, 124. 

Blast, First, of the Trumpet, 125-6, 
135-6, 157. Knox's explanation to 
Queen Mary respecting,196,178. See 
Aylmer, and Government, Female. 

Bodlih, Mr. 441. 

Boece, Hector, principal of the Uni- 
versity of Aberdeen, 334. 

Bonner, Bishop, John Rough put to 
death by, 38. Barbarity of, 81. Le- 
nity with which Bonner was treated 
by Elizabeth, 136. 

Bothwell, Earl of, Knox employed to 
remove a feud between him and 
young Earl of Arran, 207. The 
murderer of Darnley, 257. Marries 
the Queen, 258. 

Borthwick, Sir John, his opinion of 
the Reformation of Henry VIII. 
26. 

Bowes, of Streatlam, Elizabeth, en- 
courages the marriage between 
Knox and her daughter, 51. Let- 
ters from Knox to, 101, 104, 425, 
428-9. Loses her husband, 107, 156. 
Further particulars of, 156, 290. 

■ — , Marjory, Knox married 



to, 51, 69. Knox's letters to inter- 
cepted, 70. Accompanies her hus- 
band to Geneva, 107. Joins her 
husband in Scotland, 156. Her 
death, 188. Knox's letters to, 427-8. 

— Richard, father of Mrs. 

Knox, 51. 

, Sir Robert, brother to 

the former, painful interview of 
Knox with, 67. 

Boyd, Lord, 188. Craves Knox's for- 
giveness on his death-bed, 304. 

Bradford, John, 50, 65. 

Braid. See Fairley. 

Buchanan, George, studies under Ma- 
jor about same time with Knox, 5. 
Similarity of their sentiments, 6, 7. 
Knox's commendation of him, ib. 
Embraces the Reformed doctrine, 
and leaves the kingdom, 20. His 
tribute to the Regent Murray's me- 
mory, 271. Sits in the General As- 
sembly as a doctor, 380. Calumnies 
of Popish writers against, 402. 

Bucer, Martin, 45. 

Burne, Nicol, his calumnies against 

Knox, 400. Against the foreign 

Reformers, 401. 
Cairns, John, a Reader or Assistant 

to Knox in Edinburgh, 210, 254, 

390. 

Caithness, Robert Stewart, Bishop 
of, visits Knox on his death bed, 305. 

Calvin, John, high reputation of, 78. 
Respect of English Reformers for, 
ib. Friendship between Knox and, 
78, 79. Character of the English 
Liturgy by, 86. Is dissatisfied with 
Knox's treatment at Frankfort, 95. 
Advises Knox to return to Scotland, 
113. Correspondence with Knox, 
189, 387. 

Campb 11, of Kineancleugh, accom- 
panies Knox to Ayrshire, 102. And 
to Castle Campbell, 107. Is surety 
for Willock, 151. Attends Knox in 
his last illness, who commits his 
wife and children to his care, 307. 

of Loudon, Sir Hugh, 141. 

Castle Campbell, Knox preaches at, 
107- 

Cassillis, Earl of, suspected by the 
clergy, 22. 

Catalogue of Knox's works, 419. 

Cecil, correspondence between Knox 
and, 138, 157, 158, 203. 

Chastelherault, Duke of, Knox warns 
against his ambition, 123. He joins 
the Congregation, 163. And com- 
mands the Protestant army, 173. 
Knox's freedom in pointing out his 
faults, 172. His design of exclud- 
ing Mary from the throne opposed 
by Knox, 196. He is offended at the 
Regency being conferred on Mur- 
ray, 264. Joins the Queen, ib. See 
Arran, Earl of. 



INDEX. 



Chisholm, Bishop of Brechin, perse- 
cutes Wishart for teaching the 
Greek New Testament, 334. 

Church, Romish, in Scotland, before 
the Reformation, 10-13. Protest- 
ant Church of Scotland, sketch of 
its form of government and wor- 
ship, 184-6. Danger to which it was 
exposed from Mary, 192. Inade- 
quate provision for the ministers of, 
204-5. Critical state of, 251-2. Im- 
proved state of, under Murray's 
Regency, 263-4. Sentiments of, re- 
specting the difference between civil 
and ecclesiastical authority, 412. 

Clergy, Popish, of Scotland, Knox 
ordained by, 8. Their character 
before the Reformation, 10, 16. Per- 
secute the Reformers, 15, 20. In- 
stigate James V. to proscribe the 
Protestant nobles and gentry, 22. 
Suspect Knox of heresy, 23. De- 
grade him from the priesthood, ib. 
Their politic plan to counteract his 
preaching at St. Andrew's, 36. Sum- 
mon Knox before them, 103. Con- 
demn him as a heretic, and burn his 
effigy, 108. Knox's appellation from 
their sentence, ib. Their feeble ex- 
ertions to counteract the Reforma- 
tion, 174. Their pretended miracle 
at Musselburgh, 175, 379. Their ig- 
norance of Greek, 334. Their re- 
presentations of Knox's character, 
232-3, 272, 400-2. And concerning 
his second marriage, 242, 401. See 
Council, Provincial, and Popery. 
Cockburn, John, of Ormiston, places 
his son under Knox's care, 26, 28. 
Is outlawed, 96. Robbed on the 
Borders by the Earl of Bothwell, 
171. 

Colville, Robert, of Cleish, his detec- 
tion of the pretended miracle at 
Musselburgh, 379. 

Congregation, The, their pacific in- 
tentions, 146. Deceived by Queen 
Regent, 147. First Lords of, 148. 
Obtain assistance against the Re- 
gent from Elizabeth, 158. Unfa- 
vourable turn in their affairs, 171, 
434, 487. Knox reanimates them, 
171. English army arrives to assist 
them, 473. Their loyalty, 375. 

Cook, Rev. Dr. George, his'reflections 
on Knox's interview with Queen 
Mary, 202. 

Corpse-present. 15, 338. 

C<?7^cj7,Provincial, of Scottish clergy, 
acknowledge the corruptions of the 
Popish Church, 97. Their canons 
for Reformation, 97, 362. Applica- 
tion of the Protestants to, 141. 

Privy, of Scotland. Knox 

an extraordinary member of, 173. 
Knox tried before, 236, 240. Sus- 
pend Knox from preaching for a 
time, 349. 



Covenant, Religious, the first in Scot- 
land entered into by Protestants of 
Meains, 102. Another subsciibed 
by the Lords, 131. Another by 
the Protestants of Edinburgh, 
333. 

Coverdale, Miles, Bishop of Exeter, 
342, 438. 

Cox, Dr. Richard, 87, 92. His sen- 
timents concerning ceremonies, 
356. 

Craig, John, account of, 210, 390. His 
account of a dispute on resistance at 
Bologna, 246. His spirited beha- 
viour at the Queen's marriage with 
Bothwell, 258. Further curious par- 
ticulars of, 413-14. 

Crail, Knox preaches in, 150. Demo- 
lition of the monasteries at, ib. 

Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
his zeal in advancing the Reforma- 
tion, 46. Employs Knox to preach 
at Berwick, ib. Disposed to carry 
the Reformation of the English 
Church farther, 356, 358. 

Croft, Sir James, Knox's interview 
with, at Berwick, 158. Employed 
by Elizabeth to correspond with the 
Congregation, ib. His reprimand 
of Knox's proposal, 160. 

Cupar, the forces of the Queen Re- 
gent and Congregation meet at, 
150, 154, 435. Demolition of the 
Monasteries at, 150. 

Darnley, Lord, is married to Queen 
Mary, 247. Displeased at a sermon 
of Knox, 249. Professes himself a 
Papist, 252. Is murdered 257. Al- 
leged plot against his life at Perth, 
281. 

Davidson, John, Account of Scottish 
Martyrs by, 387- His answers to 
Bancroft, 314. His Latin verses, 
386. Banished by Morton, 439. His 
poem on Knox, 415. 

Beacons appointed at £<n early period 
of the Reformation, 132. In the 
foreign churches at London, 359. 
Number of, in Edinburgh, 210. 

Delaporte, Mons. Knox acts as col- 
league to, at Dieppe, 117. 

Dieppe, in France, Knox on leaving 
England lands at, 71. He re-visits, 
77, 79, 107. 

Discipline, Ecclesiastical, Scottish Re- 
formers sensible of its importance, 

183. Strictness of, 221. 

. , First Book of, Knox one of 

its compilers, 183. Approbation of, 

184. Its plan, 185-6. Reasons of the 
nobility's aversion to, 187. 

Douglas, Bishop Gawin, opposed in 
his attempt to be made Archbishop 
of St. Andrew's, 10. Takes by force 
the Cathedral of Dunkeld, ib. 

, Hugh, of Langniddne, Knox 

tutor to the family of, 23, 25, 26, 28. 

, John, presented to the Aich- 



INDEX, 



bishopric of St. Andrew's^ 286. Knox 
refuses to inaugurate him, ib. 
Dundas, Euphemia, slanders Knox, 
233. 

Dundee, the first town in which a 
Protestant congregation was orga- 
nized, 132. 

Durie, John, visits Knox in his last 
illness, 208, 

Edinburgh, Knox preaches privately 
in, 100. Publicly in, 104. He is 
burned in effigy at the cross of, 108. 
A Protestant Church formed in, 
132. Demolition of the monaste- 
ries at, 150. Knox chosen minister 
of, 154. Leaves it, ib. Resumes 
his ministry in, 183. Knox retires 
from, 253. Returns to, 259. Knox 
foiced again to leave, 279. Knox 
arrives at, 293. 

, Kirk- Session of, number of, 

210. Provide a smaller place of 
worship for Knox, 293. Knox's in- 
terview with, on his death-bed, 
298-9. 

, Town Council of, their at- 
tention to the support of Knox, 
210,3^9. Provide him with a col- 
league, 210, 390. Their proceedings 
respecting a slander against Knox, 
232. Remonstrance against the sus- 
pension of Knox, 250. 

Edward VI. of England, Knox made 
a chaplain to, 49. Offers Knox a 
bishopric, 58. His plan for improv- 
ing the English Church, 63, 356. 
State of his court, 64. Spirited con- 
duct of his chaplains, ib. Last ser- 
mon of Knox before him, €5. Dis- 
tress of Knox at his death, ib. 
Knox's prayer after his death, 
360. 

Elders, Ruling, appointed at an early 
period of the Reformation, 132. In 
the foreign churches in London, 
358. Their office in the Church of 
Scotland, 184. 

Elgin, Latin and Greek early taught 
there, 336. 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, refuses 
to allow Knox to pass through Eng- 
land, 135. Her impolitic severity 
to the English exiles at Geneva, ib. 
Her lenity to the Papists., 136. 
Grants a safe-conduct to Knox's 
wife, 156. Knox apologizes to her 
for his Blast, 157. She resolves to 
assist the Congregation, 162. Sends 
an army to their assistance, 173. 
Obtains advantageous terms of 
peace for them, 174. Her personal 
aversion to the Scottish war, 374. 
Knox's opinion of her religious 
principles, 255. 

England, Knox arrives in, 44. 
State of religion in under Edward 
VI. 45. Popery restored in, 70. 
Knox leaves, ib. Persecution in, 



ib. Exiles from, 71. Knox visits 
his sons in, 254. Carries a letter to 
the bishops of, 255. 

England, Church of, Knox's reasons 
for refusing a fixed charge in, 6L 
Refuses the bishopric of Rochester, 
354. His sentiments respecting the 
government and worship of, 61. 
Private opinions of the Reformers 
of, similar to Knox's, 62, 356. 

• , Privy Council of, employ 

Knox to preach, 46. Offer Knox 
the living of All Hallows, 57. 

Erskine, Lord, attends Knox's ser- 
mons, 100. Invites him to return 
to Scotland, 113. See Mar. 

, John, of Dun, Greek lan- 
guage first patronized by, 4. Re- 
formed sentiments embraced by, 
21. He attends Knox's sermons at 
Edinburgh, 100. Takes him to Dun, 
101. Made superintendent of An- 
gus and Mearns, 185, 206. Soothes 
Queen Mary, 230. Her good opi- 
nion of him, 248. His letters to 
Regent Mar, 412. 

Exercise, Weekly, what, 185, 381, 
Practised in England, 382. 

Exhorters, 184. 

Exiles, Scottish, 341. 

Eairley, of Braid, his attention to 
Knox during his last illness, 298, 
305. 

Ferguson, David, improves the Scot- 
tish language, 386. Knox's recom- 
mendation to his sermon, 292. Ex- 
tracts from it, 383. His character, 

386. 

Field, John, his commendation of 

Knox, 314. 
Fleming, James, marries one of 

Knox^s daughters, :-27. 
Forman, Bishop of Murray, says 

grace before the Pope, 12. 
Forrest, David, Knox lodges with, 

204. 

, Thomas, vicar of Dollar, suf- 
fers martrydom, 339-40. 

Forrester, Robert, suffers martyr- 
dom, 339. 

Fox, John, themartyrologist, 93. Dis- 
approves of Knox's Blast, 127. 
Knox's letter to, 433. 

France, Knox carried prisoner to, 
38. His apology for the persecuted 
Protestants in, 116. Knox preaches 
in, 125. Designs of, against Scot- 
land and England, 117. Sends troops 
to the assistance of the Queen Re- 
gent, 157. Persecution against the 
Protestants in, 207. Bartholomew 
massacre in, 294. Distress of Knox 
at this,295. His denunciation against 
the King of, ib. 

Frankfort on the Maine, English 
exiles obtain a place of worship at, 

83. Knox called to be minister at, 

84. Dissensions about the English 



INDEX, 



Liturgy at, S5. Moderation of Knox 
in these, 86-7. Knox accused of 
treason to Magistrates of, 90. Knox 
leaves, 92. 
French galleys, Knox liberated from, 
44. 

Galloway, Patrick, defends the Scot- 
tish Reformers, 315. 

Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, 
cruelty of, 81. 

Geneva', Knox visits and studies at, 
70. Is invited to be pastor to the 
English Church in, 107. Leaves it 
for Scotland, 114. Returns to, 124. 
Knox obtains the freedom of the 
city, and leaves it finally, 135. 

, Church of, differed in some 

points from the Scottish Reformed 
Church, 59. 

■ , Its introduction into 

Scotland, 367. Difference between 
it and English Liturgy, ib. Wor- 
ship generally conducted according 
to it in Scotland, 186. 

Gifford. Knox supposed to have been 
born at, 1, 333. 

Glasgow. University of, Knox stu- 
dies at, 2. 

Glencairn, Alexander, Earl of, an 
early friend of the Reformation. 21. 
Knox preaches at his house, 102. 
Visits Knox on his death-bed, 
305. 

Glenorchy, laird of, a hearer of Knox, 
107. 

Goodman, Christopher, colleasrue to 
Knox at Geneva, 107, 111, 127, 142, 
162. Comes to Scotland, 156. 436. 
An extraordinary member of Privy 
Council, 164. Returns to England, 
231. Farther account of, 406-7. 
Knox's letter to, 440. 

Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, em- 
braces the Reformation, 164. Dis- 
appointed being made superintend- 
ent, 223. Occupied Knox s pulpit, 
279. 

Gourlay, Xorman, suffers martvr- 
dom, 339. 

Government, Female, its incongruity 
when joined with ecclesiastical su- 
premacy, 364. See Blast. 

, Political, influence of the 

Reformation on, 165-6. 

Greek language, its introduction into 
Scotland and progress, 4. 334-7, 
395. 

Guillaume, Thomas, chaplain to the 
Regent Arran. Instructs Knox in 
the Reformed doctrine, 23. 

Haddington, Knox said to have been 
born in Giffordgate of, 1, 333. Edu- 
cated at grammar school of, 2. 

Hamilton, Archibald, his opposition 
to Knox, 2S1. His apostacy, ib. 
His calumnies against Knox, 400. 
His account of Knox's death, 415. 

. Gavin, Abbot of Kilwin- 



ning, intercourse between Knox 
and, 269. 

Hamilton, James, of Bothwellhaugh, 
assassinates the Regent Murray, 
264-5. 

, John, Archbishop of St. 

Andrew's, persecutes Knox, 26. 
His Catechism, 391. His corres- 
pondence with the Earl of Argyle, 
133. Puts Walter Mill to death, 
ib. Reconciliation between him and 
the Queen Regent, 140. Opposes 
Knox's preaching at St. Andrew's, 
148. His sermon, 149. Accessory 
to the Regent Murray's murder, 
266. Is executed, 282. 

, Robert, his calumny 

against Knox, 281. 

, , Patrick, reproves the cor- 
ruptions of the clergy. 18. Travels 
to Germany, ib. Suffers Martyr- 
dom in Scotland, 19. 

Harlow, William, preaches in Eng- 
land, 95. Preaches in Scotland, ib. 
132. Becomes minister of the West 
Kirk, 210. 

Harrison, James, embraces the Re- 
formed doctrine, and leaves Scot- 
land, 20. Account of, 342. 

Hay, George, Ins answer to the Ab- 
bot of CrossraguelTs mass, 213, 
394-5. 

Hebrew language. Knox acquires the 
knowledge of, 4, 81. Studied in 
Scotland. 187, 3S4-5. 

Henry Fill, his partial Reforma- 
tion disliked by the Scottish Re- 
formers, 26. 

Hepburn, John, prior, storms the 
episcopal Castle of St. Andrew's, 10. 

Heretical Books suppressed, 97. 

Hume, Mr. his remarks on Knox's 
account of the assassination of Bea- 
toun, 346. His misrepresentations 
of Scottish Reformers, 398. His 
account of the conduct of Knox to 
Mary, 399. 

Huntiy, Earl of, his insurrection, 211. 

James V. refuses to proscribe the 
Protestants, 22. Persecution during 
the reign of, 339. 

James VI. Knox preaches at the co- 
ronation of, 259. His prejudices 
against the Scottish Reformers, 315. 
Curious conversation of with one 
of Knox s daughters, 328. 

Jerome, influence of his writings on 
Knox, 9. 

Jewel, Bishop, his opinion of episco- 
pacy and ceremonies, 357. Disap- 
proves of Knox's book on female 
government, 438. 

Johnston of Elphingston, 306. 

Kennedy, Quintm, his answer to 
Knox's defence before Tonstal, 
352-3. His Compendious Tractive, 
212. Challenges Willock to a dis- 
pute on the Mass, ib. Dispute be- 



INDEX. 



tween Knox and, 213-19. Further 
account of his writings, 393-4. 

Kf'r. .Sir Andrew, of Fadounside, mar- 
ries Knox's widow, 326, 416. 

Keine, William, 406. 

Kircaldy, William, of Grange, an ac- 
tive agent of the Congregation, 157. 
Governor of the Castle of Edin- 
burgh, 273. His defection, ib. Knox 
involved in a personal quarrel with, 
274. Offers Knox a guard, 278. 
Knox's dying message to, 302. 

Knollys, Sir Francis, his account of 
the Protestant worship in Scotland, 
367. 

Knox, , father of the Reformer, 

his parentage, and situation in life, 
1, 323. 

, Eleazer, son to the Reformer, 

account of, 326. 

- — , Elizabeth, the Reformer's 
daughter, her courage at her hus- 
band's trial, 327-8. Conversation 
between James VI. and, ib. See 
Welch. 

, Margaret, the Reformer's 

daughter, 327. 

, Martha, the Reformer's daugh- 
ter, 327. 

— — , Nathanael,son to the Reformer, 
account of, 326. 

, William, brother to the Re- 
former, and minister of Cockpen, 52. 

■ , of Ranferly, 1, 333. 

Laing, James, his calumnies against 
Knox, 401-2. And against other 
Reformers, ib. 

Lambert, of Avignon. Patrick Ha- 
milton studies under him at Mar- 
burg, 18. 

Langniddrie, chapel at, called Knox's 
Kirk, 25. See Douglas, Hugh. 

Lasco, John A. character of, 358. 
His account of the foreign churches 
in London, ib. His account of Ed- 
ward VPs. plan for the gradual Re- 
formation of the Church of Eng- 
land, 359. 

Latin schools in Scotland, 3. 

Lawson, James, sub-principal of the 
University of Aberdeen, chosen 
colleague to Knox, 294. Knox's 
letter of invitation to, 21. Knox 
preaches for the last time at the 
admission of, £96. Teaches He- 
brew at St. Andrew's, 386. His 
exertions in establishing the High 
School of Edinburgh, ib. 

Leith, conventional, 283. 

Lennox, Earl of, made iiegent, 273. 

Leslie, Normand, 96. 

Lewis XIII. of France, interview 
between John Welch and, 417. 

Liberty/, civil, Popery unfriendly to, 
166. Influence of the Reformation 
on, 165. Knox attached to, 168. 

Lindores, Abbey ot, 150, 435. 

Lindsay, Sir David, of the Mount, fa- 



vours the Reformation, 21. Urges 
Knox to become a preacher, 28, 
343- 4. Influence of his poems on 
the Reformation, 28, 127. 

, David, one of the ministers of 

Leith, addressed by Knox on his 
death-bed, 298, 300. 

Literature, State of, in Scotland, 3-4. 
Influence of the Preformation on, 
18H, 187. See Greek and Hebrew. 

Liturgy, English, Knox employed 
in the revisal of, 50, 353. Opinion 
of early bishops concerning. 353. 
Whether used in Scotland at the 
beginning of the Reformation, 367. 

Locke, Mrs. Anne, Knox s letters to, 
434-7. 

Logie, Gawin, principal of St.; Leo- 
nard's college, an early Reformer, 

19, 341. 

London, Knox summoned to, 54. 
Preaches in, 55. 

Luther, Anecdote of, 13. Compari- 
son between Knox and, 322. 

Macbee,( Maccabceus) John, embraces 
the Reformed doctrine, and leaves 
the kingdom, 20. Made professor 
at Copenhagen, 342. His proper 
name M' Alpine, ib. 

Macbray, (Macbraire,) John, an early 
Reformer, 20, 342. 

Macdowal, John, an early Reformer, 

20, 342. 

Maitland, Thomas, author of a fabri- 
cated conference between Knox 
and Regent Murray, 270. Exults 
over the Regent's death, 271. 

, William of Lethington, 

attends Knox's sermons at Edin- 
burgh, 100. Disputation between 
Knox and, 204. His conduct at 
Knox's trial, 235-9. His defection 
from the Regent Murray, 300. 

Major, John, Knox's education 
under, 4. Political and religious 
sentiments of, 5, 6. 

Mar, Earl of, made Regent, 282. His 
death, 304. See Erskine, Lord. 

Marischal, Earl, suspected by the 
clergy, 22. Favours Knox, 104. 
Knox sends salutations to him, 440. 

Marsiliers, Pierre de, teaches Greek 
at Montrose, 335. 

Martyrs, Scottish, 339. 

Mary. Queen of England, proclaim- 
ed, 66. Knox's prayer for, 67, 360. 
Her cruelty, 81 . This encourages 
the Reformation in Scotland, 97. 

■ of Guise, Queen Dowager of 

Scotland, made Regent, 97. Fa- 
vours the Reformers, ib. Her 
dissimulation, 134, 368. Prohi- 
bits the Protestant preachers, 140. 
Summons them to Stirling, 148. 
Proclaims Knox an outlaw, 143. 
Advances with an army to Perth, 
145. Violates the treaty of Perth, 
147. Offers a reward for Knox's 



INDEX. 



head, 162. Is suspended from the 
Regency, 164. Reflections on this, 
165. Her death, 174. Remarks on 
Dr. Robertson's account of her 
conduct, 368. 
Mary, Queen of Scots, married to 
the Dauphin, 46. Refuses to ratify 
the acts of Scots Parliament, 189. 
Arrives in Scotland, 191. Her edu- 
cation and prejudices against the 
Protestant religion, ib. Alarm at 
her setting up mass, 192. Interview 
between Knox and, 196.201. Se- 
cond interview between Knox and, 
208-9. Third interview between 
Knox and, 222-4. Her artifice, 225. 
Prevails on the Parliament not to 
ratify the Reformed religion, 226. 
Fourth interview between Knox 
and, 229, 231. Her conduct at 
Knox's trial by the Council, 236-40. 
Writes to the Pope, and Council 
of Trent, 243. Knox's form of 
prayer for, 244-5. Marries Lord 
Darnley, 247. Resolves on restor- 
ing the Popish worship, 252, 389. 
Banishes Knox from Edinburgh, 
254. Her alienation from her hus- 
band, 257. Her participation in 
his murder, ib. Her marriage with 
Bothwell, 258. Her imprisonment 
and resignation of the Government, 
258. Knox vindicates his not pray- 
ing for her, 275. 
Mass, 14. Performed at Holvrood, bv 
order of Queen Mary, 192. Pro- 
duces a tumult, ib. Abhorred by 
the Protestants, 194. 
Maxwell, Master of, 235, 367. 
Melville, Andrew, 315, 335, 386. 

■ , Sir James, strictures on his 

memoirs, 369. On his account of 
Regent Murray, 409-10. 

■ , James, his account of Knox 

at St. Andrew's, 287, 290. 

, Sir John, of Raith, an early 

favourer of the Reformation, 21. 
Is executed, 96. 
Methven, Paul, one of the Protestant 
ministers, 132, 141. Excommuni- 
cated, 220-1. 
Mill, Walter, his martyrdom, 133. 
Moderator, first appointed, 188. 
Monasteries, Scottish, their number 
and degeneracy, 10, 337. Causes of 
their demolition at Perth, 144-5. 
Apology for this measure, ib. La- 
mentation over, 370. Loss sustain- 
ed by their demolition, 371-4. 
Montrose, Greek early taught in, 
4, 334. Early provided with a mi- 
nister, 155. 
Morton, Earl of, accused of simony, 
282. His interview with Knox on 
his death-bed, 304. Elected Regent, 
ib. His eulogium on Knox, 310. 
Murray, Earl of, favoured by Mary, 
211. Variance between Knox and, 



227. Endeavours to intimidate 
Knox, 235. Defends Knox, 241. 
Flies to England, 248. Returns 
from banishment, 259. Appointed 
Regent, 261. His favour to the 
Protestant Church, 262. Is assassi- 
nated, 265. His character, 267-8. 
Distress of Knox at his death, 268. 
Fabricated conference between 
Knox and, 270. Knox's sermon 
before his funeral, 271. Remarks 
on Dr. Robertson's character of, 
410. Epitaph, and verses on, 411. 
Knox's warning to, ib. Prayer used 
by Knox after the death of, 441. 
Musselburgh, pretended miracle at 

Loretto chapel, 175, 379. 
Ne wcastle upon Tyne, Knox preaches 
at, 49, 52. Knox offered the bi- 
shopric of, 59. 
Northumberland, Duke of, recom- 
mends Knox to the bishopric of 
Rochester, 53, 354-5. 
Ochiltree, Lord, Knox marries the 

daughter of, 242. 
Parliament, Scottish, establishes the 
Reformation, 176. Protestant con- 
fession sanctioned by, 181. Their 
indifference about the security of 
the Protestant religion, 226. Knox 
prepares overtures for, 407. One 
of the commissioners from, 261. 
Perth, Demolition of monasteries at, 
144. Queen Regent threatens, 145. 
Violates the treaty of, 147, 434. A 
minister settled in, 157. Hebrew 
first taught at, 187, 385. Verses on 
the grammar school of, ib. 
Poetry, its influence in promoting the 

Reformation, 20-21, 343-4. 
Pont, Robert, 327, 384. Extracts 
from his sermons, ib. Account of, 
412, 417. 

Popery, state of, in Scotland, 10. 
Sanguinary spirit of, 194,388. Pre- 
parations for its restoration in Scot- 
land, 252. 

Presbytery, early state of, 185. 

Preston, Dr. attends Knox in his last 
illness, 307. 

Protestants, English, their sufferings 
under Mary, 82. 

Protestant Lords invite Knox from 
Geneva, 113. Repent of this, 114. 
Knox animates them by his letters, 
119. Renew their invitation to 
Knox, 131. Petition the Queen 
Regent, 134. Resolve on decisive 
measuies, 146. Their aversion to 
the Book of Discipline, 187. 

. Preachers summoned to 

Stirling, 141. Knox resolves to 
accompany them, 143. Outlawed, 
144. 

Randolph, the English ambassador, 
his account of the Scottish Parlia- 
ment, 177. Of Knox's preaching, 
195. His letter respecting Knox's 



INDEX* 



History, 418. Knox's confidential 
communications with, 440. 

Reformation in Scotland, urgent ne- 
cessity of, 14, 15. Causes of its pro- 
gress, 20. Early embraced by nobles 
and gentry, 21. Embraced by Knox, 
23. Progress of, 109, 130. Estab- 
lished by Parliament, 181. Knox s 
History of, 416. 

Rtzzio, David, assassination of, 253. 

Robertson, Dr. remarks on the Queen 
Regent's conduct to the Protes- 
tants, 369. His character of Queen 
Mary, 316. His character of Re- 
gent Murray, 408. 

Rough, John, a friar, embraces the 
Reformation, 28. His solemn charge 
to Knox to undertake the ministry, 
29. Knox assists him in a dispute, 
32. Summoned before the clergy, 
ib. Is martyred in England, 38. 

Row, John, teaches Hebrew at Perth, 
187. Farther account of, 384-5-6. 

Sadler, Sir Ralph, ambassador from 
Henry VIII. 26. Carries on the 
correspondence with the Congre- 
gation, 158. Greek motto of, 335. 

SandUands, Sir James, an early fa- 
vourer of the Reformation ; Knox 
dispenses the sacrament in the 
house of, 101. 

Seatoun, Alexander, embraces the 
Reformed sentiments, and is ob- 
liged to leave Scotland, 20, 341. 

Simson, Andrew, master of the gram- 
mar school of Perch, 334, 342. Anec- 
dote respecting the scholars of, 
342. 

Sinclair, the name of Knox's mo- 
ther, 2. 

, Bishop of Ross, informs against 

Knox, 235. Votes for his acquittal, 
240. 

Snibton, Thomas, his account of 
Knox's last illness and character, 
313- His Hebrew literature, 386. 

Spotswood, John, favours the Refor- 
mation, 102. Made superintendent 
of Lothian, 185. 

, Archbishop, his commend- 
ation of Knox, 315. 

Steward, Archibald, visits Knox on 
his death-bed, 298. 

Stewart, Lord James, Prior of St. 
Andrew's. See Murray, Earl of. 

, Margaret, daughter of Lord 

Ochiltree, married to Knox, 242, 
297, 326. Married to Sir A. Ker 
of Fadounside, 326. Copy of Knox's 
letters in her possession, 424. 

Stirling, demolition of the monas- 
teries at, 150. A minister early 
settled in, 155. 



Straiton,oi Lauriston, an early friend 
of the Reformation, 21. 

Superintendents, bishops so called in 
England, 356, 357-8. 

Syme, James, 99, 113. 

Synods, Provincial, what, 185. 

testament of Knox, 442. 

Throkmorton, Sir Nicholas, 156, 374. 

Thou, De, his character of Regent 
Murray, 44. 

Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, charac- 
ter of, 47. Knox's defence before, 
48, 351-2. 

Tyrie, John, Knox's answer to, 290. 

Vaus, John, rector of the school of 
Aberdeen, 3. 

Visiters of churches, what, 185. 

Wedderburn, John and Robert, au- 
thors of Psalms and Godly Ballads, 
344. 

Welch, John, marries one of Knox's 
daughters, 327. Is found guilty of 
treason, ib. Interview between 
Lewis XIII and, 317. 

Whitlaw, Alexander, of Greenrig, 
156, 436. 

Whittingham, Dean of Durham, or- 
dained at Geneva,, and a friend of 
Knox, 87, 91. Successor to Knox at 
Geneva, 113. 

Willock, John, returns to Scotland, 
98, 99. Leaves Scotland, 100. Re- 
turns and joins the Protestant 
preachers, 132. Officiates for Knox 
in Edinburgh, 164. His advice re- 
specting the suspension of the 
Queen Regent, ib. His stipend, 
390. Made superintendent of Glas- 
gow, 185. Goes to England, 272. 
Calumny against, ib. Pretended* 
conversation between Knox and, 
395. 

Wingate, (Winzet,) Ninian, Knox's 
controversy with, 219. 

Winram, John ; Sub-prior of St. An- 
drew's,, connives at the Reformed 
opinions, 19. His cautious beha- 
viour, 34. Made superintendent of 
Fife, 188. 

Wishart, George, whom Knox early 
studied under, 24, 25. Banished for 
teaching the Greek New Testament 
at Montrose, ib. Returns to Scot- 
land, ib. Interesting account of 
him by one of his pupils, 345. His 
martyrdom, ib. 

, Sir John, of Pittarrow. Knox 

corresponds with, 116. His letter 
to, 44.0. Davidson's Dedication of 
his poem on Knox to, 443. 

Wood, John, Secretary to the Regent 
Murrav, is assassinated, 265. Knox's 
letters to, 438-9. 



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